Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun

[Ambassador Huntsman]

When I first started writing Nobunaga's Ambition Realized 365 days ago, I never thought I would make this far. But 95 chapters and 2000 posts later, we're here and it's all thanks to all of your support and I'm happy to say that this timeline will keep going through the coming months. The discussions I have read among everyone have been very informative and fun to read and I appreciate the interest in the worldbuilding taking place year.

With that being said, today I would like to share something special. I first got the idea for the point of divergence through not only my Japanese history knowledge and my interest in a WI Nobunaga lived scenario but from a TV drama with the specific details also corrobated in historical sources. The following video link is an excerpt the 27th episode from the 2014 Taiga drama, Gunshi Kanbee, where the PoD is supposed to take place ITTL when the deal discussed by the Mouri and Oda is agreed upon along with the head of Shimizu Muneharu. Enjoy!!​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 93: Affairs of the House of Vasa​

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The War of the Cretan Coalition would see Poland-Lithuania and its ambitious king, Wladyslaw IV Vasa, lead a European coalition against the Ottomans in the defense of the Venetian Republic and its Cretan possession. This conflict saw the Cossacks play a key role, raiding the lands of the Crimean Khanate and serving as mobile cavalry in the Commonwealth’s armies. One Cossack commander in particular, Bohdan Khmelnytsky, gained the favor of the Polish king and would play a key part in Wladyslaw’s early successes in the war. Wladyslaw himself led the Polish army early on, coercing reluctant magnates to contribute to the war effort and swelling his ranks with Cossacks like Khmelnytsky eager to fight the Crimean Tatars. His forces began besieging fortresses in Yedisan like Bender and Khadjibey in 1645, the latter falling to the Commonwealth later in the year, and minor Ottoman armies were easily defeated. Wladyslaw’s success even convinced Wallachian prince Matei Basarab to defect from the Sublime Porte, the two Christian leader’s force defeating a large Moldavian-Ottoman army at the Battle of Dubasari in 1646.

It was a different story on the Hungarian front, for the Sublime Porte possessed a talented general in the prince of Transylvania, George I Rakoczi. A leader of the Protestant faction in the realm, he was determined to defeat the Austrian Habsburgs on the battlefield not only as a Hungarian prince but as a Protestant. Rakoczi was soon marching at the helm of an army of 30,000 on a mission to seize all of Upper Hungary. In response, Emperor Ferdinand III assigned Matthias Gallas command of an army of 10,000 but it proved no match for the Transylvanians due to disease, low morale, and the poor health of the general. Gallas was soon relieved and replaced by the ban of Croatia and Palatine of Hungary, Ivan III Draskovic, as the primary commander of Imperial forces in Hungary. Despite Draskovic’s best efforts, however, Rakoczi was able to take over nearly all of Upper Hungary by the end of 1646. Fortunately for the Habsburgs, Wallachian incursions into Transylvanian lands forced Rakoczi to briefly turn back and secure his principality, leaving pro-Ottoman efforts in the hands of his son George and Ottoman forces led by Yusuf Pasha. After securing his lands from Wallachian marauders, he launched his own offensive against the principality, inflicting a devastating defeat upon Basarab at the Battle of Finta in 1647 and diverting pro-coalition attention away from the Black Sea region.​

Portrait of George I Rakoczi by Rembrandt and Jan Gillisz van Vliet​

This stage of affairs in the various land theaters of the war would continue into 1648. King Wladyslaw, having subjugated Yedisan for the most part, now focused his military efforts on Moldavia, ruled by pro-Ottoman prince Vasile Lupu while the Cossacks continued to apply pressure upon the Crimean Tatars. The Hungarian front calcified as Imperial reinforcements supported the Habsburgs’ efforts against Yusuf Pasha and the junior George Rakoczi but proved unable to retake Upper Hungary. The only significant shift occurred in Wallachia, where Matei Basarab was deposed by the Ottomans and replaced by Constantin Serban as the new prince. 1648, however, would witness a series of deaths that would shift the balance of power. Wladyslaw IV, George I Rakoczi, and Ivan III Draskovic would die of illness in their respective military camps, the former already suffering from prolonged grief after his son and heir Sigismund Casimir passed away. Meanwhile, in Constantinople, the Janissaries and ulema rebelled and deposed the entire government after witnessing the capital suffer through a prolonged Venetian naval blockade, executing padishah Ibrahim and replacing him with his 6 year old son Mehmed.

The regent and grandmother of the new padishah, Kosem Sultan, immediately sought to end the war and establish peace. With the Commonwealth also having inaugurated a new ruler recently and the Sejm uneasy over the prospect of prolonged war, Warsaw eagerly accepted. In the Treaty of Buchach signed on April 29th, 1649, the Sublime Porte would cede Yedisan to the Commonwealth and acknowledge the realm as the new overlord of Moldavia. In a separate treaty, Venice and Constantinople would also sign a truce that maintained the status quo ante bellum, ending Ottoman efforts towards the conquest of Crete. However, the war would continue between the Holy Roman Empire and the Ottomans over the balance of power in Hungary. The death of George I Rakoczi and the necessitated election of a new prince stalled Transylvanian forces in the area, giving Imperial field marshal Ottavio Piccolomini the opening he needed to storm into Upper Hungary. His army, made up of 30,000 Germans, Hungarians, Croats, and Silesians, defeated Yusuf Pasha’s Turkish army of 37,000 at the Battle of Leva on March 19th, 1649, beginning a reversal of fortunes for the Habsburgs. Ultimately, Piccolomini was able to ride the momentum of that victory and retake Upper Hungary from the Transylvanians and Ottomans. The lingering conflict between Vienna and the Sublime Porte would last another year before a truce was signed that restored the status quo ante bellum.​

An 18th century map of Yedisan published in Vienna​

The War of the Cretan Coalition proved to be a humiliating defeat for the Ottoman Empire, losing territory in Europe it had held for over 100 years as well as a key vassal state in Eastern Europe. Over the next few years, the Sublime Porte became preoccupied with palace intrigue and uprisings in Anatolia and it wasn’t until the ascension of Koprulu Mehmed Pasha as the new grand vizier of the Empire that the realm began to properly recover and stabilize. Within the Ottoman sphere, however, the Rakoczi family in Transylvania saw its influence and prestige greatly increased after the end of the war. Although ultimately unsuccessful in seizing Upper Hungary from the Habsburgs, the younger George Rakoczi was easily elected as the new prince and found himself and his supporters in an enviable position. The new prince would be fated to be a major player in Balkan affairs like his father had been. The biggest winner of the war, however, was undoubtedly Poland-Lithuania despite the untimely passing of King Wladyslaw IV. His younger brother, John Casimir, was elected the new king and inherited a realm that was stronger than ever and increasingly viewed as the main Christian rival to the Sublime Porte due to Wladyslaw’s leadership during the war and the continuous struggles of the Habsburg dynasty. Additionally, the Cossacks’ desire to battle the Tatars and Turks had been sated for the time being and one of its leaders, Bohdan Khmelnytsky, had risen to become one of the king’s most reliable and trusted deputies.

The House of Vasa was also prospering in the neighboring Swedish Empire. Gustavus Adolphus had jumped back into the military sphere in the 1640s, having gone to war with Denmark-Norway in 1643 in what would be known as the War of the Sound Dues [1], one of the major contributing factors to the war. Within 2 years, Sweden was easily able to overpower its chief Baltic rival and in a treaty mediated by France, gained parts of the Norwegian interior including Jemtland, the Danish province of Halland, and the islands of Gotland and Osel [2]. Additionally, Sweden would be exempted from the Sound Dues imposed by Denmark-Norway when passing through Danish waters in the Baltic Sea. Beyond Europe, the Swedish Africa Company, chartered in 1647 and led by Walloon merchant Louis De Geer, established the Swedish Gold Coast in 1650 in West Africa, based around Fort Carlsborg. Meanwhile, New Sweden in North America continued to grow and prosper, beginning to rival New Netherlands in population and wealth by 1650. The success of Sweden’s expanding overseas empire would round off the successful reign of Gustavus Adolphus, which ended in 1650 with his death at the age of 56. His 13 year old son would succeed him as John IV Sigismund and Lord High Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna would serve as his regent until his death in 1654.​

Outcome of the War of the Sound Dues (yellow = lands gained from Denmark-Norway)​

The first half of the 17th century witnessed the hegemonic powers of the 16th century humbled and defeated, paving the way for the rise of countries like France, Sweden, the Netherlands, and even Poland-Lithuania. It had also seen the triumph of the Protestant faith in many parts of Europe, from England to Silesia and Transylvania. It wouldn’t be long, however, before many on the losing side had licked their wounds and begun to plot their respective comebacks.

[1]: TTL’s Torstensson War

[2]: IOTL, Halland is given to Sweden for 30 years as a guarantee of the treaty.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 94: The Economy of 17th Century Japan​

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A core tenet of Oda Nobunaga’s vision for his united Japan was that projected mercantile power rivaling that of European powers like the Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain. Trade expansionist policy and incentivization by successive Oda chancellors facilitated Japan’s trajectory towards such a status, transforming the realm’s economy throughout the 17th century and making it far more globalized and expansive than it was in previous centuries. As a result, Japan was the 8th largest economy in the world by 1665 [1]. Associated economic changes facilitated the growth of regional industries, from cash crops to handicrafts, and made each province interconnected with one another. They would even serve as the spark of Japanese proto-industrialization, particularly in the latter half of the 17th century. All of this in turn provided fuel for newfound population growth. Despite being embroiled in overseas conflicts and 2 civil wars at home, Japan’s population stood at 20 million people by 1665. Notably, a lot of this growth took place in Japan’s booming urban centers, making the realm one of the most urbanized societies in the world.

Most representative of Japan’s new economy and societal shifts was the rise and stabilization of Sakai as one of Asia’s foremost trade centers. It brought together foreign merchants with goods and products from across the realm, coming through Japan’s overland routes or coastal trade routes connecting into the port. Sakai was also increasingly becoming a major financial center with all the money and goods flowing in and out and getting exchanged, with certain merchants beginning to use their wealth to give loans to other merchants and even certain daimyo in some clans. The most prominent of these new banking merchants was the Yodoya family (淀屋家) whose wealth came from Sakai’s rice market. The influence and wealth Sakai merchants wielded meant that despite the city’s oversight by Azuchi, they largely ran its commercial affairs of Sakai independently and through its official urban council established through the Kanei Reforms. Saidaniya Gonpei, the Yodoya family, Yasui Kuhei (安井九兵衛), and the Konoike family (鴻池家) counted themselves among Sakai’s biggest merchants and the former even demonstrated the fact that merchants were powerful enough to influence national politics.​

Depiction of 17th century Sakai​

The increasingly mercantile realm would also see the samurai class get involved, both through governance and direct enterprise. Initially after the unification of Japan, the various samurai clans stayed out of direct mercantile activities, continuing to focus on the agricultural productivity of the interior lands, the facilitation of economic activity through internal improvements, and the overall prosperity of the clan and the people they ruled over. However, as trade expansionism occurred rapidly out of the hands of the daimyo, the samurai class began to look on with interest. Daimyo controlling important ports would emulate Azuchi’s policies and invest in the expansion of their maritime outposts. Notable examples of such ports included Kagoshima in Satsuma province, Shimonoseki in Nagado province, and Sunpu in Suruga province.

The first clan to take the next step in terms of mercantile involvement, however, was the Miyoshi clan. Awa province had seen indigo production in the 16th century as the population grew and more people were able to engage in activities beyond subsistence agriculture. As the dye rose in value and desirability in the 17th century among not only domestic markets but even among interested Ming and European traders, Miyoshi Yasutaka saw an opportunity to capitalize upon his domain’s famous industry for the clan’s profit. To that end, he established the first ji-shoukai (侍商会), or samurai clan enterprise, in the realm with the Awa Shoukai (阿波商会) in 1633. This enterprise was tasked with negotiating agreements between the indigo farmers and the clan administration and essentially took over the external trade of the dye. The Awa Shoukai was not only run by clan retainers but talented individuals from the lower classes trained in the usage of the abacus, allowing it to quickly begin generating profit for the clan. These profits in turn would fund the subsidization of indigo production in Awa province, increasing its output dramatically and raising the prestige of not only the dye but also the clan itself. After its consolidation over the indigo trade, the Awa Shoukai would begin to also dabble into other products, including handicrafts and the sudachi (酢橘), a green citrus fruit found almost exclusively in the province. This mercantile branch of the Miyoshi clan would become an integral part of the clan and indispensable in its recovery after the death of Miyoshi Yasunori and many other Miyoshi samurai during the Manji War, enabling the clan’s transition from a military-centric powerhouse to one more centered around its cash crops and mercantile prowess. Furthermore, it made Awa province the wealthiest province in Shikoku.​

Indigo production in Awa province today conducted in the traditional fashion​

Other clans would establish their own ji-shoukai. Most were scaled-down versions of the Awa Shoukai, although the Mōri clan’s Kanmongumi (関門組) [2] notably focused on trade route maintenance due to its geographic location and its strong ties with the Joseon kingdom stronger even compared to Azuchi. However, central and eastern Japan’s clan lagged behind in the creation of their own ji-shoukai due to variety of factors, including the economic dominance of merchants in Sakai, Azuchi, and Gifu, the devastation of the Furuwatari and Manji Wars, and the relative underdevelopment of specialized industries compared to western Japan. Meanwhile, the far north saw the growing fur trade continue to predominate, limiting the size and viability of such entities due to the impossibility of regulating its “production” in the same way crops and crafts could be. Although the emergence of ji-shoukai in 17th century Japan aided economic and mercantile growth and even heralded the very beginnings of Japan’s proto-industrial phase, it also highlighted the east-west divide in the realm.

Despite Japan’s greater economic focus and dependence on maritime trade and mercantile activity, agriculture, specifically the production of rice, remained the backbone of the realm. A large majority of the population were rice farmers and despite the proliferation of ji-shoukai, samurai clans continued to rely on rice for the distribution of samurai stipends. Within the century, rice production would nearly double due to not only steady population growth and land reclamation in the aftermath of conflicts but also better technology to control the flow of irrigation into rice paddies. As a result, there was much surplus rice, driving the creation of large-scale rice markets throughout the realm. In addition to Sakai, such rice markets existed in smaller cities like Shimonoseki, Gifu, Kamakura, and Yonezawa. A certain subtype of merchant, the rice broker, would rise in importance at these rice markets, charging clans money to store rice in large warehouses and even transport them from castle towns to these central rice markets. In many cases, daimyo would even take out loans from these rice brokers.​

17th century depiction of the Tsurugaoka Rice Exchange (鶴岡米会所) in Kamakura​

Bireitō’s economy was also highly dependent on trade, with Iriebashi being the primary port on the island. Due to how the island became incorporated into the realm, local rule was more centralized under the provincial governors atop their Japanese, Chinese, and indigenous Bireitoan vassals. As a result, a ji-shoukai equivalent already existed in both Bireizen and Bireigo, initially focused on tropical fruit production. Shortly after the Iberian-Japanese War, however, sugarcane was introduced to the island, and it quickly became the island’s most prized commodity, its output eagerly accepted by the home islands and providing the realm with a native sugar industry. Rice production also boomed in the lowlands, especially in the predominantly Chinese villages governed by Japanese magistrates. However, a surplus market would not emerge like it did in the home islands due to the smaller rice farmer population, a greater emphasis on cash crop agriculture, and rice being a smaller part of the diet of indigenous Bireitoans.

In contrast, the province of Luson possessed a more feudal economy despite the centralized rule of governor Kanbe Tomoyoshi and his successors as Japan’s focus was on Luson as a military buffer with a loyal peasant population. Nevertheless, Luson like Bireitō exported sugar and exotic fruits like coconuts and mangos. Additionally, the port of Awari had extensive trade connections with parts of Southeast Asia and even the Indian subcontinent, being a particular hotspot for Malay and Siamese merchants. Meanwhile, Ezo and other Japanese possessions in the far north were heavily dependent on the fur trade, with only Ezo having any population of sedentary farmers growing crops like rice. One thing it had in common with Bireitō and Luson, however, were similar interactions between the Japanese and the indigenous peoples there who often traded their traditional clothing and crafts as exotic products.

The economy of 17th century Japan was representative of a newly mercantile realm simultaneously retaining many feudal trappings it dealt with as a result of Japan’s own evolving political structures away from the days of the Sengoku period. Inevitably, these contradictions would clash and even cause economic difficulties for Japan but for the time being Japan’s expanding relations and steady population growth led the way towards greater prosperity and diversification of industry.

[1]: The 7 countries with larger economies than Japan were the Ming, the Mughals, the Ottomans, France, Russia, Spain, and Poland-Lithuania.

[2]: Named after the Kanmon Straits (関門海峡) that surround the key port of Shimonoseki.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 95: A History of the Ryukyu Kingdom​

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Sandwiched between the Japanese home islands and the island of Bireitō was the Ryukyu Kingdom, an independent polity and Ming tributary that managed to retain its sovereignty after Japan became a Ming tributary in 1607 and agreed to refrain from all expansionist moves on the archipelago. Nevertheless, their sheer proximity to Japan on all sides made them an integral part of the outer Japanese economy while maintaining their independence and unique diplomatic relations with China, Joseon, and other powers. This was reflected in their culture, which managed to keep many indigenous characteristics while also absorbing Japanese, Chinese, and even Southeast Asian influences.

Ryukyu’s king Sho Nei would oversee this arrangement being agreed upon between Ming China and Oda Japan and his rule would see precedents established in how the kingdom would move ahead in its affairs balancing the influence and interests of the two realms. Although the king would choose to maintain relational distance with Azuchi itself, Sho Nei eagerly pursued trade relations with the daimyo of Kyushu, especially with the Shimazu and Ryuzōji clans. At the same time, the kingdom prioritized close ties with Beijing, who were seen as saviors of Ryukyu to some extent. As a result of this political decision, Chinese merchants would establish a long-term advantage over Japanese traders in the kingdom at a time when Japanese trade expansionism began to displace Ming trade power in Southeast Asia. This advantage could even be seen with the fact that Ming coinage was formally adopted by the kingdom as its official currency, with Japanese coinage only used informally or illegally. Sho Nei would also preside over the commencement of Ryukyu-European relations, with both the Portuguese and Dutch visiting the kingdom’s capital of Shuri and signing trade agreements with the king’s government in 1611 and 1616 respectively.​

Ceremonial depiction of King Sho Nei​

Sho Nei passed away in 1620 and was succeeded by his Sho Ho, who would be known in history as the “Sugar King''. This was because his rule saw the beginning of sugarcane agriculture in the archipelago and Ryukyu’s biggest industry today. Introduced in 1623, the plant quickly caught on and Sho Ho’s government would begin supporting it as a cash crop within a few years grown by families and independent farmers. Its proximity meant that it found eager markets all across East Asia. Even when Bireitō saw similar sugarcane agriculture emerge, Ryukyu’s head start gave it an advantage in terms of experience and efficiency in production. Under his rule, Sho Ho was able to increase the number of tribute missions to the Ming imperial court. It was also during his reign that the Omoro O-Saushi, a collection of 1,144 ancient songs and poems from Okinawa Island and the Amami Islands, was finished being compiled in 1623. For its deep display of indigenous Ryukyuan culture, the Omoro O-Saushi is considered one of the signature artistic achievements in the kingdom during the 17th century.

