Alternate Battle of Jutland - 1916 (The Battle of the Battlecruisers.)

1. Prologue
Greetings All

Just thought I'd post for your interest and amusement a different take on the Battle of Jutland in 1916 and some of its flow ons. Hope you find it interesting and look forward to your feedback. Tangles.

PROLOGUE:
To put this scenario in context much of its initial inspiration from the AU envisioned by John Hardinge in his early 'A Powerful Curtin Call' works. Fundamental to this was the formation of a single South Pacific Dominion state of the Empire with the amalgamation of the Australian and New Zealand colonial administrations in 1896. In this AU the new dominion is named Nieustralis and this offering is from book one of a planned trilogy I hope to E publish before the years end. For the newly evolved maritime state the new navy is a symbol of national identity with its main two vessels acquired from the UK being the BCs Australia and New Zealand as IRL (Fear of the German East Asia squadron being one of the main reasons for selection of this vessel type.) For narrative purposes the IRL timeline is largely unchanged, with the major significant change impacting this scenario being the loss of the BC Inflexible in the Battle of the Falklands in 1914 (See Alt Falklands Battle 1914 this site). With the removal of this threat the Nieustralis BCs now operate with the RN as part of the Battle Cruiser Force (BCF)in the North Sea.

Other than this operations in the North Sea have largely been in line with IRL events unless otherwise detailed up until May 1916, Dogger Bank and the like. As detailed herein the May sortie in 1916 (the IRL battle) sees no contact as the German HSF cancels the activity, with a repeat of this planned operation deferred some six weeks. As a result, the RN Battle cruiser force is returned to its full strength of nine BC under Beattie's command with the 5BS under Evan Thomas detached for reasons as outlined. With a reinforced and restructured BCF events will evolve and I hope this spoiler lets you enjoy the unfolding scenario and look forward to your responses. Regards and Enjoy Tangles.

Part One

CHAPTER 16 - The North Sea

Often called the Battle of the Battlecruisers, the battle of Jutland, (or Skagerrak as the Germans came to term it), was the decisive naval action of World War One. In terms of context for the battle much of parameters for its conduct had been set by the relative strengths of the two forces resulting from the Anglo-German naval-arms race preceding the war. The main body of the German navy—the High Seas Fleet (HSF) was outnumbered by the British Grand Fleet stationed in home waters. As it could not expect victory in a general fleet engagement, the HSF adopted a strategy of waiting in defended home ports for opportunities to attack parts of the larger British force. The British adopted a strategy of distant blockade, patrolling the North Sea rather than waters close to Germany, leaving both fleets only occasionally sortieing into the North Sea.

With barely half the dreadnought-type capital ships of the Royal Navy, the HSF adopted a divide-and-conquer strategy. By staging raids, with the aim of luring out smaller British Fleet elements in detail, which could then be destroyed by concentration of superior forces or submarines. This was the doctrine which formed the context for the battle and drove the deployment of the HSF.

What was little realized at the time where preliminary factors which were decisive in shaping the battle itself. At the outbreak of war, the then commander of the HSF Admiral von Ingenohl, was faced with a decision regarding the employment of resources that was to have a lasting effect on the HSF operations for the duration of the war. The launching of HMS Dreadnaught in 1906 had rendered the existing nineteen German pre-dreadnaught battleships obsolete. From 1909, the navy had begun to replace the oldest pre-dreadnought battleships with its own modern dreadnought designs. Before 1914 the majority of these obsolete vessels had been withdrawn into the reserve and only seven could still be said to be sill moderately capable of active service. Faced with a decision on how best to utilize his available construction capacity Ingenohl elected to defer any immediate plans for the mobilization and fitting out of Reserve Fleet ships in preference to prioritizing the completion of the number of modern hulls currently on the slipways. (1)

The second factor was a tightly held secret by the British. The Admiralty's Room 40 maintained direction finding and interception of German naval signals. The British had obtained a copy of the main German codebook from the light cruiser SMS Magdeburg, which had been boarded by the Russian Navy after the ship ran aground in Russian territorial waters in 1914. German naval radio communications could therefore often be quickly deciphered, and the British Admiralty usually had advanced indication of German activities. Even when not decrypted it was able to usually indicate when a major operation was likely. This warned Jellicoe and the Grand Fleet when the German fleet seemed prepared to sail and enabled to sortie as a single unit and position it to counter German plans.

The final factor was the disparity of the respective lessons learned by the two sides from the previous encounter at the Battle of the Dogger Bank in January 1915, between battle cruiser squadrons of the two navies. Despite being a tactical victory for the British, lessons from the action had a key impact on the subsequent Battle of Jutland. For the Germans, most significant was the near destruction of the Seydlitz that revealed flaws in the protection of her magazines and dangerous ammunition-handling procedures. These failings were remedied before the Battle of Jutland and prevented re-occurrences of the flash fires which was to prove so destructive to the British Battlecruisers in that battle. The Germans thought that the appearance of the British squadron was too remarkable to be a coincidence and concluded that a spy near their base in Jade Bay was responsible, not that the British were reading their encrypted wireless communications. It emphasized for the HSF commander Admiral Scheer of the need for adequate reconnaissance measures to prevent the HSF being surprised in future ops.

The British conversely where largely to draw several incorrect lessons or fail address issues that the conduct of that battle raised. In the euphoria after the British victory, little action occurred on the failings observed during the battle. Poor signaling and communication contributed to the commander, Vice-Admiral Beatty, losing control of the battle and missing the opportunity of an overwhelming victory, yet no subsequent action or post battle analysis was taken to correct the identified signals problems.

The battle also resulted in a false perception that the success was due to the 'hail of fire that was inflicted on their opponents.' The Battle Cruiser Fleet, encouraged by their commander Admiral Beatty, came to emphasize speed of fire which led to shortcuts in ammunition handling over established safety protocols. In drills, to supply cordite rapidly to the guns, many safety doors were kept open that should have been shut to safeguard against flash fires. Bags of cordite were also stacked and kept locally bypassing safety design features. By staging charges in the chambers between the gun turret and magazine, the Royal Navy enhanced their rate of fire but left their ships vulnerable to chain reaction ammunition fires and magazine explosions. This mania for speed led to 'bad safety habits' carried over into real battle practices. Furthermore, the doctrine of a high rate of fire also led to the decision to increase the supply munitions held in magazines by 50%, for fear of running out of ammunition. When capacity proved insufficient, cordite was stored in insecure places. Finally, the British practice of employing silk containers for cordite, rather than the brass 'flash-proof' system of the Germans left its ships particularly susceptible to this danger. The effect of these failings would be brutally exposed by subsequent events.

These were the issues which were to be so significant in the outcome of the subsequent battle.

1. In many ways I found it interesting how many naval historians largely seem to downplay the importance of this decision and its impact when viewing naval operations of WW1. IRL Priority of work would be directed to the reactivation of the pre-dreadnaught Reserve Fleet ships as it was feared that Russia would dominate in the East, and that a strengthened presence in the Baltic could be best affected by deploying those ships to that theatre. The eventual employment of this work was delayed considerably at the start of War, first by the Russian advance into East Prussia that threatened the shipyards in Danzig and was checked at the Battle of Tannenberg. Later the emphasis would change to submarine construction and as a result, labor and resource shortages would delay the arrival of both Bayern-class battleships and the battlecruiser Hindenburg till after Jutland. ITTL all three become part of the HSF order of battle. IRL the availability of these pre-dreadnaughts would lead Admiral Scheer to include six of these obsolescent type as the Second Battle Squadron in the HSF for this action, slowing the HSF overall and be of dubious tactical value. ITTL the result of this is to ensure that these pre-dreadnaughts are unavailable to Scheer for employment, which results in his increased emphasis and reliance upon the availability of aerial reconnaissance for the HSF to deploy.

The significance of this priority selection for naval construction work in the opening phase of WW1 is often overlooked. Not only did this delay availability of three of the most modern German vessels, but it diverted personnel and resources. Once work in the yards resumed, resources were diverted to complete the battlecruiser Lützow and the ex-Russian light cruisers Elbing and Pillau. Work on Bayern resumed in earnest after those projects were completed, and Baden was ready for sea trials by 19 October 1916. July slowed work on the Hindenburg; she was launched in November 1916, but resources were diverted to more pressing projects, including U-boat construction, and the remaining hulls under construction were still incomplete at the end of hostilities.

The inclusion of the Reserve Fleet ships in the work queue achieved little beyond a notional parity in numbers in battle and even the Germans referred to them as 'the five-minute ships', a comment on the survival in the face of the modern Grand Fleet Dreadnaughts. Being significantly slower than the rest of the German line of battle, the ships of II Squadron largely acted as a drag to the modern dreadnaughts and tactical freedom of the HSF. Their absence would have forced Scheer to considered other options for the HSF employment, which is the premise of this narrative.

The German experience at Jutland demonstrated that pre-dreadnoughts had no place in a fleet action against dreadnoughts, so the Pre-Dreadnaughts, having impacted negatively on the battle, spent the rest of 1916 on coastal defence
. In August 1917, II Battle Squadron was disbanded and most of the ships were reduced to secondary duties, being partially disarmed to free up guns for use ashore. Some became barracks or training ship or remained in active service as nominated guard ships in Baltic ports. Six would become the core of the German Navy after Versailles, but such was their poor state, only three would ever be considered marginally functional in a naval role.
 
What was the path for a united Australasia in this AU book? I can't find anything online
Look under John Hardinge in Amazon for the titles. Originally it was a two-book series but I believe he released it as a single title. I've liaised several times with him, and he is happy to detail the base of development, from which I've steadily digressed leading up to WW2. T
 
Is this the TL you alluded to in the Falklands thread, where the RN fares worse (losing 4 BCs)?
 
2. Prelude
Part Two

Preliminaries.

In January 1916 Vice Admiral Reinhard Scheer became Commander of the HSF when Admiral von Pohl was deemed too ill to continue in that post. Scheer favoured a more aggressive policy than his predecessor, with greater use of U-boats and an attritional approach to reducing the Grand Fleet. After some effort Scheer received conditional approval from the to carry out his intentions from the Kaiser, with the understanding that any such operations not expose the HSF to extensive losses. Plans were developed for sweeps of the North Sea and for the battlecruisers to conducted raids on the English coast with the HSF to provide distant support. Faced with the imbalance of forces and restriction imposed by the Kaiser, Scheer placed great emphasis on reconnaissance support provided by the Zeppelin Force, to ensure early warning so the HSF could avoid a direct confrontation with the full Grand Fleet. Any operation would be dependent on fine weather to allow the Zeppelins to be deployed to maximum effect.

Delays in preparation during the leadup to the sortie had allowed him to add some extra ships to his order of battle. Heroic repair work on its condensers by the crew of Koenig Albert had enabled its availability for the operation. More doubtful was the recently completed Bayern, manned largely by crew from the newly decommissioned old pre dreadnought Lothringen. Having recently completed gunnery and power trials, there were still a few rough edges, but at the urgent behest of its captain, he elected to include this powerful 15-inch gunned ship for the upcoming action. He would continue to fly his flag from the Friedrich der Grosse for the moment, but it would mean he had eighteen dreadnaughts available for deployment.

The initial plan to for an operation were intended for 30 May 1916 and some 10 submarines stationed offshore from British naval bases to engage any British ships drawn out in response to the HSF sortie. At the time some 11 Zeppelins were available and some 8 tasked to support the operation between 28 May-2 June. By 28 May, winds meant that it would not be possible to send out the Zeppelins, the operation postponed. The submarines could only stay on station until 1 June before their supplies would be exhausted, they had to return, so an alternative plan, using a patrol of battlecruisers to the Skagerrak to draw a British response. This could be done with any resulting action would now be much closer to Germany. The HSF assembled in the Jade River and at Wilhelmshaven and was instructed to raise steam and be ready for action. By 31 May the wind was still strong and only four of the tasked Zeppelins would sortie into the North Sea. Their reports of visibility that was frequently very poor due to fog and a dense sea haze and very limited observation, convinced Scheer to cancel the operation. After a brief sortie on 31 May the HSF would return to port without encountering the enemy. The operation would be conducted when observation was improved.

On the British side Room 40 had provided a clear indication early that a major operation was pending. Signals intercepted, and on 30 May, Jellicoe was warned that the German fleet seemed prepared to sail the following morning. Not knowing the Germans' objective, Jellicoe sortied the fleet and elected to position it to stop any attempt by the Germans to enter the North Atlantic by taking up a position between the Dogger Bank and Norway where they could potentially cut off any German raid into the shipping lanes of the Atlantic. Aware that earlier in the war Admiral Hipper's Scouting Force had conducted raids on the British East Coast, the Battle Cruiser Force Vice Admiral Beatty was detached to operate separately to counter such a raid. At this time, it was operating at a reduced strength of six ships, with the two battlecruisers of the 2nd squadron attached to the Grand Fleet for gunnery practice and HMNS Australia still undergoing repairs after a collision with HMNS Nieuw Zeeland in April. As Hipper's force was expected to contain five battlecruisers to oppose Beattie's six, it was reinforced by the 5th Battle Squadron of fast Queen Elizabeth class battleships. Both forces would sortie but return to port when it became apparent that the HSF had returned to port on 1 June.

The sole result of these events was the loss of U-74 to armed trawlers. U-75 laid its mines off the Orkney Islands, which, although they played no part in the battle, were responsible later for sinking the cruiser Hampshire carrying Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of State for War on 5 June, killing him and all but 12 of the crew. For the Germans it would them refine the operational aspects of the next plan and reinforce the importance of the Zeppelins reconnaissance role.

For the British it resulted in Beatty urging for the concentration of all battlecruisers under his command, which would occur on 24th June. The 5th Battle Squadron (5BS) previously to the battlecruisers in support, was not retained at his request, and in the subsequent battle all battlecruisers would operate as a single force with no other capital ship in immediate support. This was to become an issue later, when subsequent analysis of the action took place.

It was revealed that although the battlecruisers used different standing orders to the Grand fleet, Beatty did not meet with Evan-Thomas, nor send him copies of their standing orders or modified signals protocols during the May sortie. This was of relevance given the previous signals problems exposed at the Battle of the Dogger Bank. Also, this had been simply raised by Evan-Thomas in the immediate post-operation report had been reacted to by negatively by Beatty at the time. Later studies of Beattie's correspondence after the war, revealed that he considered Admiral Evan-Thomas a Jellicoe man, and not to be a 'team player' (i.e. not one of his own trusted inner circle) as a result and was quite happy to push for his command to revert to Jellicoe. This seems to be the sole reason for the removal of this powerful force from his command.

With the return of the Australia on June 20 the battlecruiser force was composed of nine battlecruisers reorganized to form three squadrons, each of three battlecruisers, plus his assigned screening forces, and this was to be its organization at the outset of the Battle of Jutland which was to follow.

Preparations

With the return and resupply of the submarine force by 1 July, Admiral Scheer rescheduled a repeat of the plan, not to commence earlier than 18 July 1916. There would be some refinements developed from the initial operation. The submarine deployments would see a total of ten boats stationed offshore from British naval bases. These ten submarines were given orders first to patrol in the central North Sea between 17 and 22 July, and then to take up waiting positions. Six boats were stationed in the Pentland Firth, which the Grand Fleet was likely to cross when leaving Scapa Flow, while the remainder proceeded to the Firth of Forth, awaiting battlecruisers departing Rosyth. Each boat had an allocated area, within which it could move around as necessary to avoid detection but was instructed to keep within it. Once at their final positions, the boats were under strict orders to avoid premature detection that might give away the operation. It was arranged that a coded signal would be transmitted to alert the submarines exactly when the operation commenced: "Take into account the enemy's forces may be putting to sea". A further three boats were positioned north of Terschelling to act against intervention by light forces stationed at Harwich.