Sho Ho’s heir, Sho Ken would reign for only a couple years before he passed away in 1647 at just 22. His younger brother, Sho Shitsu, would ascend to the throne and would have little time before facing a host of new issues. Firstly, Ryukyu’s sugar exports began to face serious competition from those from Japan, with the kingdom unable to back its sugar production with a sizable labor pool. To address the competition over sugar, the government would directly get involved in the output of sugar farmers, gearing production towards the principle of quality over quantity to contrast with other sugar products. The application of that principle would lead to the development of kokuto black sugar, Ryukyu’s most famous export today. Sho Shitsu would also initiate new agreements with European trade companies and Southeast Asian nations to increase the span of their exports. This action, however, only fed another growing issue, which was the fact that European trading companies operating in Shuri increasingly accrued economic and political influence in the realm. In particular, the Dutch East India Company asserted its dominance among the numerous interested European powers the same way it was able to in many other parts of Asia. In reaction to this, many native aristocrats began to resent the merchants as well as their king, whom they felt enabled the Europeans. Sadly for these dissatisfied aristocrats, Sho Shitsu would not address this issue during his reign and the problem would be kicked down the line. He would, however, compile the Chuzan Seikan, a work detailing the kingdom’s official history for the first time ever.​

Kokuto black sugar​

Although Shuri remained the distinct administrative capital of the Ryukyu Kingdom, the port city of Naha would become the socioeconomic heart of the archipelago and even a booming trading hub on its own as the century progressed and commerce continued to pump the life blood of the kingdom. The kingdom was always a maritime polity with long-lasting trade relationships all over Asia and as a result attracted much commercial activity. This became even more pronounced in the 17th century through not only expanded relations with existing trade partners but new ones, particularly with Europe. Naha would occupy the entirety of Ukishima, a small island off the coasts of Okinawa Island, resulting in the island being renamed Nahatou. Existing Japanese and Chinese communities would expand in size and significance, while a new quarter would pop up where the Portuguese, Dutch, and other Europeans largely operated from. The Naha Oyamise, the port’s central open air marketplace, would even evolve into a tall pagoda with multiple floors accommodating ever more economic exchanges under the purview of Shuri, although the character of the original marketplace was preserved on the 1st and biggest floor.

The history of the Ryukyu kingdom through the early and middle parts of the 17th century is best described as a time when the archipelago effectively maneuvered through the often complex sociopolitical currents to preserve its independence while benefiting from the growing power and influence of its neighbors. Amidst the rivalries and political agendas of its trading partners from Ming China to the Dutch East India Company, the kingdom and Naha especially remained a neutral space where merchants could operate and bring Ryukyu’s prized goods to other destinations. Whether this would last remained to be seen.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 96: The Amur Intervention and Nobuhiro’s Ascension​

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In early 1663, an ambassador from the Amur Khanate would present himself before daijo-daijin Kanbe Tomoyoshi in Azuchi with an urgent request from khan Sahaliyan. By this time, the Russian-Cossack presence on the banks of the Amur River had grown significantly, its growth unchecked after their successful defense of Achansk in 1652. Outposts like Albazin and Kumarsk sprung up while Russian Cossacks indulged themselves in pillaging raids upon the native population, looting villages and raping local women, and the Amur Khanate was too preoccupied with the threat of invasions from the Northern Yuan or the Lesser Jin to effectively deal with the sporadic incursions coming from heavily fortified quarters. Hence, they now turned to the Japanese who, unlike Ming China or Joseon, had remained relatively uninvolved in Jurchen affairs. This would lead to the Amur Intervention, an event that opened the doors for greater Japanese involvement in the far northern frontier, especially in regards to the Jurchens and the Russians.

After deliberation amongst members of the Sangi-shu and approval from the Shinka-in, Tomoyoshi would charge Sakuma Moritora with rooting out the Russian presence and expanding Japanese influence in the region in the process, while Tagawa Seikou was ordered to use the Azuchi navy to transport the mobilized army and seize control of the northern seas from the Europeans. The Chinjufu shogun would lead an army of 10,000 onto the Amur river valley with a surplus of cannons and other siege weapons to accomplish what the horse archers of the Amur Khanate could not in the face of fortified outposts. In addition to the sophistication of the Japanese military and the manpower the realm could draw from, Moritora would also had luck on his side, for the Muscovites were mired in the middle of the Second Northern War against Sweden and its allies on the other side of the world [1] and thus would not be able to provide sufficient aid in time. This would prove fortuitous for the Japanese-Jurchen coalition.

On July 10th, 1663, Moritora landed on the Amur coast and subsequently paid their respects to the khan. An agreement was also signed where the Japanese gained a lease from the khanate to establish and maintain a coastal port, with the lease subject to review and renewal between the two parties. This coastal port would become known as Kokuryutsu (黒龍津) after the river it was situated near [2] [3]. 5,000 Jurchens led by senior commander Bahai also joined Moritora’s forces, bringing the total strength of anti-Russian forces to 15,000. In the campaign that followed, the army swiftly mopped up the Amur region of Russians and Cossacks, culminating in the siege of Albazin which lasted into 1664 due to unsuitable weather conditions that led to the deaths of hundreds of Japanese men not used to the freezing cold of the region. Albazin would eventually fall thanks to the artillery the Japanese had brought along and by the spring of 1664, the Russians and Cossacks had been thoroughly cleaned out and driven north.​

1663-1664 siege of Albazin​

Through the Amur Intervention, Japan formally entered the intricate series of alliances and rivalries that would define the struggle for control over the far northern frontier of mainland Asia for the rest of the 17th century and beyond. Within one campaign, Azuchi gained its first foothold on the mainland and a close ally but also drew the alarm and anxiety of Hetu Ala, Hanseong, and even Beijing. For King Gyeongseon in Joseon in particular, the Amur Intervention and Japan’s newfound influence in the Amur river valley was an obstacle towards asserting his realm’s dominance over all the Jurchens like his predecessors had previously. Meanwhile, the Amur Intervention kicked off a series of sporadic conflicts and skirmishes between the Russians and the Japanese-Jurchen alliance stemming from a lack of any formal treaty between the two sides. From the new port of Kokuryutsu, however, Azuchi would keep close watch while also expanding the fur trade and harvesting the rich natural resources of the region’s seas and forests.

This, along with the conclusion of the Luzon War, would be the highlights of Kanbe Tomoyoshi’s foreign policy during his tenure as chancellor of the realm. He would also work to revitalize diplomatic relations with Europe which had been neglected during the regency of Konoe Toshishige. Internally, Emperor Go-Koumyou was forced to retire by Azuchi in favor of the ascension of Prince Nagahito (長仁親王), the first son of Retired Emperor Hachijou, as Emperor Takamatsu. Finally, the long-lasting Date Disturbance was finally resolved in 1664 with the intervention of the central government, although the infighting within the clan left it weakened and unable to reclaim its former pre-eminence in the Oshu region. By 1665, the government and the realm had returned to its past prestige and stability in the good hands of Tomoyoshi, his allies, and other major figures. Keeping the promise he had made upon his ascension to the chancellorship, however, the daijo-daijin would step down after his 3 years. After 12 years as a child at the head of the Oda clan, Oda Nobuhiro would finally become the chancellor of the Japanese realm and once more, a member of the main line of the clan was at the helm of state. Tomoyoshi in his retirement would continue to influence the government as the Oogosho until his death in 1672.​

Portrait of a teenage Oda Nobuhiro​

As his involvement in central politics diminished in the last 7 years, Tomoyoshi nevertheless left behind a domestic and military legacy both in the home islands and among Japan’s overseas possessions. Starting life as the 10 year old adopted son of the dying Kanbe Nobuyoshi, Nobunaga’s 7th son, he emerged as Japan’s pivotal guard between itself and Manila. After a long tenure as Luson’s governor-general, he would seemingly rescue the rebellion from its inevitable deathbed and triumphantly march into Azuchi, proceeding to reforming the government and restoring peace and stability to the Japanese realm. His impact would be so great his allies and proteges would dominate politics for the entirety of Nobuhiro’s chancellorship, only seeing their pre-eminence unraveled at the hands of Nobuhiro’s unborn son and heir, Oda Nobuie (織田信家), down the line.
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Members of the Sangi-shu 1649-1665

Ukita Nobuie (宇喜多信家): 1625-1655
Tokugawa Tadayasu (徳川忠康): 1630-1650
Oda Tomoaki (織田朝昭): 1633-1656
Akechi Mitsutada (明智光忠): 1633-1657
Kanbe Tomoyoshi (神戸朝吉): 1633-1661
Takigawa Kazutoshi (滝川一利): 1635-1660
Nanbu Shigenao (南部重直): 1636-1664
Ban Tomoharu (塙友治): 1637-1653
Kitabatake Takanaga (北畠高長): 1637-1662
Maeda Noriyuki (前田則之): 1639-1662
Imadegawa Tsunesue (今出川経季): 1640-1652
Asukai Masanobu (飛鳥井雅宣): 1641-1651
Date Norimune (伊達則宗): 1641-1658
Kajuuji Tsunehiro (勧修寺経広): 1641-
Mōri Tadamoto (毛利忠元): 1645-1651
Ikeda Yoshinori (池田由則): 1646-1659, 1662-
Kudō Kanetada (工藤包忠): 1649-1657
Mizuno Katsutoshi (水野勝俊): 1650-1655
Nijou Yasumichi (二条康道): 1651-1662
Shimazu Norihisa (島津則久): 1651-1661, 1662-
Seikanji Tomofusa (清閑寺共房): 1652-1661
Chosokabe Tadachika (長宗我部忠親): 1653-1659
Hashiba Hidemitsu (羽柴秀三): 1655-1662
Shibata Katsuoki (柴田勝興): 1655-1662
Miyoshi Yasunori (三好康則): 1656-1661
Asano Noriakira (浅野則晟): 1657-
Urakusai Nagaie (有楽斎長家): 1657-
Sakuma Moritora (佐久間盛虎): 1658-1661, 1662-
Kuki Takasue (九鬼隆季): 1659-1662
Akechi Mitsunori (明智光則): 1659-
Satake Yoshitaka (佐竹義隆): 1660-
Asukai Masaoki (飛鳥井雅章): 1661-
Ichijou Kanehiro (一条兼煕): 1662-
Kanbe Tomozane (神戸朝実): 1662-
Mori Tomoyoshi (森朝可): 1662-
Mōri Tsugumoto (毛利嗣元): 1662-
Saionji Kinnori (西園寺公則): 1662-
Sassa Katsutoyo (佐々勝豊): 1662-
Wakamatsu Tomohide (若松具秀): 1662-
Tokugawa Noriyasu (徳川則康): 1662-
Akita Morisue (秋田盛季): 1664-

Kyoto Shoshidai:
Hosokawa Yoshimoto (細川義元): 1644-1651
Hijikata Okitsugu (土方意次): 1651-1657
Kasuramaru Sukeyoshi (鳥丸資慶): 1657-1662
Oogimachi Sanetoyo (正親町実豊): 1662-

Azuchi bugyo (magistrate):
Tsumaki Yoritoshi (妻木頼利): 1641-1653
Hayashi Masatoshi (林正利): 1653-1662
Sakuma Moriyoshi (佐久間盛郎): 1662-

Oometsu-shoku (inspector general):
Sakuma Moriyoshi (佐久間盛郎): 1641-1651
Hosokawa Yoshimoto (細川義元): 1649-1657
Hijikata Okitsugu (土方意次): 1657-1662
Kondo Shigenao (近藤重直): 1662-

Chinjufu Shogun:
Date Norimune (伊達則宗):1640-1658
Sakuma Moritora (佐久間盛虎): 1658-

Eastern Shogun:
Tokugawa Tadayasu (徳川忠康): 1640-1650
Mizuno Katsutoshi (水野勝俊): 1650-1655
Shibata Katsuoki (柴田勝興): 1655-1662
Tokugawa Noriyasu (徳川則康): 1662-

Western Shogun:
Kitabatake Takanaga (北畠高長): 1640-1662
Ikeda Yoshinori (池田由則): 1662-

Shikoku Tandai:
Miyoshi Yasunori (三好康則): 1644-1661
Saionji Kinnori (西園寺公則): 1661-

Kyushu Tandai:
Shimazu Norihisa (島津則久): 1640-

Naval Shogun:
Wakizaka Yasumoto (脇坂安元): 1636-1654
Kuki Takasue (九鬼隆季): 1654-1662
Tagawa Seikou (田川成功): 1662-

Orange = Oda clan members, Blue = court nobility, Green = non-Japanese​

[1]: Different Second Northern War from OTL, will go into detail in the future.

[2]: TTL’s Nikolayevsk-on-Amur

[3]: The Amur River is known as the Heilongjiang River in Chinese, translated as the “Black Dragon River”.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Map of Daimyo 1665​

​

1. Kakizaki Norihiro (蠣崎矩広): 1660​
2. Tsugaru Nobutoshi (津軽信敏): 1646-​
3. Nanbu Shigenobu (南部重信): 1616-​
4. Akita Morisue (秋田盛季): 1620-​
5. Mōri Tomokatsu (毛利朝勝): 1626-​
6. Tozawa Masanobu (戸沢正誠): 1640-​
7. Endou Tsunetomo (遠藤常友): 1628-​
8. Kyogoku Takahiro (京極高広): 1599-​
9. Sakuma Moritora (佐久間盛虎): 1617-​
10. Tooyama Tomosada (遠山友貞): 1641-​
11. Date Hiromune (伊達煕宗): 1659-​
12. Souma Tsugutane (相馬嗣胤): 1637-​
13. Shirakawa Yoshinobu (白河義信): 1647-​
14. Mogami Yoshisato (最上義智): 1631-​
15. Satake Yoshitaka (佐竹義隆): 1609-​
16. Utsunomiya Takatsuna (宇都宮隆綱): 1627-​
17. Sano Hisatsuna (佐野久綱): 1600-​
18. Oyama Toshiyasu (小山利泰): 1624-​
19. Minagawa Hirotaka (皆川広隆): 1648-​
20. Hasegawa Masazumi (長谷川昌澄): 1624-​
21. Ikoma Takakiyo (生駒高清): 1643-​
22. Date Munetoshi (伊達宗利): 1635-​
23. Uesugi Noritsuna (上杉憲綱): 1643-​
24. Satomi Yoshiyasu (里見義安): 1643-​
25. Musashino Toshikatsu (武蔵野利勝): 1647-​
26. Takigawa Kazumasa (滝川一昌): 1611-​
27. Murai Munemasa (村井宗昌): 1609-​
28. Tsuchiya Toshinao (土屋利直): 1607-​
29. Oota Tomofusa (太田朝房): 1626-​
30. Tokugawa Noriyasu (徳川則康): 1616-​
31. Hisamatsu Tadatoshi (久松忠利): 1605-​
32. Kawajiri Shigenori (河尻鎮則): 1607-​
33. Inaba Nobumichi (稲葉信通): 1608-​
34. Mizuno Katsutane (水野勝種): 1661-​
35. Kiso Yoshihiro (木曾義廣): 1621-​
36. Sanada Yukioto (真田幸音): 1656-​
37. Mori Tomoyoshi (森朝可): 1626-​
38. Yamauchi Noritoyo (山内則豊): 1609-​
39. Ikeda Nobutora (池田信虎): 1615-​
40. Gamou Noriharu (蒲生則治): 1614-​
41. Nagao Kagesada (長尾景貞): 1641-​
42. Sassa Katsutoyo (佐々勝豊): 1635-​
43. Maeda Naganari (前田長作): 1642-​
44. Kaga Nagaaki (加賀長昭): 1644- [1]​
45. Shibata Katsukado (柴田勝門): 1642-​
46. Anekouji Tomotsuna (姉小路朝綱): 1627-​
47. Oda Nobuhiro (織田信煕): 1648- (Main Oda clan lands)​
48. Kuki Takamasa (九鬼隆昌): 1647-​
49. Kitabatake Nagayori (北畠長頼): 1620-​
50. Kudō Kanemoto (工藤包基): 1648-​
51. Sugaya Tomoyori (菅谷朝頼): 1627-​
52. Seki Narinaga (関成長): 1610-​
53. Mori Tomotsugu (森朝継): 1626-​
54. Asano Noriakira (浅野則晟): 1617-​
55. Nagaoka Tsugutoshi (長岡嗣利): 1643-​
56. Niwa Nagatsugu (丹羽長次): 1643-​
57. Akechi Mitsunori (明智光則): 1613-​
58. Ikeda Yoshinori ((池田由則): 1605-​
59. Takagi Masamori (高木正盛): 1635-​
60. Nakagawa Hisakiyo (中川久清): 1615-​
61. Hashiba Hideyori (羽柴秀頼): 1636-​
62. Miyabe Nagaoki (宮部長興): 1629-​
63. Ukita Nobumasa (宇喜多信正): 1648-​
64. Nanjou Munekiyo (南条宗清): 1647-​
65. Horio Hiroharu (堀尾熙晴): 1648-​
66. Sengoku Masatoshi (仙石政俊): 1617-​
67. Amago Kanehisa (尼子兼久): 1646-​
68. Urakusai Nagaie (有楽斎長家): 1604-​
69. Hachisuka Tomotaka (蜂須賀朝隆): 1630-​
70. Itou Sukezane (伊東祐実): 1644-​
71. Kuroda Hiroyuki (黒田熙之): 1655-​
72. Mōri Tsugumoto (毛利嗣元): 1639-​
73. Miyoshi Yasutsugu (三好康嗣): 1641-​
74. Sogo Masatomo (十河存朝): 1630-​
75. Kawano Michimasa (河野通匡): 1622-​
76. Chosokabe Tomochika (長宗我部朝親): 1623-​
77. Saionji Kinnori (西園寺公則): 1613-​
78. Otomo Yoshitaka (大友義孝): 1641-​
79. Ryuzōji Tomoie (龍造寺朝家): 1637-​
80. Matsura Shigenobu (松浦重信): 1622-​
81. Sou Yoshizane (宗義真): 1639-​
82. Hori Chikamasa (堀親昌): 1606-​
83. Tachibana Tanenaga (立花種長): 1625-​
84. Horiuchi Ujinari (堀内氏成): 1625-​
85. Shimazu Norihisa (島津則久): 1613-​

Beige = Minor castle lords

Orange= Oda clan members

[1]: Oda Nagaaki changed his surname to Kaga after the province he was transferred to and would be known as Kaga-dono (加賀殿).