With the strict limitations imposed by the Kaiser, Scheer consider the role of the Zeppelins key to conducting his plans. By 20 July, Fine weather and mild winds meant that nine of the eleven available airships sortied on the 21-22 July, and these would play a key role in subsequent events. The final change to his plans was a follow on from his inclusion of the Bayern in the preceding operation. The captains of both the Baden and Hindenburg begged his consideration for inclusion as well. Both were freshly commissioned but manned with new crew unlike the Bayern's case, which was a largely already formed and trained crew. However, he elected to include them bring his dreadnaught force to 21, and with the Hindenburg added, the first Scouting Force now totaled six battlecruisers, three of them the most modern Lutzow class. Thus, on the evening of 20 July 1916 the entire HSF exited the Jade estuary, under the cover of darkness, in an effort to avoid detection of land-based observers.

Unfortunately, again for the German plan, the British through Room 40 had notice about the German activities. While still unsure of the Germans' intent, Jellicoe and his had modified the fleet deployment from the May operation. With Beatty's strengthened battlecruiser force deploying from Rosyth, the Evan-Thomas strong 5th BS sailing from Moray Forth and was to occupy a position midway between the two forces because of its speed, to be able to support either as the situation developed. Attached to them was the 1st Cruiser Squadron of four armored cruisers and escorts to act as screen. The main body of the Grand Fleet of 26 Dreadnaughts, the six armored cruisers of the 2nd Cruiser Squadron and to occupy a position to the south-west of the May disposition, to be better able to respond to support the other forces as required. The final result was that virtually the entire modern strength of both fleets was massing in the North Sea. What followed would be the pivotal event for both services for the balance of the war.
AJ1.jpg

Preliminary Movements 22 July 1916​
 
What was the path for a united Australasia in this AU book? I can't find anything online
Try this forum


Look under John Hardinge in Amazon for the titles. Originally it was a two-book series but I believe he released it as a single title. I've liaised several times with him, and he is happy to detail the base of development, from which I've steadily digressed leading up to WW2. T
Otherwise known as Johnboy of this forum.
 
Try this forum



Otherwise known as Johnboy of this forum.
That's the man!
 
3. Movement to contact.
Part Three

The Battle of Jutland (Skagerrak) 20-23 July 1916

Vice Admiral David Beatty found himself resisting an urge to pace the bridge of his flagship HMS Lion, as the ships of his command undertook the well-practiced dance of getting under way in the dark. He could see the silhouette of his new Flag-Captain Roger Backhouse by the binnacle, obviously closely monitoring events. But the prospect of once again facing action was putting him on edge as usual, and his impulse as always was to be doing something. With others busy, and his staff leaving him to his thoughts, he sought to distract his mind by again running over the recent changed arrangements of the Battle Cruiser Force (BCF) under his command. He was still getting to know his new Flag captain since replacing his predecessor Ewan Chatfield after the May Sortie. To date the changeover seemed to be going well, and as expected he displayed great competence, though perhaps this was his first real test as a ship handler since being appointed. He would just have to wait and see if he was any sign of disagreement like the one, he had with Chatfield over the gunnery issues.

For the first time all nine available battlecruisers of the BCF would be sortieing as a single unit, with the two vessels of the 3rd BC squadron returned from gunnery practice with the Grand Fleet, and the Australia out of dock. As such, he had reorganized the ships into three squadrons of three ships each to better balance the Force, and release the Fifth BS back to the Grand Fleet. For all, that they had represented a powerful reinforcement, he was nevertheless quite happy to see them back under Jellicoe's command. He considered Evan-Thomas to be a Jellicoe protégée and as such didn't really consider him a member of his own team of protégés, whom he could implicitly rely on. Better for him to be gone than in a position to observe and comment upon the Battle Cruiser Force without his own input.

The reorganization had detached the Tiger to the 3rd BCS bringing it up to strength and equalizing numbers across all three squadrons, with their Flag Rear Admiral Hood, transferring from the Invincible to the larger more powerful ship, while Rear Admiral Packenham transferred back to Australia, his former flagship upon its return. With this arrangement he planned to lead with his 1BCS, followed by the 3BCS, and the 2BCS at the rear. This meant that his four most powerfully armed 13.5-inch gunned ships would lead, and the five older 12inch Invincible and Indefatigable class vessels would be at the rear in the event of battle. He was most confident that this was the best employment for battle and only hoped it would eventuate unlike the false alarm in May.

Despite the low-level sea mist shrouding the surface he could clearly see the pre-dreadnaught Hindustan making its way out of the roads. Soon the battlecruisers, followed by the 13 light cruisers and 24 destroyers composing his command would follow. From the analysis of the May operation, there was concern of the possibility of German U Boats lying in wait of major fleet bases, particularly Rosyth. At Jellicoe's suggestion, he had adopted an arrangement of sailing the pre dreadnought up to 30 minutes ahead of his battlecruisers in event of a submarine ambush. As the clank of Lion's anchor ceased and the ship swung into the wake of the now distant Hindustan, he found he couldn't help but wonder if, unlike the warnings earlier in May, the Germans would actually put to sea this time. He was eager to come to grips with them after the disappointments of the Battle of Dogger Bank and couldn't help but feel confidence that with the larger force now at his disposal he could only gain further laurels if the Germans showed.

KapitanLeutnant Gerard von Bulow found himself for the second time in six weeks positioning his U-10 outside the approaches to a major British base, hoping this time for more success. The previous visit had seen 10 days on station and experiencing difficulties with visibility near the coast being frequently poor due to fog, and sea conditions were either so calm the slightest ripple, as from the periscope, could give away their position, or so rough as to make it very hard to keep the vessel at a steady depth. This time they had only been on station for one day and there at least seemed to be a bit of a sea state, but far less troublesome than the two extremes of before.

Just before dawn the officer of the watch advised that a low sea mist was forming, just as the hydrophone operator reported engine noises approaching. As he rushed to the conning tower, he ordered the diesel secured and boat to flood down to the deck, but not submerge yet. A quick scan revealed that visibility was not quite as bad as feared with the mist seeming to cling at surface level, and in the pre-dawn gloom there was the faint loom of a vessels fighting top just being backlit by the predawn glow. Anything with a fighting top was bound to have an escort. "Dive the boat, Hans", he quietly ordered his exec as he dropped down the tower, pulling the hatch after him, "Action stations, Periscope depth, heading 240, speed 2 knots" he wrapped out. "There's a big ship out there, but with the sea-mist there's just too big a chance that any escort would be on top of us before we knew it,' he briefed those in the control room. 'We'll just quietly close on it, it might just come back' he stated. A keen hunter in his youth he knew that deer were creatures of habit frequently following the same path, and saw no reason that this larger form of prey should be any different. If it did retrace its steps, he would hopefully been in a far better position to engage it in event of that happening.

As the U-10 slowly closed down on the last seen bearing, the hydrophone operator reported "A new set of engines 210, moving left to right, turbines I think". A quick look with the periscope revealed nothing but a low fog, but von Bulow ordered both bow tubes flooded as tension slowly began to ratchet up as the news spread in the control room. "Sir listen, it sounds like there's a whole herd trampling towards us. The sound affect is too wide to isolate a single bearing sir,' as the captain snatched the second set of head phones to listen briefly. "Mostly moving left to right now, rapid bearing change on the loudest, we must be virtually right in front of them' whispered the operator. Back to the scope and a second quick scan again revealed nothing but mist, as von Bulow's frustration rose. "Ready tubes one and two for a snap shot, open outer doors, this could be close so launch immediately on command." "That's three loud hydrophone effect past now captain…, but there's another approaching from starboard" came the operator's hushed words. Von Bulow's tension was ratcheted up to incredible levels as the sweat ran down his brow, but he kept the periscope raised, knowing the risk of being run down, but silently praying for vision of a target. Then, seemingly from nowhere there came a brief break as the surface mist magically seemed to rise like a curtain before him. With vision suddenly expanded several hundred meters, he found presented to him stark and clear, vision of the target which had until now been just a promise of noise down a bearing. Every U-boat commanders dearest wish, right before his very eyes was a Tommie capital ship, three funnels, broadside on and moving slowly, presented to him like a meal on a plate. "Bearing Mark, Los One", he barked, and paused for three beats "Los Two, down scope, Depth 30 metres, hard a-port, speed 6 knots for three minutes, then go silent", he wrapped out a stream of commands rapidly. As the scope slid into its well and the nose of the boat dipped, he turned to face the expectant faces of the control room. "Battlecruiser, three funnels, close together…, possibly Tiger class I think, …less than 600 metres away moving slowly, …maybe 6-8 knots', he stated. Barely had the words finished when there came the reverberating thump of a detonation through the water, followed a few seconds later by a second, drowning out the cheers of the crew. The brief wave of sound was halted by his command. 'Quiet now all of you, we've done our job so now let's get away from here safely, silent routine, and barely steerage way unless otherwise told." At this, the U-10 turned its nose to sea to quietly slunk its way undetected towards the North Sea, as behind the destroyers began a furious search for the ambusher. This would prove fruitless and the U-10 would surface that evening some 20 miles away to radio in the report of its success. Behind her she left the Tiger, hit twice in the stern quarter, with both port screws and shafts warped and damaged by the blast. The resultant flooding letting in over 1,000 tons of water. Badly damaged and listing some 10 degrees to port it would take over half a day to eventually crawl back into Rosyth despite its proximity, for drydocking and was to represent the first casualty of the battle to come.

For some reason Rear Admiral Horace Hood found that he could not shake a renewed sense of unease as he watched as his new and former flagship, HMS Invincible picked up speed to resume its position in formation. Having dropped out briefly while he and his staff transferred from the destroyer HMS Nestor, he could feel the thrum of the engines underfoot as Invincible again picked up pace to resume the gap in the line being held open for her. It would be easy to blame this disquiet upon events of the day, having experienced the disorganized scramble involved in shifting his flag from the torpedoed Tiger firstly and then again back to Invincible, but in truth he was finding his disquiet ran deeper than this. In many ways raising his flag again on the Invincible was like putting back on a long familiar and comfortable jacket, as the ship had been his flagship for all but a few weeks since May 1915. The ease and familiarity of this resumption, the comfortable interaction with the familiar faces aboard, had subtlety highlighted that his concerns related to issues beyond the immediate realities facing him. While his exterior remained impassive, he found his thoughts drawn away by other concerns, as he used the time to analyze what was causing his distraction.

He had a number of recent concerns raised over the practices and composition of Beatty's battlecruiser force, and some over the Grand Fleet as a whole. In particular, for the battlecruiser force, a lack of opportunity to practice gunnery, with no ranges available near their main base, Rosyth. He found himself reviewing the previous night's dinner aboard the Flagship of the 2BCS HMNS Australia with Admiral Packenham and their respective Flag Captains. Ostensibly the dinner was an opportunity to confirm procedures between the two squadrons and clear up any issues, particularly as the 3BCS would lead the 2BCS in the next operation. This had gone well, but he belatedly realized that it was the later discussions reference gunnery practice that was the root of his current disquiet.

In post dinner talk the issues of gunnery practice had arisen, particularly as Australia had been absent undergoing repairs after her collision with HMNS Nieuw Zeeland in April. Following completion of repairs the battlecruiser departed Devonport and sailing west about round Ireland to arrive at Scapa Flow on 3 June. Here she had spent much time on the available ranges at Scapa undergoing considerable gunnery practice, before re-joining the Battle Cruiser Force at Rosyth on 9 June, having missed the May Sortie. The casual discussion post-dinner had highlighted the different gunnery practices between the two fleets, and Captain Radcliffe of the Australia had wondered if they were too much at risk of cutting corners with the current practices. Hood now realized that this had resonated with his own perceptions from the time the 3BCS had spent at Scapa. He had taken every opportunity available to avail his own command of ample range opportunities and his own ships had only returned to Rosyth from Scapa Flow after such practice of the 14th.

His recollection included the brief significant exchange of glances with Admiral Packenham at the time, but had not pursued it further, as he was still settling in with his new Flag Captain, Henry Pelly of the Tiger. While undoubtedly a very charming person and, more importantly for his role just now, a very efficient officer, he was also clearly a Beatty protégé. For that reason, he had let the conversation lapse at the time, but with more time and hindsight, he resolved that this matter needed some further investigation and was the source of his own internal disquiet. He decided to closely review practices in his squadron upon return, and as the opportunity presented, discuss it further with Bill Packenham.

For all that Beatty was a charismatic and popular leader of the Battle Cruiser Force, Horace was well aware in his private mind that he could be equally ruthless when it came to matters of his professional self-interest. He was familiar with how he had forced the reassignment of Packenham's predecessor Admiral Patey over seniority issues, and he'd need to be sure of his grounds and that he and Admiral Packenham were playing from the same sheet of music, before raising matters that may reflect negatively on this command. Having resolved the source of his unease, he shook his mind clear to concentrate on the task at hand. He would pursue the gunnery matters upon return to Rosyth.

For now, the prospect of battle would be more than enough to concentrate his energies. With the removal of the Tiger, his own force was now reduced to two ships of the Invincible Class. These were now the weakest element in Beatty's force, mounting the same 12inch guns as their near sisters of the Indefatigable Class in the trailing 2BCS. However, the amidships turrets of the Invincible Class ships were positioned too close together in the interests of saving weight and therefore speed and this did not allow them to fire across the deck, reducing the broadside to six guns only. Add to that, his Invincible Class ships were poorly protected by a waterline belt of only 6 inches. With a thinner and shorter belt, very little of her overall armor was below the waterline, it was quite apparent to Hood that, compared to the larger and more modern designs his two ships were delicate beasts. There lingered the memory that their third sister, HMS Inflexible, that had succumbed to 8.2inch fire at the Battle of the Falklands in 1914, which always reinforced any niggling doubt about their durability. That should not have been possible, but nevertheless it had happened. He would have to ensure to the best of his ability that they avoided a toe-to-toe slugfest with any Dreadnaught if he could possibly prevent it.

Nor was that the only concern. The Battle of Dogger Bank and its attendant disappointments had been blamed on the slow rate of fire, yet Hood was more of the opinion that lack of gunnery and signals practice was more to blame. Hood had also made closure of the magazine doors except when ammunition was being passed through mandatory. This was not enforced in some other ships he felt certain, again due to a manna for more speed of loading. Ammunition stockpiling outside the magazines was another dangerous practice that had become common, despite the almost loss of the cruiser Kent at Falkland Islands in 1914. It was officially banned by the Admiralty, but widely condoned, especially by Beatty. A number of less-than-ideal practice had crept into use, and he had used his time at Scapa to strictly forbid such a practice once he had become aware of it. It had not, however, spread to all of Beatty's command.