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 97: Survey of Portuguese India and the East India Companies​

After the Iberian-Japanese War, Portugal lost Macau and Malacca, a blow to its power in East and Southeast Asia that the kingdom would never recover from. These losses were so crippling and humiliating that they helped spark Portugal’s struggle for independence from the dominion of the Spanish Habsburgs. As part of this rebellion against Madrid, the Portuguese State of India would assert its independence from Spanish overseas power and begin to reshuffle its political orientation and priorities to reflect the new realities of the postwar landscape in the Far East. Under governors like Pero da Silva and Joao da Silva Telo e Meneses, Portuguese India would refrain from focusing too much on recovering its lost power in the Far East, instead investing it instead in its African and Indian possessions. This not only set a long-term trend towards Portuguese overseas consolidation around its Indian Ocean interests but also allowed it to stave off attacks upon its coastal ports and trading outposts as well as Ceylon by the VOC in the 1640s and 1650s. Under the reigns of King John IV and his son Afonso VI, Portugal would also markedly distinguish its foreign policy in Asia from that of its former hegemon, working to repair relations with Japan and other countries wary of Portugal’s former association with Madrid. Due to such efforts and the decline of Spanish power in the Far East, Portugal would re-emerge as a major trading partner for its Indian goods in the region and even surpass Spain in importance in many instances. Portugal would also maintain its status as the preeminent European power within Indian waters for the rest of the century.

The juggernaut among the European powers in Asia, however, was unquestionably the VOC. Through its alliance with the Japanese during the Iberian-Japanese War and the negative reputation Catholicism would develop in the aftermath of the conflict, the Dutch solidified their status as the major European trading power in Asia, only holding a secondary status with realms like the Mughal Empire and Siam. They benefited greatly from the transition of Macau from Portugal’s window into Ming China to a cosmopolitan port open to the entire outside world and would use their newfound wealth and power to expand its military might and political power in Southeast Asia. In addition to intervening directly in Vietnamese affairs on the side of the Trinh lords in the 1640s, the Dutch intervened in the local affairs of sultanates like Aceh and Gowa and signed treaties with them that enabled monopolized control over trade, particularly the Sumatran gold trade. They also continued a long-term effort in expanding Dutch power and influence over the island of Java. The VOC also had limited influence over the Sultanate of Ternate, a longtime ally that had aided them against the Spanish and Tidorese during the Iberian-Japanese War. Dutch territorial gains in former parts of the Spanish Netherlands injected further wealth into their economy and mercantile talent into Dutch colonial efforts, predominantly men from Antwerp. By 1665, the Dutch East India Company was the largest private company in the world.

The VOC would even expand into new avenues beyond Asia. The most significant of these was the establishment of the Dutch Cape Colony in 1652 on the Cape of Good Hope in southern Africa by VOC navigator Jan van Riebeeck and 90 Calvinist settlers. The Fort de Goede Hopp, a earth-and-timber fortification, was constructed and served as the primary center of the colony until its replacement by a stone fortification, the Castle of Good Hope, in 1674. Despite its primary duty as a key supply depot for ships traveling between Europe and Asia, van Riebeeck made a concerted effort to establish agricultural production, introducing crops from cereals and ground nuts to apples and grapes. Under his command, the colony began to grow and the story of the Afrikaner people, or ethnic Dutch settlers in southern Africa, began. The other major venture related to exploratory expeditions to Australia and surrounding islands. These had started with the voyage of Willem Janszoon in 1606 and accidental landings onto the coast. They would be followed by the voyages of Abel Tasman in 1642 and 1644 whose observations contributed significantly to the early mapping of the continent and Oceania as a whole.​

Painting of the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck and Dutch settlers by Charles Bell​

However, the Orangist-Republican political deadlock in the 1650s caused problems for Dutch commerce that rippled through the VOC’s operations. Due to a lack of support from home, the VOC’s attempts at conquering Portuguese Ceylon and Portuguese outposts on the Malabar Coast went nowhere and a share of its trade would be swiped by other competing European powers in Asia. Once the crisis ended, however, the Hague was able to once again focus on adequately supporting the Republic’s mercantile interests. This would prove key in upcoming European conflicts where the war would spill into the mercantile ambitions of various European powers.

Aside from the 3 major European powers in Asia (the Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish), 4 other European countries maintained a mercantile presence through their respective East India Companies: Denmark, England, France, and Sweden. The English East India Company was the veteran amongst this second tier of competing European powers, having been around since the beginning of the century. They began their venture into the region in 1602 with the establishment of an outpost at Bantam on the island of Java. Soon, the EIC [1] expanded their operations to the Indian subcontinent, setting up shop in Madras, Masulipatnam, and Surat in the first half of the century. The early growth of the company, especially at Bantam, is attributable to Japanese trade access William Adams gained for both Dutch and English trade interests and their swift expansion into the spice market. Over time, English merchants would also follow the Dutch into the markets of Joseon, Siam, and other realms in the region. However, they would never build up the enterprise the Dutch operated as they lacked any particular relationships or significant territories. Nevertheless, they remained fiercely competitive and would soon be butting heads with the VOC directly.

The French and Swedish, by contrast, were newcomers to the Asian mercantile scene, having only begun their ventures in the mid-17th century. The French, having established friendly diplomatic relations with the Japanese and determined to move on from its failed attempts, were in a promising position upon the formation of the newly restructured and renamed French East India Company in 1642. Ex-VOC official and French Huguenot refugee Francois Caron was recruited by Cardinal Mazarin to become the first director-general of the CIO [2] [3], and under his leadership the company prioritized trade with Japan and China early on, achieving early success. Caron followed up this progress and pushed the company to expand its operations into the Indian subcontinent, establishing a large outpost at Pondicherry in 1654 and other smaller factories in Surat and Masulipatnam [4]. Pondicherry, alongside the Siamese outpost of Phuket, would become the main centers of French trade power in Asia. Caron would also unsuccessfully attempt to jumpstart a new colony on the island of Madagascar, although the CIO would later found a settlement on the nearby isle of Reunion. After Caron’s retirement in 1655, the company would build upon his foundational steps and France would continue to invest capital into the CIO. Through the company’s activities, not only were Franco-Japanese relations strengthened but strong ties between the French and Siamese would begin to develop as well. The French were a rising force to watch in Asia.​

Coat of arms of the French East India Company​

The Swedish East India Company, or the SOIC, was an even newer entity, its creation in 1651 having been one of the first acts of the Swedish monarchy under the reign of John IV Sigismund [5]. After the successful establishment of the Swedish Gold Coast and a long period of peace in northern Europe, high chancellor and regent of the teenage king Axel Oxenstierna helped establish the SOIC and set aside funds for the new enterprise. It would follow in the footsteps of the Danish East India Company and primarily focused on the trade of tea. Soon, Swedish factories were springing up across the region from Surat to Serampore and Ayutthaya. This early growth, however, would be disrupted by the outbreak of the Second Northern War, a war that would center around the growing power of the Swedish Empire abroad and at home.

Speaking of the Danes, they had founded their own East India Company back in 1616 under the rule of King Christian IV. After initially attempting to create a foothold on the island of Ceylon, the company signed a treaty in 1620 with Raghunatha Nayak, the ruler of the Tanjore Kingdom in southern India, that gave them possession of the town of Tranquebar. From their man base in Tranquebar, the company as previously mentioned and focused heavily on the trade of tea. At one point, they were smuggling 90% of their tea into England and made huge profits. Around this time, however, Denmark-Norway became involved in the Imperial Liberties’ War and the War of the Sound Dues and suffered defeat after defeat on the battlefield. After the War of the Sound Dues, the company was financially ruined and Danish trade activity was temporarily suspended until 1669.

As the 17th century progressed, the trade competition in Asia only increased with more European merchants sailing from the other side of the world to bring back exotic goods like spices, tea, silk, and indigo and native merchants more than eager to interact and work with the faraway visitors. The huge profits generated by the exchanges also increased the power and influence of the East India companies, making these private entities comparable in power to sovereign kingdoms and sultanates in many instances. Their commercial presence in Asia for the rest of the century and beyond not only formed the foundation of an increasingly globalized economy but would continue to shake up the political and diplomatic affairs of the greater region.​

View of Surat (painted in 1670)​

[1]: Abbreviation for the English East India Company

[2]: Abbreviation for the French East India Company (Compagnie des Indes orientales)

[3]: Francois Caron was the first director-general of the CIO when it was founded IOTL in 1664.

[4]: Establishment of outposts happens earlier than IOTL.

[5]: The founding of the SOIC happens 80 years earlier than OTL.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 98: Japanese Communities and Merchants in Mid-17th Century Southeast Asia​

During the Iberian-Japanese war, the Japanese diaspora was driven out of their homes in the Spanish Philippines. After the war, many would resettle in the newly annexed Japanese province of Luson, leaving former Nihonmachi pockets in the rest of the archipelago extinguished, never to achieve their prewar prominence. However, this did not mean the end of Japanese communities outside the home realm in Southeast Asia and those that still existed continued to play an integral role in projecting Japanese mercantile and cultural power where they were. These communities in turn were supported by an expansive network of Japanese merchants and trading interests whose footprint extended from the far northern frontier to the waters of the great Indian Ocean.

Ban Yipun in the Siamese capital of Ayutthaya continued to be the biggest and most significant Nihonmachi in all of Southeast Asia. Within Indochina’s biggest and most prosperous city, the Japanese community and resident merchants wielded more mercantile power and cultural influence than other outside powers and diaspora communities with the exception of the Chinese. Much of this can be attributed to the political prominence and status of the Honjo clan within the Siamese royal court. By the middle of the 17th century, the head of the clan was Honjo Masanaga (本庄政長), Nagafusa’s eldest son and the first head of the clan born in Siam. Due to his native birth in Ayutthaya, he grew up in both the Japanese and Siamese cultural spheres, speaking both languages fluently and wearing a mixture of clothing from both cultures. Under his leadership, the Honjo clan continued to be indispensable retainers to the Siamese kings particularly as elite samurai cavalry that fought nearly identically to their blood-related counterparts back in the home islands. The sizable population of Ban Yipun was also bolstered by the influx of Kirishitan exiles who chose to leave rather than abandon their Catholic faith after it was banned in 1632 amidst the politics of the Iberian-Japanese War, giving Ban Yipun a Catholic-leaning character. Overall, political and religious exiles making up a disproportionate part of this Nihonmachi made this particular Nihonmachi wary of Japanese political interests, its residents often sympathizing more with its enemies and rivals like the Spanish at times. In fact, a number of the Siamese mercenaries that aided Manila when it was besieged during the Luzon War in 1662 were anti-Oda Japanese men from Ayutthaya.

Politics, however, rarely affected the continuous trading relationships between Siam and Japan. If anything, Ban Yipun’s residents enthusiastically maintained cultural and mercantile relations with the home island, lodging Japanese merchants and supporting the warehouses and trade depots they utilized. Negotiations between the Siamese royal court and Ban Yipun’s inhabitants and merchants even granted access to certain crown monopolies. As a result, Japanese merchants did more business in Ayutthaya than anywhere else in Southeast Asia. These merchants lined their pockets with coins and packed their ships with not only native goods like sappanwood, rayskins, and tin but also goods sold by other foreign merchants like Indian textiles, Chinese porcelain, and Moluccan spices. In turn, Japanese merchants sold native goods like silver, copper, and swords. Japanese swords in particular became highly sought after, particularly by the Siamese nobility, and many would go on to utilize tachis and katanas as their weapon of choice on the battlefield. The presence of Japanese merchants in Ayutthaya also helped support periodic exchanges between Japanese and Siamese Buddhist temples and monks that had begun earlier in the century, and Ban Yipun would even witness the coexistence of Roman Catholicism and Yamato Christianity when a Yamato church was constructed in the enclave in 1647.​

17th century sketch of Japanese diaspora residents of Ban Yipun in Ayutthaya​

The Vietnamese port of Hoi An was also home to a sizable Japanese enclave of both permanent residents and visiting merchants. This enclave was connected with the main part of the city via the Chua Cau Temple Bridge, which was built by the earliest Japanese in Hoi An in 1595. Initially, the Japanese diaspora consisted of only a few tens of households but nevertheless wielded great economic influence over the port. Demand for silk was great, resulting in a disproportionate number of ships sailing back and forth between Hoi An and the home islands. Like Ayutthaya, Hoi An would also experience an influx of refugees from the Spanish Philippines though smaller than the former port, and this increase in the Nihonmachi’s population further strengthened the influence and presence of the Japanese in the Vietnamese port. This was short-lived, for Hoi An was soon engulfed in the Nguyen-Trinh civil war in the Dai Viet kingdom. The Nguyen-ruled port fell to the Trinh lords along with their capital of Hue in 1646, and Japanese merchants soon began dealing with the new regime more hostile to their power and less interested in overseas trade compared to the Nguyen lords. As a result, Hoi An would plateau and begin to stagnate as a trade center although the demand for silk would continue its commercial relevance among Japanese merchants.

A third significant Nihonmachi could be found in Batavia, the Javan headquarters of the Dutch East India Company. Although a Japanese merchant community certainly contributed to its establishment, many of its resident members were either retired ronin mercenaries that had fought in the service of the VOC in various expeditions or their descendants. Because of the 1622 ban on Japanese serving as mercenaries in Southeast Asia by Azuchi, these ronin found themselves booted from the home islands for good and thus chose to congregate in the VOC capital. Many subsequently married Javan women in Batavia and forged a unique Japanese subculture with influences from Javan and Dutch cultures by 1665. In terms of trade, Batavia was a hub of Dutch-Japanese exchanges on its own although most business was still conducted at Japanese ports like Kagoshima and Sakai, and generally the Dutch sought to limit Japanese mercantile power in their sphere of control and influence.​

The Castle of Batavia, painted by Andries Beeckman in 1656​

Aside from the 3 major Nihonmachis in the mid-17th century, smaller Japanese communities existed in Phnom Penh, Malacca, and other ports dotting Southeast Asia. Like the aforementioned major Nihonmachis, their origins lay in the visitations of Japanese merchants eager to acquire and ship back exotic, prized goods like silk, dyewood, and lacquerware, with the flight of Catholics from the home realm and the proliferation of ronin mercenaries in the early 17th centuries being secondary reasons. As they had previously, Azuchi continued to maintain economic and political ties with these various communities with the notable exception of Honjo-dominated Ayutthaya. Some Nihonmachis even hosted diplomatic missions within these Nihonmachis like in Lamitan, the capital of the Maguindanao Sultanate [1]. The maintenance of such direct relationships helped inform Azuchi of the state of commerce of the wider region which in turn influenced Japanese foreign and mercantile policies that often assisted in strengthening the hands of Japanese merchants operating in Southeast Asia. This cycle of mutual benefits aided in Japanese trade expansionism, allowing the Japanese to surpass most of its counterparts engaging in trade alongside them, only rivaled by the VOC and Ming China in the region.

It wasn’t just Southeast Asia where Japanese merchants were busy, their presence felt in waters both closer to home and farther from home. Ever since the resumption of tributary relations between Japan and Ming China, Azuchi had gained access to Chinese goods more readily than before, undercutting the previous Portuguese monopoly over Chinese-Japanese trade. After the Portuguese lost Macau, Japan even held a stranglehold over Sino-European trade before Macau was re-opened by 1638. Japanese merchants would subsequently operate in not only Macau and Guangzhou alongside their European contemporaries but also in Shanghai, a third port opened by Emperor Titian only accessible to merchants from Ming China’s direct tributaries. It was in Shanghai that Japanese merchants would concentrate their interests, finding it more comfortable to do so rather than engaging in fierce competition in Macau and Guangzhou. Here, a Japanese merchant community grew, although Beijing’s deliberate efforts to cap the size of foreign diasporas prevented it from becoming a true Nihonmachi. Chinese ports were not only crucial for accessing Ming goods directly but also for trading with merchants from Joseon. As direct trade between the Joseon kingdom and Oda Japan was de facto monopolized by the Mōri and Sou clans, Japanese traders unwilling to abide by those daimyos’ regulations went to Ming ports as an alternative.

Japanese merchants were also making strides far away in the Indian Ocean. Before the 1640s, only a few daring traders strove independently to the Indian subcontinent and struggled amidst hostility from the Portuguese and lukewarmness from the Dutch and English. However, Oda Nobutomo’s successful embassies to Constantinople and Delhi and the increasing number of pilgrimages to Buddhist sites by Japanese monks opened doors among native authorities and merchants intrigued by the prospect of trading with the Japanese and acquiring exotic goods and precious metals. By the 1650s, a small group of merchants had formed the India Trade Guild (印度商座), composed of a loose association of independent merchants that came together to invest in the building of a Japanese trade factory in Madras. This first private Japanese trading outpost as it quickly began to boom as it took advantage of increased Japanese trade in the Indian Ocean and the influx of Buddhist monks pilgrimaging to the Buddha’s holy sites. The first head of the ITG was none other than the Indian Ocean merchant Tenjiku Tokubei. He had continued his adventures in the 1640s and 1650s, landing in the ports of Aden, Basra, and Hormuz and exposing Ottoman, Persian, and Yemeni merchants to Japanese goods and culture. As the first head of the India Trade Guild, he used his connections to allow Japanese merchants access to markets and ports beyond the eastern coast of the subcontinent that they previously had no dealings in.​

Portrait of Tenjiku Tokubei​

Despite periods of political incompetence and instability in the Japanese realm, Azuchi’s policy of trade expansionism remained largely unfettered and by the middle of the century Japan had emerged as one of Asia’s premier maritime powers whose horizons only seemed to broaden through the ambitions of merchants from the Indian Ocean to the mouth of the Amur River, the interests and incentives of the government, and the ever-growing prosperity of the extended realm. Victories over the Spanish and Portuguese only added to Japan’s growing wealth and might. Soon, however, Azuchi would face challenges to this power, not just from the colonial appetite of European merchants but from the aspirations of native powers in the region.