Hood was unaware of other lurking problems, firstly, the very nature of the R.N propellant charges themselves, which degraded much faster than those of the High Seas Fleet and were therefore much more likely to explode spontaneously. In addition, the quality of heavy shells was not all it should have been. As early as April 1914, tests showed that there were serious problems with RN armor piercing shells. This showed that the shells could not reliably penetrate heavy armor, even head on at closer range. Yet nothing had been done with these findings to date. It would only be after the subsequent post-mortems that the new "greenboy" shells would be introduced to remove the issues of defective shells.

No, there were issues to be sure, but one thing the RN had on its side, Hood was sure, was tradition, training and the will to win. Losing was unthinkable. He had trained his own squadron to what he felt was now it's peak. In any case, weight of metal was always a decisive factor. There was a reason the big battalions always won. Beatty's force even now would consist of eight ships. If the High Seas Fleet's scouting force was to be encountered, they would have only half that number of ships. If they met the HSF itself, they had the speed advantage to evade and lead them into a meeting with the Grand Fleet. Everything indicated the edge existed with their forces and this time, unlike Dogger Bank, they would not escape.

0320, 22 June 1916, North Sea

On board his Flagship, the battlecruiser Lutzow, Rear Admiral Hipper was revisiting the mission, of the First Scouting Group under his command now that they had successfully sortied, one last time in his mind before planning to lay his head down briefly. If it came down to force levels then the disparity between ship numbers made it at first glance seemingly impossible to achieve anything. Despite the late inclusion of the brand-new Hindenburg, the British Battle Cruiser Force still outnumbered his ships by over 50%, nine to six. Add to this the British had larger and more heavily gunned ships with four of them carrying 13.5inch (340mm) guns firing a 567kg shell far outranging his own armaments. With the inclusion of the Hindenburg, half his ships now used the heavier 12inch (305mm) gun throwing a 404kg projectile. His three older vessels all fired 11inch (280mm) shell of 304kg. It was a reliable enough weapon, but far lighter than the 385kg projectile of the RN 12-inch gunned ships. If it came down to a pure calculus of weight of metal then matters were badly weighted against them. In addition, the fact was that the Hindenburg was so new and had little opportunity yet to shake down as a new crew. Despite their enthusiasm it took time and hard work to polish a crack crew, which it had yet to have. Including her in his line was a calculated gamble, one that at this moment he could only hope would bear fruit.

But beyond contemplating the potential weaknesses of his command. There was no question that engaging Beatty's battlecruiser force if encountered, would only occur as part of his wider task. No, it was clear in his own mind and that of his captains, that their own task was to draw Beatty's ships back towards Scheer, where they could be engaged, slowed and destroyed under the guns of the High Seas Fleet Main body. If they had to take their lumps to achieve this, then so be it. In some ways any disparity in the forces could well play to his advantage. Such was the confidence of the Royal Navy, and the belief in their long history of the superiority, that he could easily envision them overcommitting in event of any action. Even as a professional naval officer he could not really realistically conceive of a situation where any Royal Navy officer, given a clear edge, would conceivably refuse action. It was a core belief, integral to their historic elan and concept of duty. It would be his task to see if he could use such confidence to gain advantage. He would back his own ships against those of the British in a fight in a one-on-one confrontation.

His issue remained that despite its own confidence, it was likely not be a one-on-one fight, and that not only was he likely to be outranged in the initial phases, but that some of his opponents would likely be shooting at him unmolested by return fire. His own ships by contrast were well armored, the result of a design philosophy emphasizing durability and survival, differing slightly from than that of the RN. In the current HSF doctrine, the Scouting group was designed to return to the main body and then fight with it, against enemy dreadnought as normal capital ships. When this failed any lamed ship that fell behind was likely to hold little hope of survival, as the fate of the Blucher at Dogger Bank had so clearly demonstrated.

Certainly, of concern to Hipper was the relative lack of offensive power of his ships. The three old ships all used the 11-inch gun, a sound reliable weapon, while those of his three Derfflinger class used only the 12-inch guns, still lacking the range of the latest British ships. On the flip side, his own ships would need to close to 13,000 yards or less to penetrate the better armored modern ships such as the Tiger. Even though better armored, the best of designs was not immune to damage. Compromises reached in order to save weight and speed, meant that given enough hits any design could still prove insufficient. the torpedo bulkheads in all ships did not run the entire length of the hull. Only the crucible of battle would count, a prospect that held no fear for a professional naval officer.

His final concern was for his own light forces. As with his heavy ships, his Screening forces were outmatched on a class for class basis. The majority of the light cruisers were smaller than their RN counterparts and armed with lighter weapons than their opponents. His torpedo boats were similar, smaller and less well armed than their R.N contemporaries. Even their torpedoes were inferior, with a smaller warhead and shorter range than the standard RN 21-inch MK IV. torpedo. In a purely quantitively calculus, the Scouting Force was outmatched, and only professionalism and bravery of the highest standard by his crews could counter this. This was one area in which he confident, knowing his men could match or equal the best of the British. However, one looked at it, it was to be an enormous struggle and severest test of his belief in his own forces when the two sides came to blows.

1355 22 June 1916, Skagerrak, North Sea, 250 nautical miles from Rosyth

After the potentially disastrous start with the torpedoing of the Tiger, the rest of the day so far had been uneventful for Beatty's squadron. It was unfortunate that the ploy of sortieing the Hindustan in lead of his squadron had not worked to trigger the attack. Thinking things over in his mind, Beatty nevertheless had decided that it was a worthwhile SOP to continue to use for now, despite obviously not working on this particular occasion. It looked like the damage to Tiger would keep her in dock for several months at least, and any strategy that minimized such a risk to the Battlecruiser Force was worth continuing, at least for the interim. He'd get his staff to investigate other proposals to further minimize the risk as Rosyth would continue to remain a choke point to his operations. His sole response had been to employ the seaplane carrier Engadine, which he had not planned to employ at all prior to the torpedoing. Detaching two destroyers as escort, it was tasked with using its seaplanes to 'sanitise' the approaches to Rosyth in his force's absence, hopefully acting to reduce any chance of that occurring again upon the squadrons return.

With no trace of the German High Seas Fleet to be found, he was beginning to suspect another goose chase for his force, but any sea time was of benefit. The strength of the wind that had only just started to abate and it was shaping up to be an uncommonly fine and mild afternoon, especially for the North Sea, seas calm and the swell barely rocking his flagship. Visibility was excellent and for a brief time he simply allowed himself to enjoy the moment, sun on his face and the breeze of passage making matters seem simple. Having finished his lunch served on the bridge earlier, he idly reviewed the actions to date as he allowed his meal to settle. He had gone directly East for 230nm, then turning South-East. The ringing of four bells of the ships bell broke him from his relaxed reverie and his glance met that of his flag-captain with a brief nod. "Starboard 10" he heard the command, watching as the confirmatory flags ran up the signal halyard, before turning to observe the following ships. 1400 hours was the planned time to commenced a run back to the South-West, so none of the squadron should be surprised. Running positions in his head he thought Jellicoe's Grand Fleet, would be somewhere roughly sixty nautical miles to the North and also commencing to head home. Evans-Thomas was likely somewhere between the two of them, but with radio-silence, until someone had something to report, the locations of each group would remain largely conjecture. Beatty was not to know that he had actually proceeded far enough East that he had inadvertently split the gap between the both Enemy forces. By pure serendipity he had succeeded in placing his own battlecruisers to the East of both, an invidious position to be in, though with the new heading he would soon be unknowingly recrossing Scheer's track.

In much the same manner both German commanders were blithely unaware of the proximity of the British Forces. That the U-10 was unable to surface after her successful attack due to the presence of the aircraft from the Engadine, and would not radio in until late that evening, meant that there was no knowledge that the British had sailed. The other deployed submarines again failed to detect the sortieing forces, highlighting the limitations in detection capabilities at this time. Unaware that Beatty was, in fact, South East of his force, Scheer was now steaming back to the North-West. on a map this would seem to have trapped the British force, but whilst remaining unaware of its proximity he conformed to the initial plans prepared. Despite coming at one stage within 30 miles due south of Jellicoe's Grand Fleet, in the absences of any contact he gave the signal to reverse course and the HSF adopted an SSE heading back towards the Jade Estuary. Despite this closest approach, the distance between the fleets was again steadily opening as Jellicoe too adopted had a course back towards Scapa Flow. The distance separating the two forces would grow further as the Grand Fleet headed North-west. However, potentially both battlecruiser forces remained in a tight spot due to the geometry of their dispositions. Although at the moment both remained unaware of the proximity of any enemy until, the first Zeppelin sighting report at 1515 which would play such a crucial role in the developing events.

The key component in German planning for the mission had been the employment of the zeppelin force to act as reconnaissance for any HSF sortie. Without it, Scheer would not have sailed as it would be integral in his avoiding exposure of the HSF to a larger force. Indeed, this was the reason for the cancellation in May and the current sortie had only proceeded due to weather considerations that affected their employment. During the battle the Germans used the Zeppelin airships of the Naval Airship Section (Marine Luft Schiff Abteilung - MLA) for scouting, and with the absence of overcast conditions they were to prove especially successful this day. The MLA would sortie a total of nine zeppelins over two days in support of the HSF. On 21 July a total of five airships, L.9,14,16,21 and 23 would be sortied in a fan to sweep the further northern approaches to the planned area of operations. The next day on the 22nd a further four, L11,17,22 and 24, would join the initial group and sweep the nearer approaches to the north-west. They would play a vital role in what happened and the reports would be critical in the resulting action. Indeed, experience of the May operation had ensured that every zeppelin carried two functional radios to report. Thus, it was the sighting report from the westernmost airship of the northern sweep L23 at 1515, which would trigger the cascade of subsequent actions, and alert all parties that action was afoot.

First Moves 1335 22 July 1916, Skagerrak, North Sea, 270 nautical miles from Rosyth.

The initial sighting report would be of Evan-Thomas's 5BS and ships. In many ways once hearing the first radio transmission there was little, he could do. Though coded it was fairly obviously a sighting report. With little alternative he broadcast his own location to alert both Beatty and Jellicoe of his detection, then elected to conform to the initial plan and continued heading SW at 12 knots, and slowly closing on Beatty's probable location. By happenstance he was roughly in the center of the spread formations. Viewed as the face of a clock, with him at the center, then Jellicoe was at approximately 12.30 some 60 miles distant, Scheer at about the same distance at four O'clock, Hipper some 40miles away at five, and finally Beatty was roughly 35 miles south of Evan-Thomas at six O'clock. Immediately both the HSF and Grand Fleet changed course. Jellico elected to turn SE to close on the 5BS to be in support if events developed. Scheer once again reversed course north, with the intent of positioning the HSF to swing west behind what appeared to be an isolated, if powerful element of the Grand Fleet. His intent being that if it contacted Hipper, and pursued him south then the HSF would be in a position to swing around behind it to cut off any escape. It appeared there was an ideal opportunity to defeat a portion of the Grand Fleet. Hipper receiving the same news altered course to the NW, aiming to point slightly east of the reported location. If contact resulted, he would still be able to withdraw safely to the SE, while doing his job and hopefully luring the enemy after him and making it easier for Scheer to move behind them to cut them off. Finally, Beatty elected to reduce his formations speed and allow the 5BS to close slowly that way, whilst keeping radio silence. By this time his Squadrons had once more crossed the track of Hipper's force meaning that at this time neither side was able to interpose the others withdrawal. In effect, all four formations began to gravitate towards the 5BS. Throughout both fleets, anticipation immediately rose as news spread that at least some portion of the enemy was out.

Despite these man oeuvres it is by no means certain that any contact may have eventuated except for one of those strange vagaries of chance by which battles so often seem to turn. With the two battlecruiser forces almost on almost directly reciprocal courses, they were nevertheless beyond visual range and would almost certainly have missed each other except for the chance presence of an old Danish steam trawler, the Isklapp, moving out to work the Dogger Bank. At approximately 1515, HMS Nicator, the eastern most destroyer of the 10th Destroyer Flotilla acting as Beatty's screen detected smoke to the east and was dispatched to investigate. Almost simultaneously S52, the western most vessel of Hipper's screen, also sighted the smoke of the Isklapp to its west and turned to investigate the sighting. It would only take a few moments and at 1519, both sides would detect each other as they closed on the innocuous trawler. Both would break radio silence and as the range dropped, the initial report of enemy forces led both commanders to orientate towards the reported contact. By pure chance the presence of an innocuous neutral steamer would trigger the largest naval surface battle of World War One.
 
The significance of this priority selection for naval construction work in the opening phase of WW1 is often overlooked. Not only did this delay availability of three of the most modern German vessels, but it diverted personnel and resources. Once work in the yards resumed, resources were diverted to complete the battlecruiser Lützow and the ex-Russian light cruisers Elbing and Pillau. Work on Bayern resumed in earnest after those projects were completed, and Baden was ready for sea trials by 19 October 1916. July slowed work on the Hindenburg; she was launched in November 1916, but resources were diverted to more pressing projects, including U-boat construction, and the remaining hulls under construction were still incomplete at the end of hostilities.

VERY true.

Sachsen maybe could have been included as well... Salamis?
 
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Bayern, Baden and Hindenburg available for Jutland would be a very welcome boost. Given the general german shell superiority those 38cm guns especially would be murderous. And Salamis fitted with 8x german 35cm guns, why not? Another useful and especially fast dreadnought to boost the german line.
 
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VERY true.

Sachsen maybe could have been included as well... Salamis?
Sachsen is just too late, would be almost impossible to finish in just over 2 years in time for the battle. Probably the contrary, work on all heavy ships laid down from 1914 onwards should be stopped at least temporarily, and full priority given to completing the 4 ships mentioned. This with a heavy dose of hindsight of course.
 
Sachsen is just too late, would be almost impossible to finish in just over 2 years in time for the battle. Probably the contrary, work on all heavy ships laid down from 1914 onwards should be stopped at least temporarily, and full priority given to completing the 4 ships mentioned. This with a heavy dose of hindsight of course.

Sachsen was laid down 2-3 months after Bayern, which was laid down Jan 1914.

The problem was the intended use of a center shaft diesel.
 
Sachsen was laid down 2-3 months after Bayern, which was laid down Jan 1914.

The problem was the intended use of a center shaft diesel.
Sachsen is just too late, would be almost impossible to finish in just over 2 years in time for the battle. Probably the contrary, work on all heavy ships laid down from 1914 onwards should be stopped at least temporarily, and full priority given to completing the 4 ships mentioned. This with a heavy dose of hindsight of course.
Looking at the UK distant blockade impact none of the later hulls were ever realistically ever going to be finished before armistice day. As its impact bit, the resources were always going to switch to U-boats and nothing, I can see would have changed this. The Bayern, Baden and Hindenburg where the only capital ship hulls ever likely to be operational in a realistic timeframe. What the change in priorities only ever did was to accelerate their completion for inclusion in this scenario, and remove the pre-dreadnaughts as an HSF prop, ultimately making Scheer more cautious and reconnaissance reliant upon employment of his lower numbers.
 
4. First Blood
Part Four

1400 22 July 1916, Skagerrak, North Sea, 250 nautical miles from Rosyth

The routine investigation of a Danish steam trawler had triggered the first sighting report when the presence of a German destroyer some 8,000 yards distant. When hearing this, the senior officer of the British screening forces, Rear Admiral Napier commanding the 3LCS rapidly ordered his ships to reorientate towards the contact, as his cruisers moved to support the developing destroyer action. Initial reports rapidly grew to 3 then 5 enemy vessels and further reports of smoke to the North-East. Unbeknown to him at the time he had run into Konteradmiral Boedecker's IInd Scouting Group, the screen for the heavy ships of the First Scouting Group. The escalating vessel count reported by both sides was the impetus for both Hipper and Beatty's forces to close and investigate and battle to commence.

The resulting small ships melee soon developed hotly as the cruisers of both sides joined to support the smaller vessels. By the geometry of their disposition, parts of both screens were poorly positioned to join immediately, but as the action developed soon the Gloucester, was joined by Falmouth, flying Rear Admiral Napiers flag, RA3LCS, Yarmouth and Chester. As the range close on the smaller German ships the weight of fire began to tell and soon after several hits one lost away, wreathed in smoke and flame. But even as this occurred a flash of red marked a hit on HMS Nereus that rapidly too began to settle, as larger German vessels entered the engagement.

Friedrich Boedecker’s IInd Scouting Group consisted of some of the most modern light cruisers in the High Seas Fleet, at least until the arrival of the new Konigsberg Class soon to become available. They were the only light cruisers in the fleet that carried the 5.9-inch gun to equal the latest British designs, other ships carrying the older 4.1-inch weapon. He rapidly moved his ships to engage the British, even though initially he was outnumbered 3 to 4. Concurrently he signaled Hipper, indicating that Royal Navy light units had been contacted. He needed to cover the withdrawing torpedo boats, one of which was already sinking. As well he had to bring Hipper’s battlecruisers, some miles to the North, back down on the British cruisers, hopefully in a position to cut them off from their bases. At the moment his priority was to prevent the opportunity for the slightly larger British force to gain ascendancy in what was escalating into a vicious little action between light forces of both sides.

Some miles away to the north-east, on the bridge of his flagship Lutzow, Hipper was running the geometry of the situation through his mind again. Where were the British heavy ships, could they lure out the British battlecruisers, if indeed they were not already at sea? Hipper had responded to Boedecker’s summons at 1525, initiating a battle turn that moved his fleet from a North-north-west course back to a South-south-west heading to come to his screening force’s aid. Furiously shuffling options in his mind, he was conscious that the reported force of battleships to the north, must be aware he knew of them. To blithely sail into contact with them was just too obvious. Any action must be realistic if he was to lure them into Scheer's range. Where were there other ships? A single squadron just cruising around on its own so far from England seemed highly unlikely. Could this be the screen of the Grand Fleet ahead of him? While refining his thoughts on his best options, at this time it was best to close with the light vessels and see what came out of the wood next.

It was just as well he had done so as converging on his position was Jellicoe and the main body of the Grand Fleet, still many miles away from his position when the turn was initiated. It was a situation ripe with potential. Beatty’s forces closing with Hipper could possibly be cut off, or Evan-Thomas as well. Neither side was aware of the presence of the main force of the opponent, but both conscious that they could appear at any time. Bearing down from the north on all of this was Jellicoe, now closing at 18 knots, his flag in the Iron Duke.

With the distance opening between the lighter vessels, each down a ship, a running battle between the cruisers over the period saw both sides exchanging distant fire as the smaller ships marshalled in their shelter. Each side scoring a few hits, but none disabling. Rear Admiral Napier had his squadron running back North northeast in chase of the German ships. That was all very good in his own mind, but why would the six remaining German ships be “fleeing” in that direction, surely, they knew of the presence of the 5BS, and away from their bases? Had that been considered? Even as his uneasy speculation grew, his worries were answered as a call came from the lookout above his head. The words shouted down from above, "Large enemy ships sighted, bearing Red 040…, one, two three…, at least four capital ships, battlecruisers… to starboard, closing!" The news broke, the big boys were out and the battle was about to be joined in earnest.

1501 22 June 1916, Skagerrak, North Sea, 240 nautical miles from Rosyth

Beatty was in a mood of restrained excitement as the tactical picture developed and his battlecruisers worked up to 24 knots as they closed on the action. No real way to "cut the corner' as the fleeing German light cruisers that were being pursued by Napier's light cruisers. It was speed that presented no problem for his three largest modern ships of 1BCS. It was near the maximum for the five older vessels of the other two squadrons at the rear of his formation, but they all still should have a knot or two in hand yet. What had changed was the geometry of his formation with the abrupt change of heading, putting half is screen in a relatively poor position to the rear of his battlecruisers on this heading. For all that, they still had a couple of knots edge of speed to eventually reposition, and it would be going to take some time for them to regain the lead on him. Till that occurred it would mean that options for employing them offensively where limited for the moment. For all that, the bridge crew was electrified as the calls began to come down from above. The initial contact report came rapidly, soon supplemented as the range finder gained vision, and the enemy no longer just a streak of smoke on the horizon, distinct dark humps of formed into the shape of warships as both sides closed at a combined speed of over 40 knots. "Fighting tops," the clarification came, "one, two no... sorry five, no six, definitely six heavies, all battlecruisers, also slight haze, bearing 050 degrees, range...12+ miles at this stage but closing rapidly." Beatty exchanged glances with his Flag Captain, "Six…, all battlecruiser…, you don’t think they added von Roon, do you?' he speculated, as they both studied the rapidly approaching ships through their glasses. "No, number three looks like another Derfflinger…, different foremast…," he said "must be new…," came the muttered after thought. "Well, the more the merrier," he stated, confident in his numbers. A brief glance around the horizon and added "Guns couldn't be happier". The afternoon was shaping to be lovely, gentle breeze and slight seas. Rarely would conditions be so good for gunnery at the best of times and damned uncommon for the North Sea. Now he had a choice to make. This was clearly the German battlecruiser force, but where was the High Seas Fleet? Why else would the German light cruisers flee North, if not towards supporting forces? It made sense and from his own intelligence reports, 5-6 ships would make the numbers right.

His musings were broken by another report, Napier had broken radio silence to report himself under fire from "six enemy capital ships" and his position. It was enough information for Beatty. Jellicoe would get the message and knew his intentions; he ordered action stations and swung his ships on intercept course for the German heavy ships. Jellicoe was somewhere north and Evan Thomas maybe 30 nautical miles to the North northeast. Yet where was the High Seas Fleet, if indeed they were at sea? Whatever…, it was time to start the dance, with the partners at hand. He was struck by a moment of amusement at his impulse to hum a music hall ditty…, what should I choose? he found himself speculating in a brief moment of wild fantasy before shaking the impulse. No that won't do for a flag officer going into action, he thought and knuckled down to concentrate on the task at hand. He still couldn't help but have a smile and think this was shaping up to be a truly great day to be going into battle.

1532 22 July 1916, 230 miles from Rosyth

Admiral Sir John Jellicoe was in an invidious position. Once described as "the only man who can lose the war in a day", he labored under the constant public expectation for him to gain a victory over the German fleet, a decisive one, if at all possible. Yet he remained constantly conscious of the need to preserve the Grand Fleet, essentially in the primary strategic task of blockade of the German nation, and sap her long-term ability to continue to fight. Over a decade of industrial might of one of the great naval powers of the world had gone into the 32 battleships under his command. A truly stupendous concentration of metal at his call, not even counting Beatty's forces or those of other vessels spread around the North Sea. Given the right conditions, he was confident enough of crushing the Germans, if he was able to come to grips with the High Seas Fleet. To that end, he had three separate forces at sea at the moment. Unfortunately, he had yet to establish where his main foe was, or even if it was at sea, despite what the signal boffins had indicated. He had a fairly clear idea of the location of Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas's 5th Battle Squadron and screen having broken radio silence, who were at least notionally in a position to make a least time course to Beatty in an endeavor to assist the battlecruiser force if required. He was mildly annoyed that Beatty continued to remain silent, but surely that would change if he made contact? Till then his best course would be to have his main body continue to steer south, though he ordered it to increase speed to 20 knots. Tempting as it might be to steer to the South and East, hopefully blocking off the escape of any potential German force, the prudent course dictated he continue to close until he had some concrete information to act upon.

1527, 22 June 1916, North Sea, 235 miles from Rosyth

Hipper had duly received the updates passed down from the lookouts perched high above his head. But now the serried row of grey silhouettes of warships had heaved above the horizon so he could now directly assess the situation through the Zeiss binoculars at his eyes. One long columns of masts, all representing British battlecruisers, clearly visible now over the horizon. Counting to himself, the numbers going upward in his mind, four, then six, to seven, then finally eight. "I make eight," he muttered aside to his Flag Captain beside him. "Yes, I agree eight…," and after a brief pause, " I make it three Lion's leading, but I don't see the Tiger…, I wonder where it is?" before lapsing into silence. A briefly grunted agreement as he reviewed the situation. Having sent an updated sighting report in general giving his location and the situation, he now had the job of being bait. He was outnumbered eight to six, not an envious position to be in, yet better than it would have been a few weeks earlier. Not insurmountable but the British appeared unaware of Scheer and his nearing battle-line, which was somewhere to the North and East, hopefully moving now to be in position to cut off the retreat of the British ships.

Hipper knew his ships were tough and was confident in holding the line until Scheer arrived, although he did reduce speed to 16 knots to reduce the rate of closure. He could see that the enemy was maintaining a single line of battle, and changed heading to continue to close at an oblique angle. He ordered a general heading change, turning a couple of points to port to adopt a more south easterly heading. He confidently expected the British to follow, outnumbering him as they did. It also left the other reported British Force out of the engagement for a while, leaving them with a stern chase to join the developing action. The further south he drew them then the better chance to catch the British between Scheer's forces and his own and possibly even the second force as well. Although a windless day with excellent visibility, already the smoke from numerous ships moving at speed was beginning to mar the visibility of gunnery officers. For now, he would forego the safety of the armored conning tower to keep aware of the situation as it developed, and the range remained long.

Hipper noted Beatty's ships turning slightly South to clear their own smoke and wondered yet again why the British ships armed with the longer ranged 13.5-inch guns were delaying their fire, rather than using their range advantage to zero in on his own ships as the distance advantage was in their favor until the range shortened. Not that he was complaining, of course. If it was Beatty in command, as was expected, then he appeared to be doing his best to close the range rapidly, even if it meant is trailing ships were slightly masked during the initial phases. Finally, at just over 15,000 meters, the leading British trio opened fire. He gave the order for his own ships to reply, slow deliberate fire, pairing off with their opposite number, as it was barely inside the range of his leading vessels. Ordering his force to resume flank speed, all the more to draw them further south. The British fire was initially wild, and as a gunnery specialist Hipper was not impressed, 'fair groupings but slow to range,' the analytical part of his mind assessed. Finally, as the range dropped to 14,000 meters, he could see the enemy line swing a point to parallel his own. In comparison by the fourth salvo his own ships, with their superior range finders, were the first to bracket enemy ships. As both sides settled down on parallel headings, the bitter exchange of blows began in earnest. He turned to Captain Harder, "Time to get behind some armor I think," he stated, "It's only going to get bloody from here," as they both headed towards the shelter of the Lutzow's armored conning tower, necessary despite the more restricted vision it offered.

1551, 22 July 1916, North Sea, 235 miles from Rosyth

David Beatty felt fully alive as the deck of HMS Lion jarred under his feet at it released another salvo down range towards the enemy line now paralleling his ships. All his ships were fully engaged at last, pairing off with their opposite number. Even the presence of a second German airship, which had arrived even as the exchange began, and was now shadowing his forces movements, failed to dampen his mood. Hovering to the west of his line beyond engagement range, they were obviously positioned to provide updates of his movements and untouchable at the moment. This immunity did not worry him particularly as it could only serve to bring additional German forces into contact, even the HSF if it was out. A highly desirable outcome if they could be enticed into action with the Grand Fleet. The three ships of the 2BCS at the rear of his own line were all now engaged finally, and appeared to be concentrating on the Von der Tann at the rear of the enemy line. He had yet to see any hits from the fire of his own ships, but the Germans were demonstrating their usual high standard of gunnery and his flagship had already been straddled once by the Lutzow. Just at that moment he saw the first flash of a hit on the rearmost of the German line, followed at short interval by a second. Even as he was turning to comment however, the next salvo fell around the Lion raising mast high spouts of water, and felt a different shudder as the first hit was scored on his flagship from the accurate German gunnery. Seeing Backhouse being occupied with the initial damage reports, he turned his attention back to Hipper's line, just in time to see another hit blossom on the Von der Tann. Even as he turned to Backhouse to comment on how good the 2BCS gunnery appeared, his eye was distracted back to the rear of his formation as a mast high tongue of flame that seemed to leap up from the bow of the 2BCS squadron flagship Australia, briefly masking it from view. Just as he began to believe the worst, the bow appeared followed by the rest of the ship coming into view, as it cleared a cloud of smoke and falling debris. Obviously hurt, he could see the bow swinging out to starboard, guns of the forward turret cocked at odd angles and clearly not under control, beginning a wide gentle circle away from the enemy, as it dropped out of the line. That was undoubtedly a bad hit, but at least she still appeared to be in the fight and somewhat combat capable, as he observed her stern turret fire again. If he had ever harbored any doubts about the prospective toughness of this fight, then that sight had removed them.

1553, 22 July 1916, North Seas, Flagship of 2BCS, HMNS Australia.

Captain Stephen Radcliffe could almost feel the tense thrum of anticipation running through the personnel on the bridge around him. Indeed, as a professional naval officer with decades of service himself, he couldn't deny that he shared this anticipation, as this too was the culmination of his career to date, entering into battle as Captain of a capital ship in a fleet action. But for his crew he could almost feel the tension around him, and the intense sense of satisfaction at his order to raise the battle ensigns. This was palpable as the Huge Nieustralis Ensigns broke out in earnest at the mastheads, visible in action for the first time. The previous twelve months of service had been hard for some of his crew, the constant training and monotonous existence of ship board life alien to many of his Hostilities Only ratings, worsened by missing the action of Dogger Bank, and the May sortie as a result of a collision. Keeping a crew of new hands up to scratch required some reminder about what the dedication was about, and at long last the reward seemed at hand as they closed on a clearly visible enemy.

He watched as the lead ships finally open fire as the ranged dropped, but Beatty obviously was intent on continuing to close. Eventually the awaited order came for the course change, and he passed the order 'Coxswain; Starboard 10, meet her…, continue to follow Indomitable' he spoke in the voice pipe to the wheel below, finally bringing the ship parallel to the enemy line, now well in range. Beside him the Squadron Commander Admiral Packenham, quietly spoke, "You may commence fire at your leisure, Captain. Yeoman; Squadron signal, Target Six, firing sequence One". "Aye sir" as the signal lamp shutters behind began to stutter and confirmatory flags ran up the halyard. They had long anticipated outnumbering any German Battlecruiser force, and discussed fire distribution plans, this being one of the simplest. With the leading ships one on one, his target was the sixth ship, Von der Tann by the looks of it. To avoid confusion of spotting with the three ships of the squadron, the command would initially space each salvo out by thirty seconds, front to rear. After 90 seconds Australia's guns would speak again, commencing the process over. Not the maximum rate of fire, but it would allow each of the squadron to accurately correct its own fall of shot without confusion hopefully. Once each ship signaled it had established the range, then they would enter firing sequence two, with each ship firing 10 seconds after the ship ahead, increasing the rate of fire across the squadron. With all three of them concentrating on the rearmost ship of the German line, he was confident that it would soon begin to suffer from this weight of fire.