[1]: ITTL, the capital of Maguindanao continues to be Lamitan.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 99: The Second Northern War​

​

The accomplishments of Gustavus Adolphus left Sweden as one of the premier powers of Europe, its territorial extent at its greatest and its maritime horizons burgeoning beyond the confines of the Baltic Sea. Although upon his death his son and successor John IV Sigismund was still a minor, his high chancellor Axel Oxenstierna oversaw the kingdom’s affairs until his death in 1654. By then, John IV Sigismund had grown into the role of a young Swedish king and was ready to fully take the helm of state. Alongside him was the queen and his new wife, Hedwig Eleonora of Holstein-Gottorp, who would become known not only for her beauty but for her strong personality. In 1655, the succession would be secured with the birth of a son, John, and the future looked promising for the Swedish Empire. Growing Swedish power, however, alarmed its neighbors like Denmark-Norway, Poland-Lithuania, and Russia, and tension between Sweden and these neighbors would set the stage for the Second Northern War.

The events that would spark the Second Northern War would begin in West Africa in the Swedish Gold Coast colony. In 1656, Hendrix Carloff was replaced by Johan Filip von Krusenstierna as its governor. An enraged Carloff left the capital of Cabo Corso and entered the service of the Danish Africa Company, using his credentials and experience to quickly become its director-general. returning in January 1658 aboard the Danish privateer Gluckstadt. A brief engagement followed where Carloff captured the fort and established the first foothold of the Danish Gold Coast colony. This incident would give Sweden a casus belli to declare war in June 1658 after attempts to get Denmark to return the fort to the Swedes went nowhere. Holstein-Gottorp would also join the war on the Swedish side, its alliance with the Scandinavian power secured through John IV Sigismund and Hedwig Eleonora’s marriage.​

Fort Carlsborg, its capture by Hendrik Carloff sparking the Second Northern War​

John IV Sigismund aimed for a swift conflict that would not only return the Danish Gold Coast to Sweden but also see his realm gain further continental territories, ideally Scania. To that end, the Swedish strategy involved quickly overwhelming the Danes from the north and south by Sweden and Holstein-Gottorp respectively. However, this plan wouldn’t pan out as the king had hoped. Initially, the Swedes were quickly able to occupy Scania within the year and their fleet defeated a Danish one off the coast of the island of Bornholm. The following spring, that fleet transported a force of 9,000 led by the king himself near the Danish capital of Copenhagen for an assault upon the city itself. However, the city would not fall easily and a protracted siege began. Additionally, the Danes under their king Frederick III halted and defeated an army led by Christian Albert, the heir to Holstein-Gottorp and the Swedish queen’s younger brother, allowing the Danes to turn back and confront the enemy surrounding Copenhagen. Although the Swedes would repel the Danes, they would soon be scrambling to evacuate from the area due to outside factors.

The swift Swedish advance upon Copenhagen alarmed the kingdom’s other powers, particularly Russia and the Netherlands. The latter had actually signed a defensive pact with Denmark-Norway in 1649 and had only been prevented from joining the war earlier due to the Republic recovering from the 8 year Republican-Orangist factional split. These two powers would enter the war on the Danish side in the late spring of 1659, immediately forcing John IV Sigismund to abandon his siege of Copenhagen to defend Sweden’s borders, particularly its Finnish and Livonian frontiers from Muscovy. The king’s retreat itself was nearly intercepted by a Dano-Dutch fleet which would go on to defeat the Swedish fleet at sea at the Battle of the Sound on June 29th. The anti-Swedish coalition would go on to blockade the Sound, cutting off Sweden from its overseas possessions including New Sweden and the Swedish Gold Coast. Amidst the reversal of fortunes for Sweden, King John II Casimir Vasa of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth also considered joining the war against the Swedes, although his realm’s magnates in the Sejm blocked all proposals to declare war on Sweden.​

Painting of the 1659 Battle of the Sound by Jan Abrahamsz Beerstraaten in 1660​

With France, both a Dutch and a Swedish ally, refusing to involve itself in the conflict, Sweden turned to England for help with whom it had marriage ties with. Anglo-Dutch economic and political tensions had already begun mounting since the 1640s, especially after England’s passage of the Navigation Act in 1651. As a result, it was no surprise when the English eagerly joined the war on Sweden’s side, primarily to weaken Dutch mercantile power worldwide. The Anglo-Swedish theater of the war would be nearly its own conflict and would be referred to as the 1st Anglo-Dutch War as the wider war would expand into the English Channel and North America. The English entry into the war would prove fortuitous for Sweden, for it not only divided Dutch naval attention between the North Sea and the English coast but also sabotaged the Dutch conquest of New Sweden. In the latter, Peter Stuyvesant, the governor-general of New Netherland, had led an invasion force of several hundred men in September 1659, sailing down the Vasa River and simultaneously using his colonial fleet to blockade Fort Christina. After fierce fighting, New Sweden’s governor Johan Risingh was forced to retreat back into Fort Christina where a siege began. However, English aid soon came from both the mother country and the crown colony of Virginia and at the Battle of the Delaware Bay in April 1660, the Dutch blockade was broken and a land force embarked near the besieged Swedish fortifications, managing to expel Stuyvesant’s men from the area. Intermittent fighting would continue but English support ensured the survival of the Swedish colony from the Dutch.

Back in continental Europe, Russia began an invasion of Swedish Livonia and Ingria, quickly capturing the fortresses of Noteborg, Nyen, Dyneburg, and Kokenhusen. This Muscovite offensive reached its climax when the main Russian army, led by Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, began besieging the key port of Riga in summer 1659. However, as Moscow lacked a proper army, the Tsar could not cut off the continuous flow of supplies for the heavily outnumbered garrison in the city. Meanwhile, John IV Sigismund was frantically levying men to confront the incursion to his realm’s eastern frontier while also directing manpower to hold down Scania and guard the Swedish-Norwegian border in case a Dano-Norwegian army attempted an invasion. By the time the Swedish king began the voyage from Stockholm to Livonia to relieve Riga, the foreign officers commanding the meager Russian naval presence had defected and forced Tsar Alexei to end the siege. What would follow was a back and forth war between the Swedes and Russians that devastated the countryside and cost both sides heavy casualties. Although the Swedish army was superior to its Russian counterpart in its training, tactics, and technology and generally won most pitched engagements, it was outnumbered and its chief commander, the king himself, was constantly distracted by news from the other fronts of the war. Consequently, the Russians largely kept control of the fortresses and towns they had captured.​

Depiction of the siege of Riga in 1658​

Mixed outcomes for the anti-Swedish coalition at sea, in Livonia, and in North America contrasted with the swift reversal of fortunes for the duchy of Holstein-Gottorp as the Danes concentrated their efforts towards the former until its chief fortress at Tonning was encircled by an army of 18,000 Danes, Norwegians, and Dutchmen. Swedish relief efforts from its German territories went nowhere and after a year of encirclement, duke Christian Albert was forced to surrender. In the Treaty of Gottorp on December 8th, 1662, the duchy was forced to cede its holdings in Schleswig to Denmark. The Danes were now free to prey upon Swedish Bremen-Verden, Pomerania, and Wismar and suddenly, the Swedes found himself in a precarious situation. Fortunately, Sweden still possessed a cadre of talented commanders, including Field Marshal Carl Gustaf Wrangel. Although up until now having a mixed record in the war, he would lead a Swedish army of 13,000 against a Dano-Dutch force of 17,000 on June 9th, 1662 at the Battle of Gadebusch, damaging the coalition’s hope of weakening Sweden’s position in German lands.

By 1663, both sides were exhausted and saw no path towards outright victory. Therefore, all participating powers chose to negotiate peace. In the subsequent Treaty of Lund, Sweden would regain its lost colony in West Africa but would cede parts of the Livonian and Ingrian interior, which had been lost to Russia [1]. It was forced to return Scania and also recognized the 1661 Treaty of Gottorp and 1662 Treaty of Westminster [2], which had already ended the Anglo-Dutch naval theater of the war. The Second Northern War had several consequences. Firstly, Swedish ambitions in northern Europe had been comprehensively checked by its alarmed neighbors. For the realm to expand further, it would need to overcome its weaknesses. The young John IV Sigismund had been tested on the battlefield and at the negotiating table and had proved its worth, but he had his work cut out for him. Secondly, although on the surface ending in a draw, the Anglo-Dutch conflict proved fortuitous for the English. Although no territorial exchanges occurred between the two powers, England emerged having inflicted damage upon Dutch trade power through the operations of its privateers and managed to arrange maritime terms favorable towards them. Thirdly, the Second Northern War distracted Muscovy from the territorial incursions conducted by the Japanese and the Amur Khanate in Siberia and prevented Russia from reacting accordingly. Just as Russia began looking east to resolve matters, that region would witness geopolitical rivalries boil over within a few years of the Second Northern War.

[1]: The same territorial acquisitions as TTL’s Treaty of Valiesar

[2]: Basically the same as OTL’s Treaty of Westminster of the 1st Anglo-Dutch War​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 100: Reactions to the Amur Intervention and the Beginning of the Asiatic Northern War​

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By the early 1660s, Emperor Yongwu of Ming China and King Gyeongseon of Joseon had assumed full responsibilities of their respective realms as they had both come of age. Thus, they would feel the impact of Japan’s Amur intervention firsthand and act accordingly in response. For the Chinese emperor, the unfolding events were a wake up call as to the new dangers and fluidity of the northern frontier not seen since the days of Nurhaci. Specifically, prospective Russian aggression coming from across the fringes of the Ming sphere of influence greatly alarmed Beijing. To that end, Yongwu sought to receive the tributary submission of Moscow and assurances of its ambitions not to step on Ming China’s toes. However, the tsar and his court quickly shot down the suggestion and so Yongwu moved to Plan B. In 1665, only a few years after the expulsion of the raiding Mongols under Abunai, Beijing initiated renewed hostilities against the Northern Yuan for the purpose of securing the Mongol horde as an effective buffer between itself and Russia. At the beginning of what would be a years-long military campaign, the emperor would successfully gain the submission and support of Tseten, the older half-brother of Sengge, the khan of the pro-Yuan Dzungar Khanate to the west of the Ming realm. This Ming-Mongol conflict would last for the rest of the decade.

One traditional Ming tributary that would not participate in this conflict was Joseon, whose young king Gyeongseon had taken away very different conclusions from Japan’s Amur intervention. To him, Japan, not Russia, was the real threat. Although Beijing had taken note of Japan’s expansion into mainland affairs, it did not consider the island nation a serious threat to its power. By contrast, Japan’s increasing influence among the Jurchens directly impacted Joseon’s own power and influence in the region. Gyeongseon would thus work towards further modernizing and professionalizing his kingdom’s military, particularly its infantry and navy. He would also strengthen his support for the pro-Hanseong Lesser Jin khanate against the pro-Azuchi Amur khanate. Beijing would quietly support Joseon in its endeavors as it also favored the Sinophile Lesser Jin over the more rustic Amur Jurchens.

Gyeongseon’s decision to harden his support for the Lesser Jin would prove to be fateful for the future of the far northern frontier. Its young khan, Gutai, was the great-grandson of the great Nurhaci who had united nearly all the Jurchen tribes against Ming China and Joseon and held grand ambitions. He had concluded that the increasing intervention of the Japanese and the Russians necessitated the future subjugation of the northern Amur khans, confident that the presence of outsiders could not expand beyond the banks of the Amur River. Gutai would decide to make his move in the spring of 1666 while the Japanese under Kuroryutsu magistrate Sato Hidekiyo (佐藤栄清) was preoccupied fighting off a renewed incursion of Russian Cossacks. He began gathering Jurchen warriors and levies for an invasion of the Amur khanate and requested military aid from Joseon. The ambitious Gyeongseon, determined to retake the gains and glory of his predecessors, enthusiastically obliged despite the protests of many Confucian scholar-advisors who preferred a less aggressive foreign policy. He would send a force of 10,000 Joseon troops to Hetu Alu under the command of veteran general Shin Ryu.​

Portrait of Gutai, khan of the Lesser Jin​

Sahaliyan, khan of the Amur realm, immediately prepared to confront Gutai and his army and dispatched messengers to the Japanese to ask for military aid. By the time they reached Azuchi, however, a pitched battle had already occurred between the two khanates on July 17th and the results were devastating. At Jixi, an army of 30,000 Amur Jurchen horsemen gathered before a coalition force of Lesser Jin cavalry and infantry and Joseonite reinforcements with both khans present. Despite the valor of Sahaliyan and his subject warriors, his army was outgunned and unable to deal with the greater flexibility and diversity of forces making up the Joseon-Jin army. Ultimately, the Amur Jurchen army was routed, its khan killed in battle after dueling with one of Gutai Khan’s bodyguards. In the immediate aftermath of the Amur defeat at the Battle of Harbin, the Amur khanate’s military was scattered and the Lesser Jin’s steppe horsemen scorched the countryside determined to hunt down the enemy one by one. Sahaliyan’s heir, Bahai, rallied the remnants and managed to return to his capital of Ningguta where he prepared for Gutai’s next onslaught.

Initially uninformed of the full scale of the disaster unfolding on the mainland, Sakuma Moritora would be ordered to once again dispatch along with an army of 9,000. This force was disproportionately made up of cavalry, both Ainu and samurai cavalry, to prepare for inevitable clashes on the steppe far from the waters of the Amur River. However, as new information flowed into Japan, the urgency of the situation increased. In response, a new order was issued by the government to organize an army of around 25,000 to be commanded by the 22 year old Kaga Nagaaki. Like Moritora’s vanguard, it had an unusually high percentage of cavalry for a standard Japanese army though it still consisted largely of musketeers and swordsmen. Accompanying Nagaaki as an advisor was Kikkawa Hiroyoshi, whose experience in the Luzon War and knowledge of the Joseonite military as a member of the Mōri clan would prove invaluable for the young Oda samurai lord. The Japanese navy would also be fully deployed to accommodate the transport of not only troops but also a huge amount of provisions, as the small Japanese presence and the frosty climate of the far northern mainland made injecting a large military force an inevitably arduous and challenging process.

Japan’s moves towards intervening on the side of the Amur Khanate, however, would not come fast enough to save the capital of Ningguta. Informed of Gutai’s impending approach upon the city, the new khan chose to burn down the city that his father had made into a regional economic center but denied the enemy much-needed supplies and provisions. Bahai and his entire accompanying army would escape, buying time as they set off from the flames engulfing Ningguta and living to fight another day. Nevertheless, his realm remained in bad shape, swaths of his lands pillaged and occupied by Gutai’s steppe warriors and allies from Joseon. This was the state of affairs Moritora stepped into when he and his force landed in Kuroryutsu. The “Tiger of the North” and the Amur khan would begin working together on repelling further attacks on Amur Jurchen positions and defeating the enemy for good.​

Red = Japan, Blue = Joseon, Gold = Ming China, Green = Northern Yuan, Orange = Lesser Jin, Brown = Amur Khanate, Lavender = Russia​

In response to Japan’s military support for the Amur Khanate, Gyeongseon’s ministers pressured the king to send diplomats to daijo-daijin Oda Nobuhiro and attempt a negotiated peace. Talks, however, went nowhere as Azuchi balked at Hanseong’s haughty demands. What would be known as the Asiatic Northern War would move forward and continue to embroil all the lands of the Jurchens and adjacent tribes. As it progressed, it would involve the entire region and witness the interests of every stakeholder clash with each other.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 101: Asiatic Northern War Part I - Escalation on the Steppes and Seas​

One of the continuous themes of the war would be the contrast in military tactics, traditions, and equipment between the two sides. Japanese armies bore much similarity to their European counterparts, not only due to the latter’s technological influence on the former but also due to convergent developments within the feudal systems of both and the fact that both endured constant warfare among tens of polities. In both Europe and Japan, pike-armed formations were increasingly transitioning into massed ranks of musketeers and lordly cavalry armed themselves with both melee weapons and early forms of pistols and carbines. By contrast, Ming China and Joseon had mostly dealt with nomadic and semi-nomadic enemies mostly composed of steppe horse archers incapable of taking down fortifications but difficult to tame even with the latest gunpowder weaponry. Although rulers of both realms did advance the modernization of their respective armies, their core purpose remained defensive and as such continued to employ cavalry units equipped specifically to deal with foes like the Jurchens and Mongols. As for the Jurchens, they largely retained their cavalry traditions although the Sinicized Lesser Jin utilized Joseon-style infantry to some degree.​

Painting of a high ranking Jurchen horse archer in ceremonial regalia​

Fortunately, Sakuma Moritora was well-aware of the challenges Japanese ashigaru infantry could face in the steppe environment, having led the Amur intervention himself. In any case, he felt most at home taking charge on the saddle and thus was the perfect choice to be the leading commander ahead of Kaga Nagaaki’s arrival with the bulk of Japanese forces. As he sat down with Bahai and the khan’s military commanders in the temporary Amur capital of Nurgan, the largest Jurchen city on the Amur river, things looked dire for the Amur Khanate. The north had thoroughly been ravaged and the hordes of Gutai, backed by Gyeongseon’s reinforcements, had reached the banks of the Amur River which was lightly guarded on its northwestern end. Albazin, the old Russian outpost, was now under siege and its fall was inevitable without outside intervention. Before that could be done, however, the blockade upon the confluence of the Amur and Songhua rivers needed to be broken. This would have to be accomplished without further reinforcements or sufficient naval support, as it was too late in the year to safely traverse the now frigid waters between Kuroryutsu and Kanazawa. Nevertheless, the river’s banks would enable a steady supply line for the Japanese and Jurchens.