Even as he felt the jar as the first salvo discharged, he was conscious of the sudden leap of spouts of water short of his own ship as the return fire of the enemy's opening shots arrived. Obviously, the last ship, Vonn der Tann was engaging their counterpart, so it looked like it was going to concentrate on Australia. With professional detachment he was nevertheless impressed, good range for opening shots and a tight grouping, he thought. One minute later he watched as a second similar grouping dropped closer. Laddering, he thought as his own guns replied for the second time. Observing his own fall of shot again fall short, he was distracted as the next rounds landed, "straddle…, bloody good shooting so soon" he found himself musing, with both an unconscious nod of approving confirmation and slight hint of professional worry, seemingly distant from events in his concentration. He was distracted momentarily as with a surge of satisfaction he noted the first burst of flame of a hit on the trailing German ship, followed rapidly by two more in short succession. He had just decided to step forward and suggest to the Admiral that they vacate their exposed position and move to the conning tower, when the fourth enemy salvo arrived with concussive finality.

To his dying day, Stephen Radcliffe would never have a clear recollection of events in the immediate aftermath of the shell's arrival. As a young man he had once been felled by a bouncer in a cricket match and could never recall the exact ball itself, just a woozy confused aftermath. In many ways this experience remains ever after similar, a confused impression of a vast impact spinning him around, combined with a flash of light and memory of a wash of intense heat sweeping over him. His first clear recollection was realizing he was on his hands and knees, half slumped against a torn shrapnel mattress of the bridge screen hanging half loose and leaking sand from the perforations, with a sense of wetness running down his neck and a high-pitched keening noise somewhere in the background. Driven by a sudden sense of urgency he pushed himself upright, swaying as a wave of dizziness struck, forcing him to cling to the binnacle as he was confronted abruptly by the vastly changed sight of his bridge. What was moments before an organized and polished place of command was now a blackened and disorganized wreck, torn and twisted surfaces and splintered deck. Amidst this chaos there appeared a few standing bodies still looking dazed and shocked, along with what appeared as several crumpled heaps scattered in disorganized piles of blue serge, many in random pieces leaking blood like some mad abattoir. Before him he distantly recognized the crumpled form of Admiral Packenham, in a spreading pool of blood, one of many, the top of his skull cleanly removed, clearly revealing his brains. The sight triggered a wave of nausea as he suddenly bent over, throwing up down his front as he clung to the binnacle and triggering another attack of dizziness.

Even as this was happening the instinctive seaman part of his nature noted the changing cast of shadows and realized that the ships head was swinging. With a sudden ingrained sense of purpose and urgency from years at sea, he turned to the voice pipe by the binnacle to the wheelhouse below, his mind for some reason absently noting its shrapnel torn rim. "Coxswain, Coxswain, what's your heading…?" For a moment there was no response, then a frightened high-pitched young voice sounding distant in his ringing ears came back, "Sir, sir, it's Ordinary Seaman Clarke here sir…, the cox's sort of in two pieces sir…, there's no one else alive here." came the final response in a half-choked raised tone in a panicked finale. Forcing himself to sound calm and in control he spoke slowly and steadily "For now, we need to control the ship, but someone will be along to assist soon. Can you take the wheel and do you see the compass?' "Just a moment sir," came the response, and after a brief pause "Sir its, just swinging freely and there's no response to the wheel." "Damn…" he couldn’t help but mutter, before continuing, "OK seaman, stay at your post, someone will be there soon to assist,' before again straightening as he tried to take in the wider picture. A shaky step forward, and he grabbed the torn bridge railing, swaying slightly and got his first clear view of the foredeck. Below he could see the remains of A-turret, still frozen pointing out to port. Looking down he could see into the turret, the front plate of the armored roof peeled back, revealing the left gun, dismounted from its trunnion, muzzle resting on deck, the right gun cocked uselessly at maximum elevation to the sky, and the blackened interior still smoldering, and smoke filled from a recent fierce blaze. Even as he was taking in this sight, a sudden voice registered by his side. "Sir…, Sir…, Captain…, are you alright?", penetrated muzzily on his awareness. Distracted by awareness of the sudden danger to the ship, he found the Signals Yeoman, by his side, incongruously hatless and exposing a smudged balding palate. "Yes, yes…, order A magazine flooded. "Sir, you're bleeding like a stuck pig, are you OK?". Yes, I'm fine, now order the magazine to be flooded immediately…! Aye-aye sir." he responded, shouting to one of the few shocked upright signals party still standing, to pass the message. As this was occurring the clatter of fresh feet coming up the ladder, announced the arrival of fresh bodies, a damage control party pausing aghast briefly at the carnage confronting them, before hastening to assist. The Yeoman, turning back, and pointing to his head, "You're still bleeding sir" he repeated. "Attend to the others first," he stated, "but before you do, hoist 'Not under command." "Aye Sir." came the response as the sudden silence ending the background keening of one of the wounded, announced the fresh arrivals attending to the wounded. "Also strike the admirals flag," he added as a belated afterthought to the yeoman, even as a fresh face arrived.

He was suddenly conscious of Lt Hawthorne, the damage control officer, facing him and his face clearly worried and seemingly out of place simply due to his tidiness and still with his cap, neatly centered on his head, unlike the remaining members of the original bridge party. "Are you all right, Sir?" "Yes, I'm all right," came his automatic response, even to him sounding strangely distant, bemused that Hawthorne seemed to be slightly swaying before him, before realizing that it was, he who was swaying. "Sir, you've got quite a head wound that's bleeding a lot," reaching forward to steady him, " You need to get it seen too, and… perhaps you should take a seat," as he took his elbow and began to guide him towards the captain's stool behind the magnetic compass. Suddenly conscious of the wetness he could feel running down inside the neck of his shirt, unexpectedly feeling cold and shivery on top of his nausea, he allowed himself to be guided to the raised stool. Realizing his shakiness, he gladly flopped into its support, the raised back keeping him upright, before turning to Hawthorne and asking, "Ships status?" as he could finally risk sweeping his eyes around the horizon, from the chairs stabilizing embrace.

A part of mind seemed distantly detached as he listened to Hawthorne give reel of a brief summary: A-turret destroyed, and all crew killed. A magazine flooded, 3-500 tons of water on board, no underwater damage, engines untouched pushing Australia through the water at close to full speed, probably 23-24 knots with the flooding and down by the head slightly, rudder jammed 2-points to starboard as the ship continued in a wide flat turn. some damage to the linkage and maneuver control should be restored in less than five minutes, and a second hit high in the mizzen fighting top had removed the top 40 feet of the rear topmast and the ships radio aerials with it. As that distant part of his mind was processing the report, his eyes were now automatically sweeping the distance, and finally processing the wider picture of what was occurring as around him the bridge began to return to a semblance of normality. The wounded were being carried below and additional bodies appeared as the dead were removed some of the blood was being hastily cleaned. Hawthorne finished his report with a suggestion that if they reduced speed, control could be re-established by the engines, and finished by again recommending he go below and get his wound attended to. Without thinking, Radcliffe rejected the suggestion, and the now arrived Sick Birth Attendants offer of morphine. "No, if rudder function can be restored in five minutes, we need to maintain speed to keep in contact with the action." Looking at the officer he directed him to get back to Damage control, and if it looked like taking longer to restore the linkage, let him know ASAP. "Also, can you tell the Commander I request his presence here." before turning to the SBA and ordered, "Dress the wound, but no drugs," reaching up for the first time to feel the side of his head for the first time. "This will hurt sir, you've got a good cut that's going to need a dozen stitches at least, and it's taken off the top of the ear as well." wiping away the steadily weeping flow and muttering "Bloody head wounds, always bleed like a stuck pig," absently. "Just get on with it man," an annoyed Radcliffe rapped, suddenly feeling for the first time the stinging pain his fingers had awakened. "Aye, Aye, sir, 'old still" sucking his teeth as he began to rapidly wield his needle and thread in a series of large rough stitches. Trying to distract his attention from the stinging tugging, he surveyed the surrounds. The ship was just finishing its second large circuit, and he could see in the distance the hull of the receding Indefatigable, the last ship of the line, still engaging a distant target. With no shells falling around, he could see two attendant destroyers, now hovering around their still circling charge, and the smoke of the receding German line heading south and hear the noises of the fire party forward now pouring water through the roof of the still smoldering A-turret.

Just as the SBA was tightly wrapping a bandage around his work, a clatter up the bridge ladder announced the arrival of Commander Wexham, his executive officer. "Sir, damage control has fixed the linkage and we have steerage again," he informed his captain, "Are you sure you're all, right? I can relieve you for a moment if you need to go below? No, I'm still fit to command" he stated, then thanking the SBA and asking, "As you go can you respectfully finish cleaning that up a bit?" gesturing at a seaboot, still with the remains of someone's foot in it, partially lodged under the bridge screen and obviously missed in the initial rush. Both the SBA and exec blanched in sudden recognition, before the SBA hastened to remove the offending article. Before giving instructions to Wexham as they both began to assess the wider tactical picture. As this occurred his steward silently appeared and wrapped his duffel coat around his hatless shivering form, before miraculously proffering a thermos hot sweet tea, his treatment for shock. Wordlessly accepting this, he briefly offered an unthinking and heartfelt nod of gratitude, unfortunately triggering another bout of dizziness, before resuming his discussion between shaky sips. It felt incongruous to remain seated in the midst of battle, but in light of his unsteadiness on his feet, remained preferrable to being removed from command for the moment.

With control restored they both observed the rear of their distant squadron still pounding away at full speed, and by now ahead a couple of sea miles distant as they discussed options. The ship was still combat capable, but with the water in the ship costing the slight edge in speed needed to close quickly, it was going to take forever to re-join the action. Both unconsciously recognizing and accepting the automatic assumption that this was the only possible course of action open to them. As the heading settled down into the wake of the running gun duel ahead, they both agreed that they would have to cut the corner of any course change if it occurred to close rapidly. Otherwise, all they could do at the moment was settle in for a long stern chase in the hope of this eventuating. If they reached gunnery range again, Wexham would return to the Auxiliary conning tower aft, with a clear picture of his commander's intent, and the promise that he himself would relocate to the conning tower when that occurred. Even as they concurred both sets of eyes were rivetted by a large flash in the distance, partially obscured by the funnel smoke of intervening ships, before seeing huge chocolate colored column of smoke rearing in the distance. "Shit," came the distressed mutter of blasphemy from his Exec at the silent spectacle, "That was one of ours." All Radcliffe could do was a brief grunt of agreement as somewhere at the now distant head of the British line one their battlecruisers had blown up catastrophically.
 
Part Four

1400 22 July 1916, Skagerrak, North Sea, 250 nautical miles from Rosyth

The routine investigation of a Danish steam trawler had triggered the first sighting report when the presence of a German destroyer some 8,000 yards distant. When hearing this, the senior officer of the British screening forces, Rear Admiral Napier commanding the 3LCS rapidly ordered his ships to reorientate towards the contact, as his cruisers moved to support the developing destroyer action. Initial reports rapidly grew to 3 then 5 enemy vessels and further reports of smoke to the North-East. Unbeknown to him at the time he had run into Konteradmiral Boedecker's IInd Scouting Group, the screen for the heavy ships of the First Scouting Group. The escalating vessel count reported by both sides was the impetus for both Hipper and Beatty's forces to close and investigate and battle to commence.

The resulting small ships melee soon developed hotly as the cruisers of both sides joined to support the smaller vessels. By the geometry of their disposition, parts of both screens were poorly positioned to join immediately, but as the action developed soon the Gloucester, was joined by Falmouth, flying Rear Admiral Napiers flag, RA3LCS, Yarmouth and Chester. As the range close on the smaller German ships the weight of fire began to tell and soon after several hits one lost away, wreathed in smoke and flame. But even as this occurred a flash of red marked a hit on HMS Nereus that rapidly too began to settle, as larger German vessels entered the engagement.

Friedrich Boedecker’s IInd Scouting Group consisted of some of the most modern light cruisers in the High Seas Fleet, at least until the arrival of the new Konigsberg Class soon to become available. They were the only light cruisers in the fleet that carried the 5.9-inch gun to equal the latest British designs, other ships carrying the older 4.1-inch weapon. He rapidly moved his ships to engage the British, even though initially he was outnumbered 3 to 4. Concurrently he signaled Hipper, indicating that Royal Navy light units had been contacted. He needed to cover the withdrawing torpedo boats, one of which was already sinking. As well he had to bring Hipper’s battlecruisers, some miles to the North, back down on the British cruisers, hopefully in a position to cut them off from their bases. At the moment his priority was to prevent the opportunity for the slightly larger British force to gain ascendancy in what was escalating into a vicious little action between light forces of both sides.

Some miles away to the north-east, on the bridge of his flagship Lutzow, Hipper was running the geometry of the situation through his mind again. Where were the British heavy ships, could they lure out the British battlecruisers, if indeed they were not already at sea? Hipper had responded to Boedecker’s summons at 1525, initiating a battle turn that moved his fleet from a North-north-west course back to a South-south-west heading to come to his screening force’s aid. Furiously shuffling options in his mind, he was conscious that the reported force of battleships to the north, must be aware he knew of them. To blithely sail into contact with them was just too obvious. Any action must be realistic if he was to lure them into Scheer's range. Where were there other ships? A single squadron just cruising around on its own so far from England seemed highly unlikely. Could this be the screen of the Grand Fleet ahead of him? While refining his thoughts on his best options, at this time it was best to close with the light vessels and see what came out of the wood next.

It was just as well he had done so as converging on his position was Jellicoe and the main body of the Grand Fleet, still many miles away from his position when the turn was initiated. It was a situation ripe with potential. Beatty’s forces closing with Hipper could possibly be cut off, or Evan-Thomas as well. Neither side was aware of the presence of the main force of the opponent, but both conscious that they could appear at any time. Bearing down from the north on all of this was Jellicoe, now closing at 18 knots, his flag in the Iron Duke.

With the distance opening between the lighter vessels, each down a ship, a running battle between the cruisers over the period saw both sides exchanging distant fire as the smaller ships marshalled in their shelter. Each side scoring a few hits, but none disabling. Rear Admiral Napier had his squadron running back North northeast in chase of the German ships. That was all very good in his own mind, but why would the six remaining German ships be “fleeing” in that direction, surely, they knew of the presence of the 5BS, and away from their bases? Had that been considered? Even as his uneasy speculation grew, his worries were answered as a call came from the lookout above his head. The words shouted down from above, "Large enemy ships sighted, bearing Red 040…, one, two three…, at least four capital ships, battlecruisers… to starboard, closing!" The news broke, the big boys were out and the battle was about to be joined in earnest.

1501 22 June 1916, Skagerrak, North Sea, 240 nautical miles from Rosyth

Beatty was in a mood of restrained excitement as the tactical picture developed and his battlecruisers worked up to 24 knots as they closed on the action. No real way to "cut the corner' as the fleeing German light cruisers that were being pursued by Napier's light cruisers. It was speed that presented no problem for his three largest modern ships of 1BCS. It was near the maximum for the five older vessels of the other two squadrons at the rear of his formation, but they all still should have a knot or two in hand yet. What had changed was the geometry of his formation with the abrupt change of heading, putting half is screen in a relatively poor position to the rear of his battlecruisers on this heading. For all that, they still had a couple of knots edge of speed to eventually reposition, and it would be going to take some time for them to regain the lead on him. Till that occurred it would mean that options for employing them offensively where limited for the moment. For all that, the bridge crew was electrified as the calls began to come down from above. The initial contact report came rapidly, soon supplemented as the range finder gained vision, and the enemy no longer just a streak of smoke on the horizon, distinct dark humps of formed into the shape of warships as both sides closed at a combined speed of over 40 knots. "Fighting tops," the clarification came, "one, two no... sorry five, no six, definitely six heavies, all battlecruisers, also slight haze, bearing 050 degrees, range...12+ miles at this stage but closing rapidly." Beatty exchanged glances with his Flag Captain, "Six…, all battlecruiser…, you don’t think they added von Roon, do you?' he speculated, as they both studied the rapidly approaching ships through their glasses. "No, number three looks like another Derfflinger…, different foremast…," he said "must be new…," came the muttered after thought. "Well, the more the merrier," he stated, confident in his numbers. A brief glance around the horizon and added "Guns couldn't be happier". The afternoon was shaping to be lovely, gentle breeze and slight seas. Rarely would conditions be so good for gunnery at the best of times and damned uncommon for the North Sea. Now he had a choice to make. This was clearly the German battlecruiser force, but where was the High Seas Fleet? Why else would the German light cruisers flee North, if not towards supporting forces? It made sense and from his own intelligence reports, 5-6 ships would make the numbers right.

His musings were broken by another report, Napier had broken radio silence to report himself under fire from "six enemy capital ships" and his position. It was enough information for Beatty. Jellicoe would get the message and knew his intentions; he ordered action stations and swung his ships on intercept course for the German heavy ships. Jellicoe was somewhere north and Evan Thomas maybe 30 nautical miles to the North northeast. Yet where was the High Seas Fleet, if indeed they were at sea? Whatever…, it was time to start the dance, with the partners at hand. He was struck by a moment of amusement at his impulse to hum a music hall ditty…, what should I choose? he found himself speculating in a brief moment of wild fantasy before shaking the impulse. No that won't do for a flag officer going into action, he thought and knuckled down to concentrate on the task at hand. He still couldn't help but have a smile and think this was shaping up to be a truly great day to be going into battle.

1532 22 July 1916, 230 miles from Rosyth

Admiral Sir John Jellicoe was in an invidious position. Once described as "the only man who can lose the war in a day", he labored under the constant public expectation for him to gain a victory over the German fleet, a decisive one, if at all possible. Yet he remained constantly conscious of the need to preserve the Grand Fleet, essentially in the primary strategic task of blockade of the German nation, and sap her long-term ability to continue to fight. Over a decade of industrial might of one of the great naval powers of the world had gone into the 32 battleships under his command. A truly stupendous concentration of metal at his call, not even counting Beatty's forces or those of other vessels spread around the North Sea. Given the right conditions, he was confident enough of crushing the Germans, if he was able to come to grips with the High Seas Fleet. To that end, he had three separate forces at sea at the moment. Unfortunately, he had yet to establish where his main foe was, or even if it was at sea, despite what the signal boffins had indicated. He had a fairly clear idea of the location of Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas's 5th Battle Squadron and screen having broken radio silence, who were at least notionally in a position to make a least time course to Beatty in an endeavor to assist the battlecruiser force if required. He was mildly annoyed that Beatty continued to remain silent, but surely that would change if he made contact? Till then his best course would be to have his main body continue to steer south, though he ordered it to increase speed to 20 knots. Tempting as it might be to steer to the South and East, hopefully blocking off the escape of any potential German force, the prudent course dictated he continue to close until he had some concrete information to act upon.

1527, 22 June 1916, North Sea, 235 miles from Rosyth

Hipper had duly received the updates passed down from the lookouts perched high above his head. But now the serried row of grey silhouettes of warships had heaved above the horizon so he could now directly assess the situation through the Zeiss binoculars at his eyes. One long columns of masts, all representing British battlecruisers, clearly visible now over the horizon. Counting to himself, the numbers going upward in his mind, four, then six, to seven, then finally eight. "I make eight," he muttered aside to his Flag Captain beside him. "Yes, I agree eight…," and after a brief pause, " I make it three Lion's leading, but I don't see the Tiger…, I wonder where it is?" before lapsing into silence. A briefly grunted agreement as he reviewed the situation. Having sent an updated sighting report in general giving his location and the situation, he now had the job of being bait. He was outnumbered eight to six, not an envious position to be in, yet better than it would have been a few weeks earlier. Not insurmountable but the British appeared unaware of Scheer and his nearing battle-line, which was somewhere to the North and East, hopefully moving now to be in position to cut off the retreat of the British ships.

Hipper knew his ships were tough and was confident in holding the line until Scheer arrived, although he did reduce speed to 16 knots to reduce the rate of closure. He could see that the enemy was maintaining a single line of battle, and changed heading to continue to close at an oblique angle. He ordered a general heading change, turning a couple of points to port to adopt a more south easterly heading. He confidently expected the British to follow, outnumbering him as they did. It also left the other reported British Force out of the engagement for a while, leaving them with a stern chase to join the developing action. The further south he drew them then the better chance to catch the British between Scheer's forces and his own and possibly even the second force as well. Although a windless day with excellent visibility, already the smoke from numerous ships moving at speed was beginning to mar the visibility of gunnery officers. For now, he would forego the safety of the armored conning tower to keep aware of the situation as it developed, and the range remained long.

Hipper noted Beatty's ships turning slightly South to clear their own smoke and wondered yet again why the British ships armed with the longer ranged 13.5-inch guns were delaying their fire, rather than using their range advantage to zero in on his own ships as the distance advantage was in their favor until the range shortened. Not that he was complaining, of course. If it was Beatty in command, as was expected, then he appeared to be doing his best to close the range rapidly, even if it meant is trailing ships were slightly masked during the initial phases. Finally, at just over 15,000 meters, the leading British trio opened fire. He gave the order for his own ships to reply, slow deliberate fire, pairing off with their opposite number, as it was barely inside the range of his leading vessels. Ordering his force to resume flank speed, all the more to draw them further south. The British fire was initially wild, and as a gunnery specialist Hipper was not impressed, 'fair groupings but slow to range,' the analytical part of his mind assessed. Finally, as the range dropped to 14,000 meters, he could see the enemy line swing a point to parallel his own. In comparison by the fourth salvo his own ships, with their superior range finders, were the first to bracket enemy ships. As both sides settled down on parallel headings, the bitter exchange of blows began in earnest. He turned to Captain Harder, "Time to get behind some armor I think," he stated, "It's only going to get bloody from here," as they both headed towards the shelter of the Lutzow's armored conning tower, necessary despite the more restricted vision it offered.

1551, 22 July 1916, North Sea, 235 miles from Rosyth

David Beatty felt fully alive as the deck of HMS Lion jarred under his feet at it released another salvo down range towards the enemy line now paralleling his ships. All his ships were fully engaged at last, pairing off with their opposite number. Even the presence of a second German airship, which had arrived even as the exchange began, and was now shadowing his forces movements, failed to dampen his mood. Hovering to the west of his line beyond engagement range, they were obviously positioned to provide updates of his movements and untouchable at the moment. This immunity did not worry him particularly as it could only serve to bring additional German forces into contact, even the HSF if it was out. A highly desirable outcome if they could be enticed into action with the Grand Fleet. The three ships of the 2BCS at the rear of his own line were all now engaged finally, and appeared to be concentrating on the Von der Tann at the rear of the enemy line. He had yet to see any hits from the fire of his own ships, but the Germans were demonstrating their usual high standard of gunnery and his flagship had already been straddled once by the Lutzow. Just at that moment he saw the first flash of a hit on the rearmost of the German line, followed at short interval by a second. Even as he was turning to comment however, the next salvo fell around the Lion raising mast high spouts of water, and felt a different shudder as the first hit was scored on his flagship from the accurate German gunnery. Seeing Backhouse being occupied with the initial damage reports, he turned his attention back to Hipper's line, just in time to see another hit blossom on the Von der Tann. Even as he turned to Backhouse to comment on how good the 2BCS gunnery appeared, his eye was distracted back to the rear of his formation as a mast high tongue of flame that seemed to leap up from the bow of the 2BCS squadron flagship Australia, briefly masking it from view. Just as he began to believe the worst, the bow appeared followed by the rest of the ship coming into view, as it cleared a cloud of smoke and falling debris. Obviously hurt, he could see the bow swinging out to starboard, guns of the forward turret cocked at odd angles and clearly not under control, beginning a wide gentle circle away from the enemy, as it dropped out of the line. That was undoubtedly a bad hit, but at least she still appeared to be in the fight and somewhat combat capable, as he observed her stern turret fire again. If he had ever harbored any doubts about the prospective toughness of this fight, then that sight had removed them.

1553, 22 July 1916, North Seas, Flagship of 2BCS, HMNS Australia.

Captain Stephen Radcliffe could almost feel the tense thrum of anticipation running through the personnel on the bridge around him. Indeed, as a professional naval officer with decades of service himself, he couldn't deny that he shared this anticipation, as this too was the culmination of his career to date, entering into battle as Captain of a capital ship in a fleet action. But for his crew he could almost feel the tension around him, and the intense sense of satisfaction at his order to raise the battle ensigns. This was palpable as the Huge Nieustralis Ensigns broke out in earnest at the mastheads, visible in action for the first time. The previous twelve months of service had been hard for some of his crew, the constant training and monotonous existence of ship board life alien to many of his Hostilities Only ratings, worsened by missing the action of Dogger Bank, and the May sortie as a result of a collision. Keeping a crew of new hands up to scratch required some reminder about what the dedication was about, and at long last the reward seemed at hand as they closed on a clearly visible enemy.

He watched as the lead ships finally open fire as the ranged dropped, but Beatty obviously was intent on continuing to close. Eventually the awaited order came for the course change, and he passed the order 'Coxswain; Starboard 10, meet her…, continue to follow Indomitable' he spoke in the voice pipe to the wheel below, finally bringing the ship parallel to the enemy line, now well in range. Beside him the Squadron Commander Admiral Packenham, quietly spoke, "You may commence fire at your leisure, Captain. Yeoman; Squadron signal, Target Six, firing sequence One". "Aye sir" as the signal lamp shutters behind began to stutter and confirmatory flags ran up the halyard. They had long anticipated outnumbering any German Battlecruiser force, and discussed fire distribution plans, this being one of the simplest. With the leading ships one on one, his target was the sixth ship, Von der Tann by the looks of it. To avoid confusion of spotting with the three ships of the squadron, the command would initially space each salvo out by thirty seconds, front to rear. After 90 seconds Australia's guns would speak again, commencing the process over. Not the maximum rate of fire, but it would allow each of the squadron to accurately correct its own fall of shot without confusion hopefully. Once each ship signaled it had established the range, then they would enter firing sequence two, with each ship firing 10 seconds after the ship ahead, increasing the rate of fire across the squadron. With all three of them concentrating on the rearmost ship of the German line, he was confident that it would soon begin to suffer from this weight of fire.

Even as he felt the jar as the first salvo discharged, he was conscious of the sudden leap of spouts of water short of his own ship as the return fire of the enemy's opening shots arrived. Obviously, the last ship, Vonn der Tann was engaging their counterpart, so it looked like it was going to concentrate on Australia. With professional detachment he was nevertheless impressed, good range for opening shots and a tight grouping, he thought. One minute later he watched as a second similar grouping dropped closer. Laddering, he thought as his own guns replied for the second time. Observing his own fall of shot again fall short, he was distracted as the next rounds landed, "straddle…, bloody good shooting so soon" he found himself musing, with both an unconscious nod of approving confirmation and slight hint of professional worry, seemingly distant from events in his concentration. He was distracted momentarily as with a surge of satisfaction he noted the first burst of flame of a hit on the trailing German ship, followed rapidly by two more in short succession. He had just decided to step forward and suggest to the Admiral that they vacate their exposed position and move to the conning tower, when the fourth enemy salvo arrived with concussive finality.

To his dying day, Stephen Radcliffe would never have a clear recollection of events in the immediate aftermath of the shell's arrival. As a young man he had once been felled by a bouncer in a cricket match and could never recall the exact ball itself, just a woozy confused aftermath. In many ways this experience remains ever after similar, a confused impression of a vast impact spinning him around, combined with a flash of light and memory of a wash of intense heat sweeping over him. His first clear recollection was realizing he was on his hands and knees, half slumped against a torn shrapnel mattress of the bridge screen hanging half loose and leaking sand from the perforations, with a sense of wetness running down his neck and a high-pitched keening noise somewhere in the background. Driven by a sudden sense of urgency he pushed himself upright, swaying as a wave of dizziness struck, forcing him to cling to the binnacle as he was confronted abruptly by the vastly changed sight of his bridge. What was moments before an organized and polished place of command was now a blackened and disorganized wreck, torn and twisted surfaces and splintered deck. Amidst this chaos there appeared a few standing bodies still looking dazed and shocked, along with what appeared as several crumpled heaps scattered in disorganized piles of blue serge, many in random pieces leaking blood like some mad abattoir. Before him he distantly recognized the crumpled form of Admiral Packenham, in a spreading pool of blood, one of many, the top of his skull cleanly removed, clearly revealing his brains. The sight triggered a wave of nausea as he suddenly bent over, throwing up down his front as he clung to the binnacle and triggering another attack of dizziness.

Even as this was happening the instinctive seaman part of his nature noted the changing cast of shadows and realized that the ships head was swinging. With a sudden ingrained sense of purpose and urgency from years at sea, he turned to the voice pipe by the binnacle to the wheelhouse below, his mind for some reason absently noting its shrapnel torn rim. "Coxswain, Coxswain, what's your heading…?" For a moment there was no response, then a frightened high-pitched young voice sounding distant in his ringing ears came back, "Sir, sir, it's Ordinary Seaman Clarke here sir…, the cox's sort of in two pieces sir…, there's no one else alive here." came the final response in a half-choked raised tone in a panicked finale. Forcing himself to sound calm and in control he spoke slowly and steadily "For now, we need to control the ship, but someone will be along to assist soon. Can you take the wheel and do you see the compass?' "Just a moment sir," came the response, and after a brief pause "Sir its, just swinging freely and there's no response to the wheel." "Damn…" he couldn’t help but mutter, before continuing, "OK seaman, stay at your post, someone will be there soon to assist,' before again straightening as he tried to take in the wider picture. A shaky step forward, and he grabbed the torn bridge railing, swaying slightly and got his first clear view of the foredeck. Below he could see the remains of A-turret, still frozen pointing out to port. Looking down he could see into the turret, the front plate of the armored roof peeled back, revealing the left gun, dismounted from its trunnion, muzzle resting on deck, the right gun cocked uselessly at maximum elevation to the sky, and the blackened interior still smoldering, and smoke filled from a recent fierce blaze. Even as he was taking in this sight, a sudden voice registered by his side. "Sir…, Sir…, Captain…, are you alright?", penetrated muzzily on his awareness. Distracted by awareness of the sudden danger to the ship, he found the Signals Yeoman, by his side, incongruously hatless and exposing a smudged balding palate. "Yes, yes…, order A magazine flooded. "Sir, you're bleeding like a stuck pig, are you OK?". Yes, I'm fine, now order the magazine to be flooded immediately…! Aye-aye sir." he responded, shouting to one of the few shocked upright signals party still standing, to pass the message. As this was occurring the clatter of fresh feet coming up the ladder, announced the arrival of fresh bodies, a damage control party pausing aghast briefly at the carnage confronting them, before hastening to assist. The Yeoman, turning back, and pointing to his head, "You're still bleeding sir" he repeated. "Attend to the others first," he stated, "but before you do, hoist 'Not under command." "Aye Sir." came the response as the sudden silence ending the background keening of one of the wounded, announced the fresh arrivals attending to the wounded. "Also strike the admirals flag," he added as a belated afterthought to the yeoman, even as a fresh face arrived.