Although it was late in the year and only around 10,000 Japanese were on the mainland, Moritora made the determination to forge ahead and would lead an army of 16,000, half Japanese and half Jurchen. He headed straight to the confluence which centered around a small islet upon which the Jin had begun to erect fortifications. They were still incomplete, however, when the Japanese-Amur army arrived in late November. The predominantly Joseonite enemy force numbered only a few thousand and so sent messengers westwards for reinforcements from Gutai’s main horde. The battle began with the Amur-Japanese army making camp north of the island and beginning to bombard the fortifications with the field artillery that had managed to be brought along. Moritora also ordered patrols of Jurchen cavalry to monitor the enemy’s south and west in case help arrived. Despite the incompleteness of their fortifications, the Joseonites were capable soldiers and held off the Japanese and Amur Jurchens for 10 days. Eventually, Japanese musketeers and artillerymen overcame the enemy and on December 5th, the Joseonites surrendered. Moritora’s men had little time to consolidate their victory for on December 9th, a Jurchen force of 7,000 arrived onto the scene and quickly began a lightning assault upon the Japanese and Amur Jurchens. Characteristically, Moritora rallied his men and those of the Jurchens as best as he could, leading the defense. After a few hours, the Jin were forced to retreat. Although the Japanese-Jurchen coalition army had triumphed, the battle exposed their precarity and for the rest of the winter of 1666-1667, Moritora would concentrate on consolidating his position. Sadly, this cut off any potential aid to Albazin and by the end of the year, it had fallen to Gutai.​

Blue = Joseon, Brown = Amur Jurchen, Salmon = Japanese​

As Japan could not directly send ships, supplies, and manpower to Kuroryutsu year-round, Azuchi would target Haishenwei, the northernmost warm water port in the area [1]. Being that it was within the Lesser Jin domain, the Azuchi navy would be deployed to capture it. A navy of 10 ships led by Hotta Masanobu (堀田正信) was directed by Naval Shogun Tagawa Seikou to bombard the port before taking it by force, which also took place in early December. An initial vanguard of 8,000 would land soon afterwards, backed by supply ships and led by Sassa Katsutoyo, who was tasked with building up the port’s damaged defenses and taking over the surrounding countryside while they waited for the winter snows to melt. Once spring came, Kaga Nagaaki and the rest of the army would finally land and the Japanese would start spreading out from Haishenwei.

Or at least that was the plan, for events on the sea in early 1667 would make the operation a tall order to accomplish down the line. The Japanese capture of Haishenwei reverberated throughout the enemy ranks, especially in Hanseong. King Gyeongseon now faced demands from Hetu Ala for his realm to involve itself more in the expanding conflict, something he himself had not expected to do so at the start of Gutai’s invasion of the Amur Khanate. The Joseon court was divided on the matter, with more conservative Confucian advisors and bureaucrats advocating for restraint and moderation in the kingdom’s aid arguing against military officials and reform-minded officials supportive of a strong intervention to contain Japan’s growing power in the north. Gyeongseon would initially heed the advice of the conservatives who still retained much influence from the time they dominated the court during the king’s minority. Patrol vessels would be sent out in coastal waters to defend Joseon in case of a Japanese naval attack and gather intelligence on the movements of the Japanese navy.

One of these patrol vessels, however, ended up embroiled in an incident off the island of Tsushima. A captain by the name of Yi Heon was sailing past a cluster of Japanese ships along with another fellow patrol vessel when the Japanese sailors started yelling insults at the Joseonites. In a scare tactic, a few cannonballs were even fired although they purposefully all missed and laughter could be heard, revealing that it was nothing but mockery from the Japanese. An enraged Yi Heon, egged on by his equally insulted subordinates, fired back, this time with the intent of causing damage. A brief naval skirmish followed, where one of the Japanese ships was severely damaged and Yi Heon’s ship was captured by the Japanese. However, the other Joseonite ship escaped back to the peninsula where news of the incident quickly reached Gyeongseon. Incensed by the mockery that had triggered the incident, the king was finally persuaded into engaging directly with the Japanese, ordering his navy to make preparations for a full-scale blockade of the home islands. Signs of the preparations were visible from Tsushima and when they were reported back to Azuchi, daijo-daijin Oda Nobuhiro ordered the realm’s navy to resist any offensive moves by Joseon’s navy after deliberations in both the Sangi-shu and Shinka-in bodies. Yi Heon, the captain whose reckless response had caused this all, would die of illness while still imprisoned in Azuchi later in the year.

Up until this point, Japan and Joseon had hoped to avoid directly confronting one another despite supporting rival Jurchen khanates. The course of the war, the interests at stake, and the temper of one naval captain made this hope an impossibility and the war would quickly expand on land and the seas between the two powers. This would be Japan’s first war against a fellow Asian realm with comparable technological parity in their militaries in nearly 4 centuries.

[1]: OTL's Vladivostok​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 102: Asiatic Northern War Part II - Struggles for the Straits and Tsushima​

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Despite Joseon not having engaged in any naval conflict since its punitive expedition against the Sou clan in 1419, the peninsular kingdom possessed an impressive navy. As Joseon began to engage in trade with the outside world in the 17th century, attention was given to its coastal and maritime defenses. Both the increasing power of Japan and the perceived threat of European ambitions incentivized technological advancements in Joseon ship design. The base designs of the panokseon and bangpaseon, which already exceeded the Japanese tekkousen in utility and firepower, was modified to incorporate innovations inspired by the warship designs of the English and Dutch merchants that Joseon interacted with. Joseon would also build warships based on European designs in their own shipyards, albeit to a lesser extent than the Japanese. Because of this, Joseon’s main disadvantage on the seas would not be technological in nature but rather numerical, as the Japanese navy was significantly larger. Therefore, Gyeongseon hoped to quickly blockade the Tsushima Straits and occupy the key islands of Tsushima, Okishima (沖島), and Iki, defeating any nearby large fleets before the Japanese could bring together its entire naval might as its various squadrons were spread across the realm. Then, the navy could proceed to cut off Japan from the mainland entirely, assuring the final defeat of the Amur Khanate and its Japanese reinforcements.​

Modern day 3D model of a 17th century panokseon​

Using this outline of a strategy to guide his actions, admiral Byeon Ge-up immediately activated the Joseon navy and began swarming the Tsushima Straits. A portion of the navy would commence an invasion of Tsushima while the main detachment would sail towards the Kanmon Straits to initiate a blockade and prevent the various Japanese navies from uniting into one force. Learning of Byeon Ge-up’s approach, Mōri Tsugumoto and Kobayakawa Motokane (小早川元包) mobilized the Mōri clan’s own navy and alerted Seikou’s senior deputy, Kanamori Shigekazu (金森重一) as the naval shogun was in Bireitō when the Joseon navy had been activated. Shigemasa would mobilize the fleets in Hyogo and Sakai to back up the Mōri and prevent Joseon from blockading the Kanmon Straits and controlling Japan’s most important trade route. By the spring of 1667, the various naval forces had coalesced to confront Byeon Ge-up himself with a total force of 40 ships. Furthermore, Shimonoseki’s defenses were strengthened, its garrison reinforced. Meanwhile, Ge-up amassed a slightly larger fleet of 45 ships upon hearing reports of the impending Japanese response and geared up for a full-scale naval confrontation.

On May 10th, the Battle of Umashima (馬島の戦い) occurred, taking place just off the island of Umashima (馬島) which was situated in front of the straits’ western end. On the Japanese side, Kanamori Shigemasa commanded the larger Azuchi contingent while Kobayakawa Motokane led the smaller Mōri navy, which was positioned in the front as the Mōri were the most familiar with Joseon’s military. Motokane put the Mōri clan’s zentousen just behind the front line of hobayasen, carracks, and galleons, hoping to replicate the same strategy behind the Japanese victory at Pasaleng Bay in the Iberian-Japanese War. To the northwest the Joseon navy, with Byeon Ge-up commanding from the back and his deputy Yun Si-min manning the front. The panokseons were concentrated in the front as they were the most nimble vessels in the Joseon navy and therefore perfect for navigating the narrower currents of the area. The battle began as soon as the sun shone as the Mōri contingent immediately began advancing. Yun Si-min, however, held back his panokseon vessels until the Japanese had closed much of the distance before moving an initial forward advance. Although under heavy fire, the panokseon’s maneuverability allowed them to dodge many cannonballs, and the ships that made it through fired at close range and managed to board several Japanese vessels. Intense fighting ensued, with both sides inflicting heavy casualties. However, the thicker armor of Joseon’s sailors overcame the greater agility of the Japanese sailors. Seeing the close combat taking place, Shigemasa ordered galleons and carracks on the wings to flank the Joseon panokseons and break the stalemate, quickly followed up by Byeon Ge-up’s own heavier junks and galleons that backed up the panokseons. After hours of naval warfare, seeing a breakthrough to be either impossible or too costly, Byeon Ge-up decided upon a retreat and ceding the entirety of the straits back to the Japanese. However, the Japanese had lost more vessels, making the battle a draw. Although Joseon had been unsuccessful in taking the straits, they had more than proven their might.​

Blue = Joseon, Salmon = Japan​

The Battle of Umashima also blocked the Japanese from sailing through the straits and breaking Joseon’s naval encirclement of Tsushima. Tsushima was ruled and guarded by Sou Yoshizane (宗義真) and his retinue of 1,500 and would be heavily outnumbered and outgunned by the Joseon navy and its transported land forces. Nevertheless, Tsushima was a heavily fortified island and its samurai were ready to fight for every last bit of it. Gim Jeong-il, a vice admiral, would supervise the encirclement and assault of the island. Joseon’s ships began to be reported as early as March 1667 from the island but the assault wouldn’t officially begin until April 13th. The paltry navy of the Sou clan was quickly destroyed, and a sizable Joseon force soon landed on the northern side of the island, quickly occupying it. However, the south was populated with numerous castles and fortifications and would prove to be a challenge for Jeong-il’s men. Initially, another force landed in the far south with little resistance, only to soon be inflicted with ambushes by small bands of samurai and armed farmers and fishermen. They were then defeated in battle by an army led by Sou Yoshizane himself in the southern vicinity of Kaneishi Castle (金石城), the main castle of the Sou clan. Meanwhile, Joseon’s advance from the north was halted when the Sou clan torched the bridge spanning the Kusubo Channel (久須保水道) that divided the northern and southern sides of Tsushima. Although the Joseon navy had supported its land counterparts through supply drops and bombardments of key Sou positions, notably reducing Kaneda Castle (金田城) to smoldering ruins, they were unable to cow Tsushima’s most important fortifications into submission through a mix of the enemy’s resolve and counterfire. The assault had expected to succeed within a month but Sou Yoshizane and the island’s defenders still stood defiant in the aftermath of the Battle of the Kanmon Straits. Because of this, Gim Jeong-il would make preparations to bring more men against the Japanese beyond the 10,000 that were already fighting Yoshizane.​

Blue = Joseon, Salmon = Japan​

During this time, preparations were being made to break Joseon’s constriction of Tsushima and prevent future attempts at seizing and blockading the Kanmon Straits. In Kyushu, Shimazu Norihisa was busy gathering a force of 10,000 from amongst the daimyo on the island to protect the Kyushu end of the straits. Meanwhile, Tagawa Seikou sailed to Nagasaki at the head of a navy composed of his personal junks and the Iriebashi squadron, with more ships to be contributed by the Shimazu, Horiuchi, and Ryuzōji clans. He chose to leave a naval presence near Luson province to continually protect Japan’s mercantile interests in the South China Sea and beyond and discourage Spain, Siam, or even the VOC from taking advantage of Azuchi’s preoccupation with matters against the Lesser Jin and Joseon. Nanbu Naofusa (南部直房), who commanded the Hakodate naval squadron within Japan’s navy, was also busy against the Joseon navy, engaging in naval skirmish after skirmish in the hopes of freeing up the seas between Kanazawa and the mainland so that the rest of Kaga Nagaaki’s expeditionary force could safely cross over and coalesce with Sakuma Moritora’s and Sassa Katsutoyo’s armies as well as Bahai Khan’s Amur Jurchen horde.

Unexpectedly, the waters between Japan and Joseon had become the main battleground of the Asiatic Northern War, originally expected to be limited in scope beyond the northern steppes of the Jurchen people. The naval warfare would continue for the rest of the year and it would have a significant effect on the war and the welfare of the involved realms. In particular, the naval escalation would begin to disrupt the trade routes flowing from both realms as the waters became more dangerous for native and foreign merchants alike. This would prove to be its own variable within the context of the war and wider regional affairs.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 103: Asiatic Northern War Part III - The Squeeze of Haishenwei​

As spring approached, Sakuma Moritora planned his next moves from the reconstructed fortifications at the confluence of the Amur and Songhua rivers. To better combat the forces of Gutai and Gyeongseon, he needed more men. To that end, he sought to march southwards to Haishenwei, recently captured by the Japanese under Sassa Katsutoyo, and unite with the Japanese army of 8,000 before moving on in the war against the Lesser Jin and their peninsular ally. As he made his final preparations and established a permanent garrison at the newly titled Kuromatsu Castle (黒松城), however, Moritora would be preceded by the enemy, who quickly responded to the loss of the key warm water port. Gutai himself would lead an army of 20,000 Jurchens towards the port, joined along the way by 12,000 Joseon troops sent by Hanseong. Meanwhile, Gyeon Be-up designated a small fleet to blockade the port and attempt to bombard the Japanese out of the port. Katsutoyo was quickly alerted of the enemy’s movements when a portion of his men who had occupied the countryside surrounding the port were attacked and driven back into Haishenwei. Eventually, the Joseon fleet could also be seen sailing from the horizon. Moritora himself was notified of these developments by Amur Jurchen sentries that had spied on Gutai’s horde, successfully disguising themselves and evading exposure. He quickly hurried south and alerted Bahai, who was raising a large army near Nurgan.

The Jin-Joseon squeeze of Haishenwei commenced on April 19th. The Japanese warships present at the port held off the enemy ships for a few hours, exchanging blows of smoke and powder until one by one they were either boarded and seized or sunk. Their noble sacrifice allowed Katsutoyo to focus his attention on the land attack, however, and on the first day the Japanese successfully disrupted attempts by the Joseon troops to set up adequate siege weapons. This wasn’t helped by the uselessness of many Jurchen warriors who only knew how to fight as horse archers or lancers on horseback. The following days, however, saw the Japanese begin to struggle as they now faced active assaults from both sides. The sea defenses quickly began to fall apart and one of the enemy ships even attempted an amphibious landing, though it was vigorously rebuffed by Katsutoyo’s men. On land, the Japanese could not prevent the enemy from establishing their siege weaponry. Although Haishenwei had a sizable garrison, the pincer attack was effective and it looked like the port would fall within a week.

This assumption would be challenged with the arrival of Moritora and his army of 14,000, consisting of 5,500 Japanese infantry and cavalry, 8,000 Amur Jurchens, and 500 Ainu cavalry along with a handful of cannons. Gutai, despite already besieging Haishenwei, prepared to confront the enemy, confident that his numbers would win the day and simultaneously continue to pressure Katsutoyo’s men. 24,000 were fielded against the Japanese field army, composed of 8,000 Joseonites and 16,000 Jurchens. 4,000 Jurchen horse archers screened the army, while a mix of Joseon and Jurchen infantry concentrated in the center. Heavy Joseon cavalry, the elite of the kingdom’s military, manned the wings alongside Gutai’s best horsemen while more Jurchen cavalry made up the rest of the wings and the center. Gutai himself would oversee the battle surrounded by his guards and reserves. Meanwhile, on the Japanese-Amur side, 3,000 horse archers similarly screened the rest of the army. 4,000 Japanese musketeers commanded by Mogami Yoshisato formed the center backed by 1,000 Jurchen melee infantry, while Moritora surrounded himself with his Ainu cavalry, Oshu warriors, and supporting Jurchen horsemen on the left. The right, meanwhile, was composed entirely of Jurchen horse archers and lancers led by young chieftain Bakedu. The battle would take place in the vicinity of Lake Bogatoye just north of the port on April 26th.​

Salmon = Japanese, Green = Amur, Blue = Joseon, Brown = Lesser Jin​

The battle began with the horse archers at the frontlines skirmishing with one another. As the outnumbered Amur Jurchens began to break, the Japanese center moved forward, firing swift volleys upon the unsuspecting enemy who quickly retreated and melted into their fellow ranks. Both sides then initiated a general charge. On the Japanese left, Moritora as usual directly led his men towards the enemy cavalry. Despite being outnumbered 2 to 1, the skill and prowess of the Japanese cavalry allowed them to hold their own, their pistols surprising many horses. Similarly to how they functioned as shock infantry in the Manji War, Ainu cavalry swung around their long harpoons and several Jurchens fell victim to impalement by the Ainu harpoons. A similar case was taking place in the middle, where the discipline and experience of the Japanese musketeers allowed the Japanese to stand their ground. The situation was very different on the Japanese right where the Jin-Joseon cavalry almost immediately began to push back the Amur Jurchens. Eventually, their sheer numbers won the day and the main Amur Jurchen contingent began a full retreat, and they turned in anticipation of flanking and routing the hypothetically vulnerable Japanese infantry. Other developments on the battlefield, however, had taken place that would not allow such a clean sweep by Gutai’s army. To shore up the center, the Amur infantry reserves had joined the battle and this proved decisive as the Jin-Joseon infantry also broke into a retreat, buckling under intense pressure. Although Gutai’s reserve cavalry attempted to salvage the situation, they were no match for the cannonfire and musket volleys of the Japanese. This enabled some of the infantry to respond to the Jin-Joseon right’s momentum as they split off from the main body and reinforced the line of cannons being turned towards the impending flanking cavalry charge. This worked and Jin general Laihu decided to retreat and protect his khan’s position. The Japanese infantry core also retreated in response, and the battle began to end. Moritora was still fighting intensely against the Jin-Joseon right but both sides would withdraw as soon as they saw everyone else cease fighting and retreat.

The battle ended in a draw. Casualties mounted to 2,500 for the Japanese-Amur army and 3,000 for the Jin-Joseon army. However, while Moritora had held his own against a larger army, he could not afford as many casualties and had failed to rout the khan’s force. Meanwhile, the diversion of men enabled Katsutoyo to skirmish and weaken the land besiegers but his men were quickly running out of provisions and the bombardments from the sea remained relentless. Hearing the news of the Battle of Bogatoye only confirmed his worst fears. Therefore, Katsutoyo devised a course of action that would save as many of his men’s lives as possible. He charged his uncle Katsutane (佐々勝種) with escorting the bulk of the army under the cover of darkness. 200 men, including himself, however, would remain to torch the dock and sally out on land. On the morning of April 29th, after Katsutane had secretly left along with 5,000 men, Katsutoyo executed his own role in his plan and would ultimately commit seppuku in the port, symbolically taking responsibility for his failure to hold down Haishenwei. He was only 32. With his death and the Japanese abandonment of the port, Haishenwei was taken back by the Lesser Jin.