He was suddenly conscious of Lt Hawthorne, the damage control officer, facing him and his face clearly worried and seemingly out of place simply due to his tidiness and still with his cap, neatly centered on his head, unlike the remaining members of the original bridge party. "Are you all right, Sir?" "Yes, I'm all right," came his automatic response, even to him sounding strangely distant, bemused that Hawthorne seemed to be slightly swaying before him, before realizing that it was, he who was swaying. "Sir, you've got quite a head wound that's bleeding a lot," reaching forward to steady him, " You need to get it seen too, and… perhaps you should take a seat," as he took his elbow and began to guide him towards the captain's stool behind the magnetic compass. Suddenly conscious of the wetness he could feel running down inside the neck of his shirt, unexpectedly feeling cold and shivery on top of his nausea, he allowed himself to be guided to the raised stool. Realizing his shakiness, he gladly flopped into its support, the raised back keeping him upright, before turning to Hawthorne and asking, "Ships status?" as he could finally risk sweeping his eyes around the horizon, from the chairs stabilizing embrace.

A part of mind seemed distantly detached as he listened to Hawthorne give reel of a brief summary: A-turret destroyed, and all crew killed. A magazine flooded, 3-500 tons of water on board, no underwater damage, engines untouched pushing Australia through the water at close to full speed, probably 23-24 knots with the flooding and down by the head slightly, rudder jammed 2-points to starboard as the ship continued in a wide flat turn. some damage to the linkage and maneuver control should be restored in less than five minutes, and a second hit high in the mizzen fighting top had removed the top 40 feet of the rear topmast and the ships radio aerials with it. As that distant part of his mind was processing the report, his eyes were now automatically sweeping the distance, and finally processing the wider picture of what was occurring as around him the bridge began to return to a semblance of normality. The wounded were being carried below and additional bodies appeared as the dead were removed some of the blood was being hastily cleaned. Hawthorne finished his report with a suggestion that if they reduced speed, control could be re-established by the engines, and finished by again recommending he go below and get his wound attended to. Without thinking, Radcliffe rejected the suggestion, and the now arrived Sick Birth Attendants offer of morphine. "No, if rudder function can be restored in five minutes, we need to maintain speed to keep in contact with the action." Looking at the officer he directed him to get back to Damage control, and if it looked like taking longer to restore the linkage, let him know ASAP. "Also, can you tell the Commander I request his presence here." before turning to the SBA and ordered, "Dress the wound, but no drugs," reaching up for the first time to feel the side of his head for the first time. "This will hurt sir, you've got a good cut that's going to need a dozen stitches at least, and it's taken off the top of the ear as well." wiping away the steadily weeping flow and muttering "Bloody head wounds, always bleed like a stuck pig," absently. "Just get on with it man," an annoyed Radcliffe rapped, suddenly feeling for the first time the stinging pain his fingers had awakened. "Aye, Aye, sir, 'old still" sucking his teeth as he began to rapidly wield his needle and thread in a series of large rough stitches. Trying to distract his attention from the stinging tugging, he surveyed the surrounds. The ship was just finishing its second large circuit, and he could see in the distance the hull of the receding Indefatigable, the last ship of the line, still engaging a distant target. With no shells falling around, he could see two attendant destroyers, now hovering around their still circling charge, and the smoke of the receding German line heading south and hear the noises of the fire party forward now pouring water through the roof of the still smoldering A-turret.

Just as the SBA was tightly wrapping a bandage around his work, a clatter up the bridge ladder announced the arrival of Commander Wexham, his executive officer. "Sir, damage control has fixed the linkage and we have steerage again," he informed his captain, "Are you sure you're all, right? I can relieve you for a moment if you need to go below? No, I'm still fit to command" he stated, then thanking the SBA and asking, "As you go can you respectfully finish cleaning that up a bit?" gesturing at a seaboot, still with the remains of someone's foot in it, partially lodged under the bridge screen and obviously missed in the initial rush. Both the SBA and exec blanched in sudden recognition, before the SBA hastened to remove the offending article. Before giving instructions to Wexham as they both began to assess the wider tactical picture. As this occurred his steward silently appeared and wrapped his duffel coat around his hatless shivering form, before miraculously proffering a thermos hot sweet tea, his treatment for shock. Wordlessly accepting this, he briefly offered an unthinking and heartfelt nod of gratitude, unfortunately triggering another bout of dizziness, before resuming his discussion between shaky sips. It felt incongruous to remain seated in the midst of battle, but in light of his unsteadiness on his feet, remained preferrable to being removed from command for the moment.

With control restored they both observed the rear of their distant squadron still pounding away at full speed, and by now ahead a couple of sea miles distant as they discussed options. The ship was still combat capable, but with the water in the ship costing the slight edge in speed needed to close quickly, it was going to take forever to re-join the action. Both unconsciously recognizing and accepting the automatic assumption that this was the only possible course of action open to them. As the heading settled down into the wake of the running gun duel ahead, they both agreed that they would have to cut the corner of any course change if it occurred to close rapidly. Otherwise, all they could do at the moment was settle in for a long stern chase in the hope of this eventuating. If they reached gunnery range again, Wexham would return to the Auxiliary conning tower aft, with a clear picture of his commander's intent, and the promise that he himself would relocate to the conning tower when that occurred. Even as they concurred both sets of eyes were rivetted by a large flash in the distance, partially obscured by the funnel smoke of intervening ships, before seeing huge chocolate colored column of smoke rearing in the distance. "Shit," came the distressed mutter of blasphemy from his Exec at the silent spectacle, "That was one of ours." All Radcliffe could do was a brief grunt of agreement as somewhere at the now distant head of the British line one their battlecruisers had blown up catastrophically.

Awesome, looking forward to the next updates.
 
I have always loved a good Jutland timeline. My first attempt at writing a coherent one was a response to a junior high (8th grade) essay contest. We were asked to write an essay changing one small thing, and I had discovered a reference to the telemobilescope. It allowed the Germans to form into line of battle before the British could react.
This looks good
 
Looking at the UK distant blockade impact none of the later hulls were ever realistically ever going to be finished before armistice day. As its impact bit, the resources were always going to switch to U-boats and nothing, I can see would have changed this. The Bayern, Baden and Hindenburg where the only capital ship hulls ever likely to be operational in a realistic timeframe. What the change in priorities only ever did was to accelerate their completion for inclusion in this scenario, and remove the pre-dreadnaughts as an HSF prop, ultimately making Scheer more cautious and reconnaissance reliant upon employment of his lower numbers.
Greatly enjoying the read.
You don't think there was the slightest chance of finishing Salamis in time for TTL Jutland, if it was given the same priority as the other 3 ships present?
Also, it may be in the text but i missed it, do the british have more QEs and Rs present TTL compared to the OTL battle? Which QEs does 5th BS has?
 
5. The British Battlecruisers Losses
Part Five

1602, 22 July 1916, North Seas, Flagship of Battlecruiser Force, HMS Lion.

Vice Admiral Beatty, still remaining on the exposed Flag Bridge of his flagship Lion despite his Flag-Captains recommendation to relocate to the conning tower, could not help but feel an intense satisfaction with how things had gone to date. Since intercepting the battlecruisers of Hipper's Scouting Force, and once settled into a long parallel run south, both sides had been exchanging fire steadily.

Beatty had watched in some degree of puzzlement as the battle had initially developed. The German battle-cruisers had conducted a slight turn and settled onto a course to the south, parallel to his own. Admittedly it was towards the direction of Wilhelmshaven and the security of the Jade Estuary minefields, but if he had been in command, he would have used the opportunity to cut across the British rear, effectively crossing his T in reverse and used that opportunity to whittle down the opposing force. He was satisfied to see his own ships begin gaining hits now on a more regular basis, although in his opinion, the initial standard of accuracy took too long to gain range. Still nothing to write home about, despite most ships in the 1 BCS keeping up a solid rate of fire of at least two rounds per minute. Perhaps the battle mightn't be going quite according to plan, but then the old truism, "No plan survives contact with the enemy," still applied. that much he did know. Despite this, he couldn't help but feel that the longer Germans stood to exchange fire with his force, the more could it only benefit him, as the weight of fire of his more numerous forces began to tell on the enemy. To date perhaps there were no clear indication of this yet, but he remained confident.

The clearest sign of this was perhaps the trailing ship of the opposing formation, Vonn der Tann. With the two still attached ships of the 2BCS at the rear of the line concentrating on it, he was reasonably sure that it had been hit at least four or five times to date. It appeared that one of its turrets was no longer firing, but despite this, it maintained its position in the enemy line, and continued to fire steadily and accurately with its other guns. They continue to build tough ships he mused silently to himself, recalling the battering Blucher had absorbed before finally sinking at Dogger Bank. At least once it had scored a significant hit on its opponent, forcing Australia out of the line for the moment. A glance towards the rear of his own line revealed distant smudge that was Australia, having circled away from the line a couple of times, appeared to be back under command and resuming the chase. Now visibly trailing the rest of the formation by a gap of a couple of miles, but doing its best to re-join the action. Not perhaps the most desired outcome, but the price of doing business. You couldn't expect to engage in any heavy exchange without at least taking so damage. That this was the only problem for his force to date was acceptable and now finally his own heavy hitters appeared to be gaining the correct range as a second flare of a hit appeared on the opposing flag ship. It might have taken longer than he preferred, and his own flag had been hit thrice already, but continued to fire rapidly. He was happy with this and the more his ships were firing, the sooner this weight of fire would tell.

The first hit had been shrugged off on the main armor belt, leaving little visible mark except a darkened scar marring its surface. The next two had been more significant, hitting above the after-casement guns, dismounting one and penetrating a deck before exploding, disabling the after dynamos for a brief moment before the circuits could be reset. The third shell had probably appeared more spectacular from a distance, landing among the ship's boats clustered at the base of Lions third funnel. In igniting the fuel store for these kept in that vicinity, and creating a large fire that was still raging despite the crew's best efforts to extinguish it. It looked impressive undoubtedly from a distance, but doing little real damage and hardly affecting the ships combat capabilities. He was less sure of the specifics of the exchanges between the trailing ships of both forces, seeing several hits at various times flaring on the opposition. Only the Princess Royal seemed to have avoided being hit too date of his own force and Queen Mary following had taken three hits and Invincible one, beyond the hit that had forced Australia out, as the range continued to fall. The leading ships of both sides had slowly converged and the range was now down to under 12,000 meters. Considering fully half the ships in the British line were not initially engaged during the closing phase, Beatty would have thought the results of the gunnery would have been better. Lion had been firing at the leading battlecruiser, with 2 funnels and 2 masts, certainly of the Lutzow Class. Yet no hits had been obtained up until recently, although the flagship's fire had crept closer and only the last salvo appeared to have scored twice. At this time, it was only the third German ship, that had not gained hits on his squadron. Indeed, it was HMS Invincible, Horace Hood's flagship, that had instead landed two shells from one ladder on the fourth German ship, producing a bloom of fire near her funnel, and now appeared to be burning as equally as merrily as the Lion, though hopefully to more effect. It was only as he was thinking this that Queen Mary landed two hits on the second German ship in line. To date this was developing to be a bit of a slugfest for both sides.

Evan as he was thinking this, Beatty's head whipped around as there was another crunching jar underfoot as Lion rang to another hit somewhere amidships. Peripherally he caught the movement as both Backhouse and the nearest signalman each jerking around to observe the same phenomenon as well, when for the second time in the last half hour, a masthead height candle of flame seemed to erupt from Lion's midships. Beatty just had time to see his Flag Captains head begin to lean forward to say something, and his own mind barely form the thought 'again?' when with brutal abruptness the seventy odd tons or cordite and explosive contained in the mid-ship Q-magazine of HMS Lion spectacularly detonated. Surrounding observers could only watch helplessly as a huge chocolate colored cloud rose and rain of debris falling above the two shattered halves of what formerly had been the flagship of the Battle cruiser force jack-knifed from the force of the explosion. With barely any time seeming to pass the forward half of the hull, broken off just before the second funnel, was seen to pitch forward, its momentum seeming to drive it relentlessly under, the bow dipping beneath the surface and disappearing in less than two minutes, before any of its personnel even had a chance to reach the deck. The rear half slewing to port and rapidly rolling on its side, its inexorably capsizing hull forcing the following Queen Mary to jink sharply to starboard to avoid the sudden obstacle across its bows. The upside-down hull would remain above the surface for barely a few minutes more, before with its stern raising and all four propellers still revolving, it would follow the disappeared forward portion. Even as its stunned compatriots surged past, and two escorts closed on the grave of the stricken ship, the battle continued unabated. Of the 1,143 officers and crew of the former flagship only 11 would eventually be pulled alive from the water, amongst them not a single officer including its commander Vice Admiral Beatty. (2) With abrupt finality the second Flag Officer of the Battlecruiser force had been removed from the battle.

1628 22 June 1916, SMS Lutzow, North Sea

Hipper knew all too well that it was imperative that he continue to keep drawing the British battlecruisers south it he was going to present Scheer and the HSF, hopefully now to his north-east and closing, the opportunity to impose itself between the British and their escape route. It was fine, in theory. Despite starting the engagement with an 8 to 6 deficiency in heavy ships, his battle-cruisers had shown themselves to be the masters of long-range gunnery, with the now destruction of the lead ship and withdrawal of a second at no loss to his own. Initially, his outnumbered ships were obtaining two hits for every hit in return, perhaps with only the recently commissioned Hindenburg understandably failing to meet that standard. Now, this was no longer the case, the Royal Navy ships obtaining hits on his own command at a more favourable ratio as the range had shortened. He ordered a slight adjustment to port, hopefully to open the range again, and on a more direct heading home. Thankfully, many of their shells were not penetrating. He estimated that with their edge in numbers, they were hitting his ships at least 3 times for every two of his own, perhaps more. Nevertheless, the fact remained that his ships continued to steadily accrue damage. This was made worse by the fact that initially one of his ships, the trailing Von der Tann, had been the target of multiple opponents. Despite driving one foe out of the line the fact remained she was the oldest and smallest of his capital ships. Her ability to absorb punishment was essentially less than the others and that weight of fire had been telling on the one of his ships with least capacity to absorb such damage. She now had been struck at least eleven times to date with two of her turrets were out of action. In addition, she had twice below the armored belt and was taking water as well as being on fire. She was beginning to resemble a punch-drunk fighter as her speed had slipped to 17 knots and appeared to be slowing further, dropping her off the back of his formation. If he reduced his own formation, even to 20 knots, he risked the enemy getting ahead and to be in a position to cross his own T. At least with the loss of the Lion, the numbers were at the moment equal, so it was a one-on-one fight. He would just have to hope she could struggle on for the moment and hold her pace.