Sassa Katsutane successfully escorted the survivors to Sakuma Moritora’s camp, albeit bringing bad news. A shocked Moritora accepted the hair knot of Katsutoyo with sorrow and promised to live and win the war so that it could be presented to Katsutoyo’s widow. After this, Moritora retreated north once again, hoping to gather more men and coalesce forces with Bahai. Beyond the surroundings of Haishenwei, the forces of the Lesser Jin and Joseon continued to gradually conquer the Amur river valley and much work needed to be done to not only defend the Amur Khanate’s remaining territories but also drive the enemy out. What no one knew at the time though was that a new player was about to enter the fray in the region, a force beholden to neither side.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 104: Asiatic Northern War Part IV - The Russian Intervention​

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After winning a modest victory in the Second Northern War, Moscow gave a serious glance at its far eastern territories for the first time in a while. Through the Amur Intervention by the Japanese, the Russians were handed their first definitive defeats in their race in their conquest of what would become known as Siberia, an expansive region from the Ural Mountains to the Pacific Ocean. Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich had continued this effort under this reign and was frustrated at what he saw as Azuchi’s underhandedness while his hands were tied up elsewhere. At the same time, however, the furthest reaches of Siberia were punishable cold and remote from significant Russian settlements, making a concerted military effort in the region a fantasy. Therefore, Moscow-aligned Cossacks had led recent endeavors into the far east alongside explorers. This would be the approach Alexei would take in regaining lost strength in the region, particularly as the Japanese themselves also only had a small if influential presence for similar reasons. Efforts began in 1665 when Alexei resumed sending small bands of Cossacks to not only support existing Russian outposts but also attack the Japanese-backed Amur Khanate and its borderlands. Cossacks even clashed with the Japanese in 1666.​

17th century Cossack​

Both a problem and an opportunity emerged with the outbreak of war between the Japanese-backed Amur Khanate and the Joseon-supported Lesser Jin. On the one hand, the conflict meant that the military presence in the area of both sides would dramatically increase. On the other hand, if the war prolonged, the armies of both sides could be too preoccupied or exhausted to respond to calculated raids and sorties by the Russians. This state of affairs prompted an unusual decision by the Russians, which was to pardon an exiled Cossack and former Polish noble who had recently been declared an outlaw for murdering the voivode of Ilimsk. Nikifor Chernigovsky had done this because the voivode, Lawrentij Obuhov, had raped his daughter. It was based on this reasoning that his status as an outlaw was reversed in 1666 despite the protests of many as it quickly became clear that a person like Chernigovksy would be necessary for a revival of Russian fortunes in the Amur River valley.

Once in command, Chernigovsky gathered a few thousand Cossacks and Russians and set his eyes on Albazin, which had only so recently been seized by the Jin from the Amur Khanate. The army that took the fortress, however, had left the area to conquer the rest of the Amur river valley and ultimately Kuromatsu Castle. Albazin was left with a modest garrison as there was no expectation of it being retaken by the Amur Jurchens or the Japanese. Chernigovsky would learn of this fact ahead of this and prepared to take full advantage of the situation. On the night of June 22nd, 1667, the Russians launched a surprise assault upon the fortress, using ladders to scale the walls under the cover of darkness. As Albazin was originally built by Russia, Chernigovsky had brought along a few men who had been forced out by the Japanese during the Amur Intervention and so still remembered the layout of the fortress and could pinpoint the vulnerable spots of Albazin. When this was set, a few dozen men sneaked into the fortress, some beginning to fight the garrison while others opened the gates to allow the rest to charge into Albazin directly. Despite this clever move, Albazin would take two days to fully take as surviving members of the garrison gathered in the main citadel where they fought off until nearly the entirety of the 1,000-strong garrison lay dead. The Russians were back in the game.

The small size of the Russian force and low expectations of further reinforcements halted succeeding offensives by Chernigovsky and his contingent of Russians and Cossacks. Nevertheless, this “Russian Intervention” into the Asiatic Northern War would have a profound influence on the course of the war. The Jin-Joseon army that had begun marching southwards towards Kuromatsu Castle was quickly alerted of the fall of Albazin and immediately reversed course, determined to retake the key fortress. This in turn relieved pressure on Sakuma Moritora, who had been preparing for a pincer move from both the north and south, and gave him more time to gather provisions and work on his army’s logistics. In the long run, it would also allow his army to coalesce with Bahai as the latter finally gathered an army of 20,000 in Nurgan and departed his temporary capital around the same time the Russian intervention into the war commenced. Although there were those who felt that a Japanese-Amur force should be sent to Albazin as well to prevent the Russians from re-establishing a firm foothold in the region, this was shot down in favor of focusing all efforts towards defeating the Lesser Jin and their Joseonite backer. For now, Chernigovsky could serve as a distraction for the Lesser Jin to the benefit of Bahai and the Japanese.

In the meantime, Jin-Joseon forces returned to Albazin and began yet another siege. Ever since the capture of Albazin, Chernigovsky had made efforts to establish friendly relations with the local peoples. Thus, the garrison had managed to procure a large reserve of provisions. As they began to be besieged from late July, the Cossacks avoided making offensive moves during the day and instead conducted night raids upon the often unsuspecting Joseonites and Jurchens. These routine sorties weakened their resolve, their morale already wavering due to exhaustion from continuous marches. The siege would last for a month before the Jin-Joseon besiegers received an order from Gutai to abandon the siege and move southwards as quickly as possible to aid him against Moritora and Bahai, as the Amur Jurchens and the Japanese began to regain lost momentum and territory. It would be a while before Chernigovsky would have to defend Albazin again from any major power in the region.

On paper, the “Russian Intervention” was small and insignificant, resulting in the capture of Albazin and its surroundings. Chernigovsky lacked a large army to make further military offensives and would be limited in what he could do. Nevertheless, he had taken advantage of the regional chaos the war had created to seize a sizable fortification from where a new foundation could be established. With the time and space he had gained and earned, Chernigovsky would do just that. Additionally, his campaign had unintentionally disrupted the flow of events in favor of the Amur Khanate and the Japanese, and it can be argued that future events could’ve ended more favorably for Joseon and the Lesser Jin khanate had the Russians not taken Albazin. Whatever might’ve happened, Chernigovsky helped make Russia a direct player in the region once again and he would have a big role in the Amur river valley for years to come.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 105: A Snapshot of Southeast Asia​

While East Asia experienced domestic tumult and regional conflicts in the 1650s and 1660s, Siam flourished upon the foundation of the initial “Ayutthaya Awakening” Prasat Thong had initiated in the 1630s. Upon the death of Prasat Thong, his eldest son Chaofa Chai succeeded him as king and inherited a stable and hegemonic realm, one that counted Lan Na and Cambodia as its vassals and exerted some level of economic and political influence over the Nguyen lords and the interior kingdom of Lan Xang. At the heart of the realm’s power and wealth was the capital of Ayutthaya itself, whose population approached half a million by 1665 [1]. Because of its size and commercial importance, it was nicknamed the “Venice of the East” and was easily the biggest urban center in all of Southeast Asia. The city contained numerous mercantile quarters and diaspora communities, the largest of which was Ban Yipun where the Japanese and the largest Nihonmachi anywhere was located.

Initially, the new king was opposed by his uncle, Si Suthammaracha, and his faction at court. However, Chai was able to foil a coup attempt by his uncle and his younger brother, Narai, and subsequently executed them both. Afterwards, the king focused on strengthening the realm’s domestic administration and maintaining the prosperity of Ayutthaya. Notable developments early on in his reign include a resurgence of Portuguese influence and presence as they formally won their independence from a declining Spain and they were well-positioned as a counterweight to the VOC, which was still viewed suspiciously by the Siamese court due to the latter’s ties to the realm’s rivals including the Trinh lords and Japan. Additionally, the French began to establish their own place in Siamese commercial relations. The growing number of Catholic traders in the realm in turn assisted the efforts of Jesuit missionaries present in Ayutthaya and other major ports in the realm. Amidst the commercial activity in the capital, Chai ensured a policy of balance that often played off the various foreign trading powers against one another was implemented to ensure no one power could dominate Siamese politics.​

Bird’s eye painting of Ayutthaya by Johannes Vingboons, c.1665​

While Siam’s prosperity and stability continued to shine throughout the region, its immediate neighbors were flexing their own muscles as well. After the conclusion of the Nguyen-Trinh war, Trinh Trang turned inwards and focused on consolidating his gains. He died in 1657 and was succeeded by his 51 year old son Trinh Tac. Trinh Tac turned his attention to the Mac dynasty’s remnants in Cao Bang. Initial attempts were unsuccessful as the Mac were under the protection of the Ming. However, events far to the north of Dai Viet forced Beijing to shift its attention away from its southern borders, finally giving Trinh Tac the opportunity he needed to vanquish the former usurpers, In 1667, Mac Kinh Vu was captured by the Trinh lord’s forces as he tried to escape into Chinese lands and was subsequently paraded around publicly in Hanoi before being beheaded [2]. Thus concluded the existence of the Mac dynasty in Vietnamese affairs. Meanwhile, the sultanate of Johor had broken free of Acehnese domination after the Dutch acquisition of Malacca in 1633 and the death of the great Acehnese sultan Iskandar Thani in 1641. Dutch trade policy drove much of Malaccan trade to the port of Riau, which not only became a key port in the Malacca Straits but also an enlightened center of Islamic learning. Johor’s growing power also expanded into Sumatra though soon a war would break out with Jambi after a marriage proposal was rejected and relations deteriorated.

Another polity, the Maguindanao Sultanate, was experiencing an economic golden age as that realm no longer worried faced the constant threat of the Spanish on the island of Mindanao. The victorious Muhammad Kudarat implemented a series of economic reforms like the establishment of several trade monopolies on goods like wax and cloves and a license system for trading. He also modernized the military, especially the navy. Many of these reforms were made possible by the robust support Japan gave to its little ally, even sending advisors to the island sultanate. Nevertheless, Kudarat followed his own foreign policy separately from Japan, forming close ties with other sultanates in the region and maintaining friendly relations with Spain. This was to the point where he declined to declare war on Spain during the Luzon War as Maguindanao was not guaranteed any territorial or commercial cessions by Japan. Nor did he pursue the strongest relationship with the VOC as Kudarat privately felt that the Japanese trusted the Dutch, who had proved to be predatory players in the region, too much. This conservative and safe foreign policy proved fruitful for Maguindanao for it managed to stay out of conflict for the rest of the sultan’s long reign. Kudarat’s 52 year long reign, one marked by resistance and subsequent growth, finally concluded in 1671 with his death at the age of 90, to be succeeded by his son Saifuddin Tidulay.

Kudarat’s concerns of the VOC’s “predatory” nature were valid for other native kingdoms and sultanates increasingly fell under the influence of the Dutch and were often forced to make trade concessions that dismantled or established local monopolies. This was most evident with the Ternate and Tidore sultanates, though one of them would begin to drift out of the Dutch sphere of influence . After the Iberian-Japanese War, Tidore, who had previously been a Spanish ally, fell into the Dutch-Ternatan sphere of influence under the new sultan Gorontalo. Gorontalo, who had been brought to power by the two powers, was essentially their puppet as both the VOC and Ternate enriched themselves off of the sultanate’s spice trade. In return, efforts by dissatisfied nobles to replace the sultan with another member of the dynasty were suppressed. This arrangement began to change in 1648 when Gorontalo died and was succeeded by his eldest son Gurajanga [3]. Gurajanga was different from his father, being more ambitious and independent from Dutch and Ternatan influences. He not only initiated new relations with local sultanates like Maguindanao and newcomers to the mercantile scene like the English and French but also the resumption of official relations with the Spanish, made possible by the earlier conclusion of the Dutch Independence War. Gurajanga also aided a rebellion in Ternate against its sultan Mandar Syah in the 1650s, leading to a brief conflict between itself and the VOC that ended in a draw. Eventually, Gurajanga was able to confidently refuse an attempt by the VOC to completely monopolize the spice trade by exterminating spice trees in Tidore like had been done in Ternate and the Bacan sultanate earlier [4], leveraging the relations he had cultivated to raise the specter of a wider conflict the Dutch were not willing to risk triggering. Gurajanga even guaranteed recognition of Tidorese territories on the island of Papua, areas far from the reach of any East India company rich in exotic goods like ambergris and birds of paradise. The sultan would use these diplomatic victories and begin investing in the Papuan territories and establishing another channel of economic growth and development for Tidore.​

Portrait of Sultan Gurajanga of Tidore​

The middle of the 17th century in Southeast Asia witnessed both the entry and machinations of new mercantile players from Japan and Europe and the reactions and responses from the native sultanates and kingdoms already there. The results were both violent and prosperous as new conflicts arose while opportunities for trade opened up across yje regipm. One common theme was the growing power of the Dutch East India Company and the mistrust towards them their rise created amongst most of the polities in the region. The VOC had already thoroughly subordinated the sultanates of Bacan, Ternate, and Gowa and many powers feared that they would be next. As a result, they would continue to seek better relations with other European powers like Spain, Portugal, England, and France while also strengthening their militaries and economies should a clash become inevitable. The multipolarity of the region would continue and develop.

[1]: The sources on its exact population IOTL are all over the place so I based the number off of observations made by European visitors who compared the city’s size to Paris and London, who stood around half a million in 1665.

[2]: IOTL, the Mac are finally defeated in 1677.

[3]: Unlike OTL, where Gorontalo is assassinated and usurped by Ngalaramo’s son Saidi in 1639.

[4]: IOTL, Tidore also agrees to exterminate clove trees from its archipelago possessions.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 106: Asiatic Northern War Part V - Every Island On the Table​

The Battle of Umashima cemented a stalemate on the seas, with Japan unsuccessful at breaking Joseon’s stranglehold over the Tsushima straits or the amphibious besieging of Tsushima Island itself. Nor could Byeon Ge-up seize control of the Kanmon straits and its increasingly fortified and garrisoned shores on both sides. The Joseonite admiral therefore turned his attention towards taking the Okishima and Iki islands and harassing the coasts of Kyushu. Sengoku Masatoshi and Matsura Shigenobu, whose domains encompassed Oki and Iki Islands respectively, had been expecting such a move to come ever since war broke out in the seas. As such, they had been preemptively bolstering the islands’ defenses, stocking up on provisions, and taking in reinforcements from the home islands.

An attack upon Iki island came first on July 20th in conjunction with Byeon Ge-up’s strategy of harassing coastal Kyushu. While the main navy quickly surrounded the island, smaller ships attacked any Japanese ships they came across and unleashed cannonfire upon various coastal batteries and fishing villages. The Joseon navy quickly faced a formidable response that ended any chance of taking the island, however. Firstly, Iki was close enough to Kyushu proper where Joseon ships could be bombarded from the coast, and this disrupted Joseon’s encirclement of the island. Secondly, Tagawa Seikou and the main navy had finally arrived, reinforced by ships from the various Kyushu daimyo. They swiftly rebuffed the smaller ships raiding the coasts and headed north to break the encirclement. Alerted of Seikou’s approach, Byeon Ge-up weighed the possibility of abandoning the assault and reforming for the open seas to directly confront the Japanese navy. Due to the complicated nature of such a maneuver in a rather short amount of time, he decided against going down that path and instead retreated in good order from Iki, ending the assault after only 6 days. The island had been saved.​

Portrait of Matsura Shigenobu​

After driving Byeon Ge-up out of the area, Tagawa Seikou set his eyes on liberating Tsushima, where Sou Yoshizane continued his resistance against the Joseon fleet albeit with less men and less supplies every passing day. By the middle of the summer, Japanese control of the island had been reduced to Kaneishi Castle and its immediate surroundings. When more ships from the former assault force against Iki began joining the enemy fleet, things looked bleaker than ever and Yoshizane even began writing his final will and preparing for his seemingly inevitable seppuku. On August 14th, however, a Shimazu vanguard of ships commanded by Hongou Hisamoto (北郷久元) reached Tsushima and exchanged fire with the Joseon fleet, attempting to break the encirclement. Caught by surprise, Gim Jeong-il lost a few ships against his Shimazu foe before Hisamoto’s fleet snuck away. A few days later, the Japanese returned, this time directly overseen by Seikou and accompanied by more ships. This time, the Japanese broke the encirclement, forcing Jeong-il’s fleet to retreat and relieving Tsushima of its months-long besieging.

Okishima wouldn’t be so lucky. A smaller fleet had begun a preliminary assault upon the island on July 23rd, and they would also be reinforced by many of the ships from the Iki invasion force. Sengoku Masatoshi had only 1,000 men and lacked less provisions and defenses than the larger Tsushima. Most of the province quickly fell outside of Oki Castle (隠岐城) [1] and on August 7th, the Joseon fleet successfully broke through the defenses of the fortified stronghold. Masatoshi would commit seppuku and although scattered resistance continued into the fall, Okishima was now under Joseonite control. The neighboring islands of Nishinoshima (西ノ島), Chiburijima (知夫里島), and Nakanoshima (中ノ島) also fell in the aftermath of the fall of Okishima. The capture of Oki province was humiliating for Japan as for the first time in nearly 4 centuries, a foreign power had successfully invaded the home islands. Worse, Seikou could not immediately respond and attempt to capture the islands, for Byeon Ge-up still commanded a formidable navy that now wrestled with the Japanese navy over control of the Tsushima Straits. The task of retaking the islands would be left to Nanbu Naofusa, who was still preoccupied with transporting the rest of Kaga Nagaaki’s army to the mainland and remaining on guard to prevent Joseon from either disrupting that task or holding dominion over the more northerly waters.

These developments on the seas continued to exacerbate growing economic concerns and disruptions of trade as the war made the seas more dangerous traversing for anyone, including foreign and native merchants. This was especially the case in Sakai and Shimonoseki, who heavily relied on the Kanmon Straits and saw all of its trade impacted. Economic anxiety quickly transitioned into outright xenophobia towards resident Joseonites, and the latter became scapegoated and frequently experienced public mockery and discrimination. The xenophobia reached new heights after the capture of Oki province and would lead to horrific events. In September, the local magistrates of both cities succumbed to paranoia and ordered the arrest and detainment of prominent Joseonite merchants suspected of being spies for the Joseon government. News of this quickly spread among the populace, and a handful decided to take matters into their own hands. On the night of October 1st, the Anti-Joseon Riot of Shimonoseki (下関反朝鮮一揆) took place, where a large angry mob gathered and decided to take matters into their own hands, breaking into and plundering the Joseon quarter of the city. Several women were raped while many men were dragged out of the homes and beaten or even lynched in some cases. It was a few hours before the magistrate’s men arrived on the scene and ended the bloody carnage, but it was too late and the riot had claimed 24 casualties and dozens more injured. Smaller incidents took place in Sakai but were quickly suppressed by the local magistrate there. Nevertheless, damage had been done and diplomatic relations between the two warring nations plummeted and the Shimonoseki riot triggered a mass exodus of Joseonite merchants and resident artisans took place throughout the entire realm.
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As economic anxiety and xenophobia gripped urban centers on the home islands, the war on the sea continued. The Japanese now laid their eyes on Jeju Island as they hoped to oust Joseon entirely from its own islands. The main obstacle to this lofty goal was of course Byeon Ge-up and his formidable armada, and Tagawa Seikou knew that a direct clash with his Joseonite rival was inevitable. Despite this looming threat, he set off for Jeju Island with his main fleet, seemingly preparing for an amphibious invasion of the island. Naturally, Joseon’s chief admiral set off to intercept the Japanese before they could reach Jeju. What Byeon Ge-up didn’t know was that he had fallen directly into a trap, for Seikou had anticipated such a move and had ordered Hongou Hisamoto to lead a smaller fleet from Kyushu towards the Geomundo archipelago. In fact, Seikou had no intention of committing to an invasion of Jeju at that point and was seeking to draw the Joseon fleet into open waters to be eviscerated. His plan came to fruition on November 6th, 1667 just off the island of Daesambudo, a part of the Geomundo archipelago. The Joseon fleet headed straight towards Tagawa Seikou’s fleet numbered 49 ships while the latter was made up of 34 ships, with Hisamoto’s contingent made up of 22 ships. Seikou was accompanied by many of his personal junks and he positioned himself in his personal ship, the Zheng, which was the largest and most formidable warship in the Japanese navy.​

Pre-battle formation (blue = Joseon, salmon = Japan)​

The battle began with the 3 contingents of the Joseon navy boxing in the Japanese from the north and west. Supporting Byeon Ge-up on the western wing of the Joseon navy was Gim Jeong-il who sought to recover from the humiliating end of the besieging of Tsushima. Per Joseon tactics, the panokseon ships were concentrated on the frontlines, supported by galleons and other heavy warships, while more modest ships formed the middle and reserve ranks. Tagawa Seikou deployed the heavy portion of galleons northwards and despite their numerical inferiority, their firepower gave him the edge on the northern front. The Japanese navy faced more difficulties from the northwest and west but Seikou’s experience and shrewdness more than matched that of Byeon Ge-up’s. Nevertheless, Seikou knew that unless Hisamoto’s fleet arrived on time, he would probably lose. Luckily, his deputy arrived with his fleet a few hours into the naval battle, sweeping behind the western wing of the Joseon navy. By the time Jeong-il saw them, Hisamoto’s ships had begun firing upon his own contingent, and Jeong-il’s wing would crumble before the relentless cannonfire coming from both sides. Gim Jeong-il himself would drown in the ocean along with many of his ships and sailors. Meanwhile, the rest of the Joseon navy started experiencing heavier losses and it wasn’t long before Byeon Ge-up ordered a retreat back to Busan. In the end, Joseon had lost 17 ships while Seikou had lost just 5, marking the Battle of Daesambudo as a decisive Japanese victory.​

Latter half of the battle
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Seikou’s true intent soon revealed themselves when he declined to follow up on the victory and assault Jeju Island, his ships sailing back to Shimonoseki and Nagasaki to wait out the winter. That task would be saved for the following year. This further embarrassed Byeon Ge-up, and he was subsequently removed from his post and replaced by Yi Sang-seon. The new chief admiral of the Joseon navy was faced with a completely new state of affairs in the seas. Now, Joseon was largely on the defensive, its gains completely reversed outside of Oki province. He would spend the winter constructing new ships, mobilizing new sailors, and repairing the damages wrought by the Japanese in recent months. When the new year dawned, the naval war would inevitably intensify once again.

[1]: Built in 1611 ITTL.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 107: Asiatic Northern War Part VI - The Battle of Alchuka Plains​

​

Despite the fall of Haishenwei from Japanese hands, the main Jin army had been preoccupied long enough for Bahai to finish raising a new army and then depart Nurgan, making camp not far from Kuromatsu Castle. This meant that between Kuromatsu Castle and Haishenwei, the Amur Jurchens and Japanese possessed a total of 35,000 men. The Amur-Japanese coalition began taking advantage of this newfound mass of manpower, with Bahai recapturing Jixi in the coming month and his men regaining all lost territories between Kuromatsu Castle and Lake Khankai-Omo [1]. In a poignant moment during this particular campaign, Bahai returned to the battlefield where his father had been killed in the beginning of the war and prayed for those who had fallen on that day with his men before giving the remaining skeletons strewn all around proper burials and final rites. In any case, the situation alarmed Gutai and he attempted to blunt and reverse the momentum of the enemy by marching directly towards Bahai’s main army. However, he was forced to stop after rumors of a new Japanese army led by Kaga Nagaaki marching towards the area spread. Indeed, Nagaaki had marched northwards from Kanazawa to Sakata in the spring months and taken transports from there along with his army far from the reach of Joseon ships to the mainland. However, he was still quite far away at the time, and the specter of his presence only gave him more time to march towards the positions of Gutai and Moritora, leading an army of 15,000.

Flush with confidence, Bahai plotted to carve a path through the heart of the Lesser Jin khanate towards its capital of Hetu Ala. To that end, he sought to capture the interior Jin stronghold at Alchuka Hoton [2]. He sent a letter to Moritora, requesting that he send 3,000 Japanese men experienced in siege warfare and artillery operations to assist with his planned siege of Alchuka Hoton. Moritora himself would stay in the area to wait on Nagaaki’s army of 15,000 and to stall any moves by Gutai or any other Jin-Joseon forces in the area. In response, Gutai began sending messengers across his own khanate, Joseon, and Amur territory occupied by his warriors to move towards the main army and help inflict a final defeat upon the Japanese and Amur Jurchens. One of these messengers reached the army besieging Russian-controlled Albazin, and this force withdrew from their endeavor to move southwards. On his way back to his sovereign, however, the khan’s messenger was intercepted and captured by the Japanese. Upon learning the information from the messenger after the latter was tortured and beaten, Moritora retreated north to Kuromatsu Castle to strengthen its defenses and prepare a surprise attack upon the northerly enemy. Gutai took advantage of this defensive withdrawal and the departure of Bahai’s main army, pouncing upon Jixi and retaking it in 2 days.​

State of the war, summer 1667​

Initially, Gutai hoped to wait for Jin and Joseonite reinforcements at Jixi. However, Nagaaki arrived in the army, boosting the enemy’s manpower and increasing the precarity of Gutai’s position. Therefore, Gutai changed plans and instead left Jixi only days after he had recaptured it, leading his men straight towards Alchuka Hoton and Bahai himself. Although this would leave the Jin-Joseon army marching south near the Amur River alone against the Japanese, the move would allow Gutai to unite with the main Joseon army in the area led by Shin Ryu. Furthermore, a Jurchen force of 7,000 led by veteran general Ebilun had already arrived in the vicinity of Alchuka Hoton, although they had avoided direct combat with Bahai’s besieging force so far. As for Bahai, whose imminent encirclement by Gutai, Shin Ryu, and Ebilun was as of yet unknown to the khan of the Amur Jurchens, he had been busy engaging with the garrison in Alchuka Hoton and had successfully captured the outer elements of the fortress. The rapidly incoming Battle of Alchuka Plains, however, would inevitably force him to switch his focus to the field armies of his enemy.

Not long after the Japanese armies of Sakuma Moritora and Kaga Nagaaki made contact, news of Gutai’s departure towards Alchuka Hoton reached them, and a decision had to be made. They would both have to defend Kuromatsu Castle from the northern enemy force and rescue Bahai from Gutai’s encirclement strategy. A decision was made to split the Japanese force in the region to respond to both. The bulk of the Japanese army, around 20,000 and led by Nagaaki, would head towards Alchuka Hoton while the remainder of approximately 8,000 men would stay and confront the enemy just north of Kuromatsu Castle and would be led by Moritora. Nagaaki, now the official commander in chief of Japanese land forces on the Asiatic mainland as a blood member of the Oda clan, began his move in early September, accompanied by veteran generals like Sassa Katsutane and Mogami Yoshisato. He himself possessed a good deal of military experience from the Manji War despite his youth, having taken over for his father Tomoaki after the latter succumbed to his wounds at the Battle of Uonuma. His army also included 500 members of the rebuilt Konoe cavalry as well as the entirety of his father’s elite musketeers that had contributed to Moritora’s only loss on the battlefield at Uonuma.

On the plains surrounding Alchuka Hoton, meanwhile, Gutai had consolidated the forces of the Lesser Jin and Joseon, with a total of 47,000, composed of 28,000 Jin Jurchens and 19,000 Joseonites. Outnumbered by more than 2 to 1, Bahai and his entire cause seemed poised to be wiped off the map. The day before the Jin-Joseon coalition was planning to attack the Amur Jurchens, though, Nagaaki arrived with his army and had already begun to coordinate with Bahai through a messenger that had ridden ahead. The battle therefore would be delayed by 4 days and would take place on August 18th, 1667. Against the Jin-Joseon army, Amur-Japanese field forces numbered 38,000 including 21,000 Amur Jurchens and 17,000 Japanese [3] with 5,000 men continuing the siege upon Alchuka Hoton. What would be known as the Battle of Alchuka Plains would actually consist of 2 separate and simultaneous engagements. The smaller of the two pitted Ebilun’s 7,000 against a similarly sized force led by Mingginu, predominantly composed of Amur horse archers but also incorporating some Japanese samurai cavalry units.

The bigger engagement would directly pit the rulers of the khanates against one another, Gutai of the Lesser Jin and Bahai of the Amur khanates, together with their allied forces. On the Amur-Japanese side, the Japanese infantry was positioned in the center and was commanded by Kikkawa Hiroyoshi while the Japanese left wing and Jurchen right wing were cavalry-heavy, led by Sassa Katsutane and Jurchen general Mordaja respectively. Finally, Kaga Nagaaki and Bahai surrounded themselves with Jurchen reserves behind the infantry formation. The Japanese infantry was jutted out compared to the wings in an inverse crescent formation. Meanwhile, on the other side of the battlefield, the main Jin-Joseon infantry mass held together the Joseonite right wing and the Jurchen left wing of, led by Shin Ryu and Gutai’s brother Sooge respectively and mostly made up of heavy and light cavalry. The khan himself would survey the combat from the back, surrounded by reserve Jurchen horse archers. Additionally, a frontline of horse archers from the retinues of the Jurchen chiefs that had joined the Joseon army 3 decades earlier screened the Jin-Joseon infantry. They, led by Manggultai’s descendant Sahaliang, were tasked with softening Japanese ranks ahead of the Jin-Joseon infantry, the latter who then would advance upon the Japanese.​

Main engagement of the Battle of Alchuka Plains (Salmon = Japanese, Green = Amur Jurchen, Blue = Joseon, Brown = Jin Jurchen)​

The battle began with a salvo of cannonfire from both sides followed by the commencement of the Japanese infantry’s steady march towards the Jin-Joseon army. As planned, Sahaliang’s horse archers galloped across the Japanese front line, firing arrow after arrow upon the musketeers and yard ashigaru. However, the Japanese were able to fire back effectively and Amur horse archers in reserve swung around the infantry to retaliate. Soon, Sahaliang’s horsemen retreated through gaps in the Jin-Joseon infantry and the battle transitioned to a standard infantry slog in the center. Meanwhile, the wings of both armies had made contact as well, both light and heavy cavalry on both sides engaging fiercely. Over time, the Joseonite and Jin wings benefited from their greater size and began to push back the Amur-Japanese cavalry. Numerical superiority did not make the difference in the middle, where the better training and greater experience of the Japanese musketeers helped them hold their ground. Additionally, the yari ashigaru were better able to defend the Japanese frontline against the Jin-Joseon musketeer and swordsman formation. Soon,the Jin-Joseon infantry formation began to break, only to be saved by Gutai’s rallying of the reserves and the Joseon horse archers that had retreated. At the same time, the Jin left finally broke through their foe and despite Amur Jurchen reserves joining the fight against them, the former seemed poised to stampede upon the main Amur-Japanese camp.

It was at this moment that Gutai made a hasty decision and chose to retreat upon seeing the state the infantry was in, using the horse archers as cover. Upon receiving the orders, Shin Ryu also withdrew the Joseon cavalry from the battlefield. However, Gutai’s cavalry on the left continued to fight and nearly killed Bahai and Nagaaki. With the rest of the Amur-Japanese army gathering around their position, however, Sooge realized what was happening and finally retreated. The day finally ended at a significant cost. The Jin-Joseon army had lost 6,000 men while the Amur-Japanese army had lost 4,500. Meanwhile, at the smaller engagement, Mingginu had repelled Ebilun, forcing the Jin army back northwards.

After the battle, Gutai and his army retreated back south while Alchuka Hoton fell on August 23rd. Despite the victory, however, the Amur-Japanese army had suffered heavy losses and emerged exhausted. While Bahai consolidated his position around the fortress, Nagaaki and the Japanese retreated eastwards, recapturing Jixi in the process. In his absence, Moritora and Jin-Joseon forces clashed in what ended in a Japanese victory and a successful defense of Kuromatsu Castle. The Tiger of the North would set his sights on occupied parts of the Amur river valley and the far northern steppes that were largely now under Jin control. The approaching winter would delay his plans, though, and this coincided with a brief break of the fighting due to weather conditions and the exhaustion of men on both sides. One takeaway from the Battle of Alchuka Plains as well as from the naval warfare was that the war was increasingly costly for both sides, influencing some minds to begin considering a negotiated peace.

[1]: TTL’s and OTL’s ancient name for Lake Khanka

[2]: Jurchen name of the Acheng District of Harbin

[3]: Kaga Nagaaki’s army included 3,000 Amur Jurchens amongst its ranks.​

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 108: Asiatic Northern War Part VII - A Ming Embargo Amidst the War​

​

Throughout the course of the Asiatic Northern War, the Ming emperor had observed the carnage on land and at sea from the confines of the Forbidden Palace in Beijing with increasing worry. As his armies continued to battle the Northern Yuan in what was looking to be a victory for the Ming, Yongwu had begun to hear how the raging war, particularly on the seas, was disrupting trade, including that which flowed into Chinese ports. Most alarming were rumors of Chinese ships being accosted by both sides, their sailors harassed and mistreated, and their properties seized or taken hostage. Whatever the truth, it was clear to Yongwu that Japan and Joseon had gotten too involved in the affairs of the Jurchens and had discarded respect for Beijing, the ultimate authority of the East, in the process. This conclusion was further reinforced by Beijing’s attempts at mediation falling on deaf ears.

Therefore, on January 7th, 1668, Yongwu issued a decree that suspended all trade and tribute from Japan and Joseon to the Ming realm until hostilities ceased between the two warring states. Japanese and Joseonite merchants were also barred from Ming ports. As soon as the expelled merchants began returning and Ming diplomats informed Azuchi and Hanseong of the emperor’s decision, both realms witnessed a backlash against the continuation of the war among the ruling class. However, the scale of these reactions differed between the two. In Japan, many daimyo and merchants joined the conservative, Sinophile nobility in quiet opposition against the war and Azuchi’s deep involvement in mainland affairs. The realm, however, would only experience moderate repercussions as Japan by now possessed an extensive trade network throughout Southeast Asia where they could continue to access Chinese goods via enterprising Chinese merchants. This mitigated opposing voices within and outside the government. By contrast, Gyeongseon experienced a broader backlash, especially from the Confucian bureaucracy, that threatened to undermine his very rule over the peninsular kingdom due to the greater impact the Ming embargo would have on Joseon and its diplomatic and economic activities. Recent defeats also contributed to the uproar the king faced. He subsequently shut down dissent and emphasized a commitment to win the war within the year and get back to normalcy swiftly afterwards.​

17th century depiction of Guangzhou, a major Chinese port for Japan and Joseon​

Regardless of the sentiments triggered by the Ming embargo, the war would trudge onwards. At sea, the focus shifted to Jeju Island as Tagawa Seikou prepared a significant amphibious invasion fleet of 131 warships and transports as well as 23,000 men to direct against Joseon’s biggest island. He launched the planned assault on April 3rd, 1668, quickly surrounding Jeju Island and beginning to stream troops onto its beaches. The land troops were nearly exclusively from the western and southern provinces and were jointly led by both Ryuzōji Tomoie and Ikeda Yoshitsugu (池田由嗣) while Kobayakawa Motokane would assist Seikou in the open waters. They first landed on the southern and western sides of the island while ships focused their cannonfire on the city of Jeju and Byeolbangjin Fortress after defeating a moderately sized Joseon fleet. The Japanese land troops faced no resistance when conducting the amphibious landings and proceeded with the land invasion. In fact, the outnumbered Joseonites, who numbered only 8,000, had purposefully let the Japanese land on the beaches without any resistance. Their commander, Kim Dal-yong, instead directed the majority of his men to engage in guerrilla warfare while the rest garrisoned Jeju and Byeolbangjin Fortress. He hoped to wear down the Japanese and hold out until the main Joseon fleet arrived and broke the siege around the island.

Seikou was all too aware of that outcome as well, and so sent Hongou Hisamoto with a fleet of 50 ships to the southern coast of the peninsula to raid and distract Joseon’s attention from Jeju Island. Hisamoto targeted the coastline between Busan and Yeosu, ravaging seaside villages and taking out any vessels on the seas. Soon enough, though, these activities would incur a response from the new admiral of the Joseon navy, Yi Sang-seon. He sent orders to Bae Seol-rip, a provincial army commander stationed on the coastline, to concentrate his forces and any available cannons and hwachas on Namhae Island. Seol-rip would also refurbish medium-sized fishing and merchant vessels for combat and gather any panokseons in the area, accumulating a sizable fleet large enough to catch Hisamoto’s attention. Yi Sang-seon himself would prepare a fleet to retaliate against the Japanese marauding the coastal waters. As expected, the Japanese sailed towards Namhae Island near the main fortress of Imjinseong on May 16th where Bae Seol-rip had chosen to position the bulk of his artillery and men. Hisamoto’s galleons and zentousens immediately began firing upon the coastlines while other ships made amphibious landings, landing small groups of men intending to launch sorties upon the Joseon garrison in the fortress. Seol-rip’s men, under immense pressure from all sides, hung on and responded with their own cannons and hwachas while holding steady against the land sorties. This perseverance was maintained for several hours while Yi Sang-seon sailed towards the fortress. By the time Hisamoto realized that he had sailed right into a trap, it was too late and the main Joseon fleet unleashed its wrath upon the Japanese. At the same time, the bulk of Seol-rip’s fleet, which had remained docked in the Noryang Straits up until now, also set sail and confronted the encircled Japanese. Hisamoto ordered a retreat but it was too late, and only 13 of his ships evaded capture or destruction in comparison to the handful of Joseon’s ships that had been sunk.​

Salmon = Japan, Blue = Joseon​

The Battle of Imjinseong proved that despite Joseon’s loss at Daesambudo, the Joseon navy was far from defeated and that in Yi Sang-seon it possessed a new and talented leader. Furthermore, Hisamoto’s devastating loss exposed the Japanese at Jeju Island vulnerable to an attack by one of Yi Sang-seon’s fleets. Therefore, Seikou now sent orders to Nanbu Naofusa, who had just recaptured Okishima from Joseon, to sail with the Kanazawa and Hakodate squadrons of the navy to Tsushima and attack the Joseon fleet from there. Meanwhile, Yi Sang-seon began gathering a new armada with the intent of sailing directly upon Jeju Island and relieving it of the Japanese besieging. On Jeju Island itself, most of it had fallen to the Japanese, including the strategic Byeolbangjin Fortress. However, the main city, Mt. Hallasan, and the forests surrounding both remained under Joseonite control and proved difficult to pierce through. Kim Dal-yong’s men conducted hit-and-run attacks upon any Japanese that attempted to pass through the mountainous and forested terrain around Jeju and took guns and ammunition from the dead samurai and ashigaru. Despite this relative success, however, the Japanese were successfully grinding the defenses and manpower of Jeju Island bit by bit.

The war also continued unabated on the mainland. For the most part, the spring of 1668 witnessed standoffs, sieges, and skirmishes as both sides focused on maintaining their gains and retaking what was recently taken from them, namely Alchuka Hoton, Jixi, and Haishenwei. Neither side was successful in taking any significant positions on this front. On the other hand, the northern front was defined by the Amur-Japanese campaign to retake the entirety of the Amur river valley, including Russian-occupied Albazin. Sakuma Moritora, fresh from his victorious defense of Kuromatsu Castle, would lead this initiative and was confident in his ability to accomplish this. Upon retaking Albazin, the plan was to sweep into the northern interior occupied by the Lesser Jin and nearly complete the reversal of Jin-Joseon territorial gains. This campaign, however, would not make it to Albazin. Although Moritora initially swept northwards with little resistance, a horde of Jin Jurchens ambushed his army near the frontier town of Aigun [1] and inflicted heavy losses upon the Amur-Japanese army despite being rebuffed. Thus, Moritora was forced to halt and rest in the town while gathering more supplies.

As the spring campaigning season drew to a close, no clear-cut conclusion to the war loomed on the horizon, and pressure was building on every participant as they incurred ever more manpower and financial costs. Swaths of steppe and farmland in the collective lands of the Jurchens lay devastated while both Japan and Joseon now faced a trade embargo from Ming China. As both sides continued to fight, it was clear that one major development could break the camel’s back and lead to one side’s victory and the other’s loss.​

[1]: Jurchen name for Heihe.

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 109: Asiatic Northern War Part VIII - The Rise and Fall of Joseon’s War Efforts​

​

The biggest battle of the Asiatic Northern War would take place just off the island of Yeondo between the chief admirals of the Japanese and Joseonite navies, Tagawa Seikou and Yi San-seon respectively. After Joseon’s victory at Imjinseong, Seikou decided to take a large fleet to the peninsula and challenge the main Joseon fleet in a pitched naval battle. While Kobayakawa Motokane oversaw the continuation of the naval blockade around Jeju Island, Seikou targeted the town of Yeosu in order to force San-seon’s hand. Yi San-seon, who was already gathering a naval armada to rescue Jeju, eagerly took the bait and sailed towards the island of Yeondo, which was directly to the south of Yeosu. They would clash on June 26th between Yeondo and the island of Ando. While the Japanese fleet numbered 84 ships, the Joseon fleet hovered around 100 ships with many of the latter’s vessels having recently been constructed. The core of the Japanese fleet were Seikou’s junks while the wings of the fleet were made up of heavy ships and commanded by Yamada Tadamasa (山田忠政) [1] and Kurushima Michikiyo (久留島通清) respectively. Meanwhile, Yi San-seon commanded the reserves with two front contingents led by Yun Si-min and Song Yeo-jong. Usually, the front line of the average Joseon navy was made up of the nimble panokseon vessels. In this instance, however, Yi San-seon mixed in heavier ships when forming his ranks. This change would influence the outcome and number of casualties in the battle.​

Salmon = Japan, Blue = Joseon​

The battle began in the morning. As usual, the panokseon ships maneuvered in between Japanese ships before either boarding enemy ships or firing upon them. In this case, the strategy was effective due to the narrowness of the waters and the support Joseon’s galleons and other heavy warships provided. As a result, in the first hour of the engagement the Japanese suffered heavier losses. However, as Seikou and his deputies on the wings began deploying hobayasens and other medium-sized vessels the Japanese brought Yi San-seon’s momentum to a grinding halt. These ships, although less maneuverable than the panokseons, could shell out more firepower and as a result balanced the flow of the battle. As the engagement continued, the Japanese fleet began to push back against Yi San-seon as the panokseons proved inferior and Seikou’s men were better trained melee fighters in the boarding actions that took place. Seeing this, Joseon’s chief admiral finally ordered his ship and the other reserve ships of primarily heavy warships forward and this began to reverse the flow of the battle once again. Ultimately, despite the Japanese technically inflicting more casualties and sinking more ships (mostly panokseons), this final push forced Seikou to order a retreat and sail away from the peninsula.

Although the Battle of Yeondo ended in a tactical victory for Yin San-seon, they were unable to immediately follow up on their win and sail straight towards Jeju due to the heavy losses his fleet had been inflicted. Nevertheless, Seikou was also forced back to the home islands to recuperate his losses, giving Joseon a small window to break the Japanese encirclement of Jeju. On the island itself, the guerilla tactics of the Joseonites had consistently kept them a few steps from a wipeout. Finally, though, the garrison would see their salvation two weeks after Yeondo when Yun Si-min led a transport fleet carrying 5,000 men landed on the northwestern coast of the island. The newly landed army immediately assaulted the main Japanese camp, burning it to the ground and scattering the enemy forces. The Japanese, already demoralized from the news of their loss at Yeondo and exhausted by the months-long fighting, retreated to Byeolbangjin Fortress as the evening progressed. After setting it aflame, they began evacuating Jeju Island at the crack of dawn and were completely gone by the end of that day. With the ultimate failure of Japan’s assault upon Jeju Island, Japan and Joseon were now in balance in the seas once again.​

The present day ruins of Byeolbangjin Fortress​

On the mainland, the combined forces of the Lesser Jin and Joseon were also holding back against further Amur-Japanese advances and gains. In the late spring of 1668, Bahai, Kaga Nagaaki, and senior officials of the Amur Khanate plotted to take Haishenwei and even the Jin capital of Hetu Ala in order to cut off Gutai’s horse archers occupying the northern steppes from the core of the khanate and force the enemy to the negotiating table. Because of the Joseon navy’s preoccupation with Japanese naval activities in the Tsushima Straits and the amphibious assault of Jeju Island, Haishenwei easily fell into Amur-Japanese hands once again. The nearby torched ruins of the occupied Amur capital of Nurgan were also retaken. However, plans on sieging and seizing Hetu Ala fell through when the main Amur Jurchen army was confronted by a mixed Jin-Joseon army led by Shin Ryu near the town of Girin in early July. Bahai, only possessing 4,000 Japanese infantry alongside his own cavalry and infantry, was no match for the Joseonite general and the former was soon forced to retreat back to the safe confines of Alchuka Hoton.

Amur-Japanese struggles on the mainland beckoned the necessity of further Japanese reinforcements. However, opinion in Azuchi was going sour over the continuation of the war as a realm still recovering from the Manji War was now suffering scores of casualties in an overseas conflict with little to no promise of direct territorial or economic gain. If anything, with the Ming embargo, they were beginning to experience economic losses. Nevertheless, the importance of the fur trade, Japanese diplomatic standing, and the prestige of both Sakuma Moritora and Kaga Nagaaki kept the government from pursuing peace negotiations for the time being, and a new army led by Tokugawa Noriyasu son Tomoyasu (徳川朝康) had been gathered, ready to embark to the steppe battlefield. Meanwhile, Seikou helped initiate the construction of new warships in Harima and Shima provinces.

By contrast, the backlash against the war and the expenses and manpower it necessitated hit harder in the court of Joseon king Gyeongseon. Critically, the blame fell much more squarely on the sovereign himself, who had largely initiated Joseon’s backing of the Lesser Jin in the first place. Successive victories did little to alleviate Gyeongseon’s unpopularity and as a result the war would cost him in an unprecedented fashion. On the morning of July 19th, 1668, a young Confucian zealot in the bureaucracy named Kim Seok snuck into the bedchambers of the king and his queen, Myeongseong, and began stabbing Gyeongseon. The queen screamed and attempted to stop the deranged assassin, but he managed to push her away and knock her unconscious. Right before Myeongseong blacked out, however, Kim Seok yelled,
​

“For peace and tradition I kill the unfilial, corrupted despot!!”​

before ending Gyeongseon’s 29 year existence for good. Minutes later, guards would rush in, cornering the maniacal assassin and executing him on the spot. It was too late, however, and Joseon now stood leaderless. King Gyeongseon had a 9 year old son named Yi Hyeon who would subsequently succeed his father as King Sukjong but beyond this certainty, few could predict what would happen next as the assassination of Gyeongseon would completely disrupt the course of the conflict.​

Portrait of King Gyeongseon of Joseon​

[1]: The son of Yamada Nagamasa

 

[Ambassador Huntsman]

Chapter 110: Asiatic Northern War Part IX - Yongwu’s Peace​

Immediately after the assassination of King Gyeongseong, a regency council took over governing affairs in Hanseong led by the elderly and conservative Song Si-yeol. He and the others focused on two main tasks: enthroning the 9 year old crown prince and determining whether to remain involved in the ongoing conflict. The bureaucrats who now held the reins of power were already decidedly skeptical of the continuation of the war and now faced with a destabilized state of affairs at the top, decided to pursue a peace. They would not only send diplomats to the other participating powers but also to Beijing as they hoped Emperor Yongwu could help craft a settlement as a third party and heavenly ordained sovereign. Shortly after this decision, the enthronement ceremony for King Sukjong took place, his mother Myeongseong becoming the Queen Dowager of the peninsular realm. The queen, however, would be traumatized for life by her husband’s assassination and thus would play a limited role in the early years of her son’s reign.

Initially, Gyeongseon’s death was kept a secret as the regency council wanted to avoid spreading panic amongst the military and especially the general population, only spread via the diplomats. As a result, the stage was set for one final battle between Amur-Japanese and Jin-Joseon forces in the north. Gutai, who had reformed his forces after the Battle of Alchuka Plains, sought to take advantage of Shin Ryu’s victory at Girin and made a major push towards both Nurgan and Alchuka Hoton. Leading a Jin-Joseon army of 24,000, he made a push towards Nurgan while Shin Ryu marched onto the latter city and began besieging it. To confront him was Kaga Nagaaki’s army, numbering 20,000 bolstered by 5,000 of Tokugawa Tomoyasu’s reinforcements who had recently landed on the mainland. The two armies would cross paths at Yabuli [1] on August 9th. In this instance, the army facing Gutai was infantry-heavy as it was nearly completely composed of Japanese troops. Despite possessing superior firepower, the large disadvantage in cavalry forced Nagaaki to widen his infantry line, positioning yari ashigaru on the flanks to deter cavalry charges. Gutai would similarly widen his center through a mix of swordsmen, musketeers, and heavy Joseon cavalry in response to the Japanese formation. Cavalry made the wings as usual. In the battle that followed, Japanese musketeers swiftly decimated the Jin-Joseon infantry and although they were pressed by cavalry on the wings, the latter too were repulsed. This allowed them to assist the Amur-Japanese cavalry, which was at the brink of being overwhelmed by the enemy, and soon Gutai’s army was once again in full retreat. This time, the latter had lost 5,000 men whereas Nagaaki’s army had suffered only a few hundred casualties. The Amur-Japanese victory at Yabuli subsequently forced Shin Ryu to withdraw from his siege of Alchuka Hoton.
​

Salmon = Japanese, Green = Amur Jurchen, Blue = Joseon, Brown = Jin Jurchen​

Soon enough, however, the death of Joseon’s king would reach everyone and the war would begin to subside as neither side sought major engagements during peace deliberations though sporadic fighting continued. Back in the various capitals of the four other parties, different reactions arose from Hanseong’s overture. Ming emperor Yongwu eagerly anticipated the prospect of peace and even offered to lead the peace negotiations. Gutai reluctantly went along, though it is said that he felt betrayed by Joseon. In Azuchi, meanwhile, a heated discussion followed in the Sangi-shu and then the Shinka-in with some advocating for the continuation of the war in the hopes of gaining a total victory over the enemy. However, most were swayed by the pro-peace arguments of councilors like Kanbe Tomozane and Mōri Tsugumoto, and in any case news of Beijing’s involvement ended the debate. As for Bahai, khan of the Amur Jurchens, he too hesitated but did eventually buckle under the pressure of his senior chieftains and accepted both Joseon’s and Ming China’s offers.

The peace negotiations would be hosted by Ming China in the northern city of Shenyang and mediated by the emperor’s own representatives. After a few months, the details were hammered out and in what would be known as the Treaty of Shenyang, the Amur Khanate ceded some lands in the northern steppes to the Lesser Jin but otherwise the status quo from before the war was maintained in terms of territory and borders. Amur-Japanese occupied Alchuka Hoton and Haishenwei as well as the surrounding areas would be returned to the Lesser Jin. Additionally, all four involved powers were mandated to renew their oaths of nominal submission to Emperor Yongwu and send tribute within 1669. All of Joseon’s troops would also evacuate the Lesser Jin and occupied parts of the Amur Khanate upon the signing of the peace. Finally, Beijing would back an expedition to retake Russian-occupied Albazin for the Amur Khanate. Representatives of Japan, Joseon, and the Amur Khanate accepted the conditions of the peace, with a stubborn Gutai reluctantly signing on after a few days of Joseon’s representatives reassuring their continued support and pressuring him to accept the conditions.The treaty officially came into effect on February 9th, 1669, ending the Asiatic Northern War.​

Salmon = Japan, Blue = Joseon, Citrus = Ming China, Lime = Northern Yuan, Peach = Lesser Jin, Brown = Amur Khanate, Purple = Russia​

With the conclusion of the war, it became clear that the biggest winner was Ming China, which had not spared a single expense towards the war for any side. Instead, it had taken advantage of its position as the “heavenly mandated” hegemon as well as its sheer wealth and power and acted as the main arbiter between the other parties. The Treaty of Shenyang would be the opening act to Beijing’s new “Yongwu Doctrine”, an assertive diplomacy that combined Confucian notions of regional hierarchy and the emperor’s realpolitik that ensured continuous Chinese power and hegemony. This new diplomacy would witness Joseon and the two Jurchen khanates align their affairs more closely with Beijing after the war. On the other hand, Joseon emerged from the war divided and weakened, its economy ruined from the exertions of war and the Ming embargo and its stability shattered by the late king’s assassination. The regency council that governed for the 9 year old Sukjong would subsequently pursue a more isolationist foreign policy more adherent to Sinophile interests among the Confucian scholar bureaucracy. Quietly watching the developments disapprovingly from the sidelines, however, were many of the military leaders that had led Joseon’s men during the war and contributed to many of its victories. This cadre included both Shin Ryu and Yi San-seon.

Both khanates can be viewed as having had positive outcomes coming out of the war. Despite the failure of the Lesser Jin to secure further territorial gains, Gutai had conducted himself impressively during the course of the war and could’ve taken over the entirety of the Amur Khanate if not for the timely intervention of the Japanese. The destabilization and perceived unreliability of his primary backer in Joseon, however, would push Gutai towards pursuing a more independent foreign policy for his realm. Although he would pursue closer relations with Beijing, the khan would strive to forge a new path for his realm and the Aisin Gioro clan in general. On the other hand, the Amur Khanate had survived an invasion that could’ve easily wiped out the realm completely, Sahaliyan’s son Bahai tested in the darkest of moments. Nevertheless, the unchanged precarity of the khanate between Russia, the Lesser Jin, and the Northern Yuan would in turn push Bahai deeper into Japan’s orbit as a permanent Japanese presence would be maintained at Kuromatsu Castle and at the port of Kuroryutsu. Both khanates had also experienced the devastating effects of war, from a sap in manpower to the ravaging of swaths of farmland and steppe, and would focus on their respective recoveries.

Then there was Japan. Only a few years after the Manji War, the realm had jumped straight into the Asiatic Northern War, landing tens of thousands of men onto the Asiatic mainland and launching countless fleets against Joseon. The war’s end saw a Japan exhausted from nearly a decade of nonstop military action at home and abroad and like Joseon weakened by the Ming embargo though to a lesser extent. Nevertheless, Amur-Japanese relations emerged from the war stronger than ever and Azuchi had solidified Japanese power and influence in the far north for good. A few thousand Japanese troops would stay behind while the rest, including the major generals, would return to the home island over the course of 1668-1669. As they returned home, Azuchi would begin to confront the issues caused by its involvement in the war.

[1]: Jurchen name for OTL’s Yabulizhen.​