She was not the only one of his ships in trouble. Moltke and Seydlitz, his other two 11-inch gunned vessels, both engaged by two of the British Invincible class battlecruisers, had taken seven and nine hits respectively by now. Seydlitz Captain reported heavy flooding after two hits underwater forward of the belt. With several hundred tons of water on board, she too was losing speed as her bow dipped. A heavy shell had hit the armored bulkhead forward at the corner and shoved it back five feet, breaking off a large piece from the armor plate in the process, and maintaining speed was forcing water in at a large rate. Another direct hit had dismounted Anton turret and sparked a turret fire, forcing the flooding of A-magazine, all conspiring to bring down the ships head for worst effect. Two of the secondary guns were disabled, and with the ammunition stores for these two guns were set on fire and the magazines had to be flooded to prevent an explosion. The ship, nevertheless, remained combat effective, though this would remain a matter of degree the longer she absorbed this level of punishment. For now, she could still steam at only a slightly reduced speed, but if the sea came up things would change drastically. Moltke in some ways was luckier, having yet to receive underwater damage and remaining capable of full speed. She was already edging past the slowing Seydlitz, but a shell had scored a direct hit on turret Dora, jamming the mechanism and creating a flash fire that had its entire crew. Fortunately, the lessons of Dogger Bank had been learned and the magazine had not detonated, but still required flooding to prevent its contents overheating. Still, this had added another 600 tons of water into the ship. His three leading Derfflinger-class ships had benefitted by the simple expedient of the British not ranging quickly on them during the opening phases, and had only suffered two or three hits each, not being seriously damaged yet. Again, though targeted by two the heavier gunned Lion Class ships, it seemed to him that their shells seemed to break up often on impact. Had this not occurred he wasn’t sure he could have been able to say the same at this point otherwise. Had their opponents had scored a number of damaging hits, the situation could have been far worse. but at the moment his force was on the whole suffering but holding its own. The biggest issue was now his two ships lagging behind, watching as now the Seydlitz, her steadily sagging bow now causing the ship to hog badly, began to lose speed further, below 20 knots. He agonized in his mind, should he reduce speed to keep his laggards within support distance?

Even as he was contemplating this drastic action, at 1645 he was heartened, as another dramatic turn of events took place. The battle-cruiser Queen Mary, now the lead ship of the British formation, was exchanging blows with his own flagship. Both ships had begun to exchange a series of heavy hits as Lutzow had to switch her fire to Queen Mary, now clearly visible to its gunnery officer as the lead ship in the British line. Queen Mary hit Lutzow again at 16:37 and knocked out one gun of her secondary armament, while in return, Queen Mary had been hit twice before 16:41 with no apparent effects. the next salvo fired struck at 1644. Targeted by Lutzow, two 305 mm shells hit forward below the conning tower near the four-inch casement guns, with after a brief pause, an initial abrupt puff of brown smoke seemed to vent from the boiler room ventilation hatches around the forward funnel directly behind the foremast. This was followed almost immediately by a far larger and vastly more destructive explosion that seemed to almost disintegrate the center portion of the hull in the vicinity of the first explosion, followed by the detonation of one or both of the forward magazines.

The subsequent eyewitness accounts provide harrowing details of their shock at the event. Dublin, the fourth ship of the 2LCS, still struggling to regain position at the head of the formation had been moving up on the disengaged side of the Queen Mary. On board William Carey saw the forepart largely intact as it swung towards his ship.

'In every detail we could see officers and signalmen with others as the ship, already doing twenty knots with the fore section blown forward, causing a higher bow wave than before only listing slightly to port, then skidding round to starboard towards Dublin. We actually ported our helm to avoid her hitting us but it proved unnecessary; with increasing list she dived, her fore turret guns at full elevation hot with firing, giving a loud hissing as they met the water. It was terrible to see those poor souls so near yet so far and being unable to help.'

Midshipman Owen emerged from Queen Mary's aft X-turret and found.

'…the ship lying on its side. She was broken amidships; her bows were sticking up in the air and the stern was also sticking up out at an angle of abort 45 degrees from the water… A few moments afterwards a tremendous explosion occurred in the forepart of the vessel. which must have blown the bows to atoms.'

Stationed inside 'Q' turret, Midshipman Storey survived and emerged.

'…there had been a large explosion forward which rocked the turret, breaking the left gun in half, the gun breech falling into the working chamber and the right gun coming off its trunnions. Cordite in the working chamber caught fire and produced poisonous fumes that nearly asphyxiated some of the turret's crew. When I arrived on top of the turret the foremost part of the ship was no more and you could see where the ship had broken off just by the foremast. The stern was coming rapidly up out of the water and the amidships portion was going down in the water. The two after funnels were lying down, the midships funnel beside Q-turret, and we climbed over the debris and had just got down to the water's edge, when the after-magazine X-turret blew up and blew us into the water, a salvo of shells having gone into the after magazine.'

It is doubtful that the initial explosion came from the forward magazines at first. Later analysis would speculate that the initial hit around the forward guns had triggered a magazine explosion in the 4-inch magazine, either by the ready use ammunition or a flash through the ammunition hoist and 4-inch handling room. This would explain the initial explosive venting seen out around the forward funnel. Unfortunately, this is located immediately aft of the 13.5-inch handling rooms and magazine of the main armament. This would explain the brief delay between the first explosion and disastrous detonation of the 150 tons of high explosive in A and B magazines that catastrophically tore the ship in half. The battlecruiser behind her, Princess Royal was showered with gruesome debris from the final explosion of the rear magazine in passing and forced to steer to port to avoid her remains, before becoming the third ship to lead the now battered British line. Beyond marking the pivotal turning point between the two forces the speed of her destruction would result in 1,266 crewmen being lost, with eventually eighteen survivors picked up by the destroyers Laurel, Petard, and Tipperary, and a final two by the Germans.

1658 22 July 1916, SMS Friedrich der Grosse; Flagship HSF, North Sea

While events were reaching a crux between the two Battlecruisers forces of the respective fleets, Admiral Scheer was doing his best to position his force to best effect a trap on the two identified British forces at sea. In this he was aided by a clearer idea of the current tactical situation of both forces thanks to the presence of Zeppelins hovering untouchable over both of the identified enemy dispositions. While L22 of the initial wave of four of the MLA airships continued to maintain contact with the Battleship force heading south, L21 of the second MLA group had used the reports from Hipper to locate the ongoing battlecruiser duel. With clear weather it was now observing from on high unhampered by the slightest sign of weather and radioing constant updates, enabling Scheer to place his own force as he wanted. The other airships were now fanning out, four to the north and three to cover the north-western approaches and provide alert on the arrival of any further forces or at worst, the Grand Fleet.

While not discounting the suffering Hipper's embattled force was enduring, he had held his course north to a point at which he swung his force of nineteen dreadnaughts to a due west heading. His intent was, if possible, to decisively engage and destroy both of the identified groups at sea. Primarily he hoped to cut between the two forces, separating them and hopefully cutting the southernmost group off from escape back towards England and pinning them between his and Hipper's ships. If he succeeded in this then there would be little chance the British battlecruiser force could survive. If the second force of battleships attempted to intervene and save the battlecruisers then he had more than sufficient force to still engage them in a stand-up fight and still destroy the battlecruisers in detail. To achieve this his force was now steaming west at 18 knots, in four columns, three of five dreadnaughts and one of four. He had his two heaviest ships, the 15-inch Bayern and Baden in the northern most column along with his flagship. These were most likely to have to fight the northern group ships if they tried to intervene. Either way he had the most flexible arrangement he thought, and could even consider double-envelopment of both opponents if the opportunity presented. Either way his force was committed to closing on the action ahead, and until arriving could only listen to updates of the ongoing fight sliding further south from his current heading.

1700 22 July 1916, SMS Lutzow; Flagship 1st Scouting Force, North Sea.

The surprise destruction of the lead ship of the enemy's line had bought a brief surge of happiness at its unexpectedness. Not so much at the death of so many men doing their duty, but it the simple fact that for the first time in the engagement he now had a parity in numbers with his opponent, removing their opportunity to 'double-team' any of his ships. Hipper's joy was short lived, as his force was beginning to fragment as the levels of damage continued to mount. With both Seydlitz and Vonn der Tann now lagging noticeably, he in effect still had four combat effective ships opposing the leading five of the British line. Vonn der Tan had dropped back to the point where she was now engaged with the last distantly lagging battlecruiser of the enemy line, both now a couple of miles behind their respective formations, and the two seemed to be settling into their own little exchange separated from the rest. That the now also noticeably trailing Seydlitz was still engaging the enemy's fifth vessel was only possible as the range was down to less than 10,000 meters and if she lagged further and dropped out of range, then the battle would be back to five to four. Even in this exchange the Seydlitz continued to suffer, hit three times in the next five minutes. At 1658, came an unexpected reprieve. While reduced now to be only able to employ four guns, less than a quarter of an hour after the loss of Queen Mary, two rounds impacted on the stern of the last vessel of the British line, and after a brief pause that ship would abruptly suffer another devastating magazine detonation, blowing off the stern. Shortly thereafter the next salvo would strike the forward portion of the ship as it reeled out of the line, as the forward magazine was to also erupt, completing its destruction. (3)

The best recollection of this destruction came from the observations of the Seydlitz's gunnery officer, Fregatenkapitan Mahrholz, (4) who was observing the fall of shot during the engagement. His recollection states:

'… Then after the opening of fire the enemy caught fatal wounds... I saw a giant explosion in the aft gun turret, a bright flash flame pushed out and ships debris was thrown in a wide arc in the air, seemingly it was the turret roof, which through pressure of the explosion inside had been thrown out. The next salvo gave the ship the rest, it hit further forward and had the result that soon after the impact a tremendous black smoke cloud climbed from the ship reaching double the mast height and the ship completely disappeared from sight. (Mahrholz, 1930)

Though various timings are given for this occurrence, the three German Torpedo Boats shepherding Seydlitz at this point all record the same time of 1658 as well. The net result of this was that even as the Seydlitz fell further behind, the engagement at the front of the line was again further reduced to a four versus four struggles, with Seydlitz now trailing unengaged, while now well to the rear of the battle, Australia and Vonn der Tann were locked in their own isolated exchange far astern. This was a vital reprieve for the now wallowing Seydlitz, which by was reduced to a largely helpless target at this stage, with the only operational main armament being E-turret on the disengaged side with the ships southerly heading.

1716 22 June 1916, Flagship 3BCS, HMS Invincible, North Sea

Since command of the Battlecruiser Force had devolved to him with the loss of the Lion, the commander of the 3BCS, Rear Admiral Horace Hood, had felt a slow but increasing unease over how the battle had been developing. Past the initial shock at the finality and unexpectedness of its destruction, his professionalism and years of experience had allowed him to adapt and analyze the changing status of the battle as it progressed. The initial source of his concern was the arrival and continuing presence of a German airship hovering some distance to the west of his line. It's ability to observe and report his actions, with no way for him to interfere, was preying on his mind as part of the larger tactical picture. That it was transmitting reports was obvious, and its ability to continue do so unhindered increasingly made him wish that Beatty had incorporated the seaplane carrier Engadine in their force when it sortied. It's availability and the calm weather were ideal conditions for the employment of its aircraft was unusual for the North Sea. Even if had been unable to drive off the zeppelin, it would have given him options to know the wider tactical picture, currently only available to the Germans. Increasingly he felt its omission had been a mistake, a thought for future planning.

He was more worried as he considered the wider implications of the moment. The continued obduracy of the Germans despite being outnumbered, had raised the tactical hairs on the back of his neck. To date there was no indications that the HSF was out, beyond the initial Room 40 reports from the Admiralty which had initiated the British forces sortie initially. But the longer the action continued, the more he felt that the German force facing him would have made some greater attempt to break off by now, or perhaps employ its torpedo boats to lay smoke or attack, unless they were expecting the arrival support. Admittedly, the continuing general south and south-easterly heading of the engagement was towards the security of their minefields, but any damaged laggards forced to drop out could become easy prey. But despite the increasing damage toll, and signs that already this was happening with two of their ships noticeably lagging, to date they had not attempted to use their screen, or use smoke or change heading as some form of relief. This and the fact that he was locked into a simple toe-to-toe contest at the moment offering little tactical flexibility also galled him. With the enemy observation above he felt vulnerable to the arrival of new forces, with little warning on the composition or direction.

These generic worries were swamped by a new shock at 1645. "Queen Mary blown up, sir" came the superfluous laconic report from one of the bridge lookouts. It was all too true, as he could see with his own disbelieving eyes the destruction of another of the most modern of capital ships two ahead in line. The shock of this second loss was reinforced with dismay as his own ship forged past the final agonies of the doomed vessel, the inability to help those clearly visible on the foundering vessel reinforcing all his previous worries. Things were not going well at all, and he felt helpless at the moment to change the calculus of battle. With the range steady at around 12,000 meters with the constant slight changes of course to throw off the opponent's fire. Despite this, hits were being obtained all to readily by both sides. In his mind, with his own ships outnumbering those of the Germans, he should be inflicting more damage on the enemy heavies, yet this did not seem the case. For all that, his own formation had taken some severe blows, and the Germans continued to exhibit admirable doggedness, as he felt his own ship shudder from another hit. For now, his only option seemed to continue to dish it out to them to the best of his ability, despite the rising damage toll on his ships.

Barely had he assimilated this loss and confirmed the retargeting of own line onto their opposites in the enemy line, when further calamity occurred. Barely 10 minutes after the previous report the same signalman would repeat an almost identical emotionless delivery, "Indefatigable blown up, sir." This time the heads and binoculars of the entire bridge staff whipped around to see events unfolding astern of them. Helplessly observing as the Indefatigable appeared distantly to real out of line, bow cocking to the sky, before with what was becoming uncomfortably all too familiar, a second massive explosion obliterated it from sight. Unknown to observers it marked the grave of all but three of its 1,019 crew. "Jesus Christ… I don't believe it," came an anonymous voice, breaking the sudden hushed silence of the bridge. Hood couldn't help but share the cathartic emotion of the speaker, but it was all too true, as he could see with his own disbelieving eyes the destruction of another of the capital ships, so symbolic of the Royal Navy and his life. Such was the shock that for the very first time ever, he felt the slightest worm of professional doubt about the possible outcome of the battle. It was quite a profoundly disturbing realization, even as he fought off its implications finding resolution in the values ingrained in his years of service. The battle would continue and it was still there to be won by their efforts. As bad as things had gone for his own ships, surely, they were just as bad for his opponents.

With the implications of the loss lingering, he would find succor in the professionalism now required of him. The brief fission of insight bought on by the loss of Indefatigable, made him realize how deeply found was his belief in victory, his own moral abhorrence that they might be forced to break off the action, for all that it may become the best course. Firstly, he directed the Yeoman to radio Jellicoe and Even-Thomas the latest update on the situation and position. Next, he contacted his remaining flag-subordinates, Admirals de Brock and Napier, and Commodores Goodenough and Alexander-Sinclair, with the light cruiser squadrons of the screen. With the man oeuvres and initial contact battle it had taken a long time for the majority of these to regain position at the head of his force. While some ships had been lost or separated, or involved in support or rescue functions, enough had finally gathered in a position ahead of his force to intervene, where the 13 light cruisers and 18 available destroyers now kept pace. With the strength of this screen, particularly its weight of light cruisers, made it more than adequate in his mind to cut through the German screen and deliver a decisive blow. He resisted releasing this attack for the moment, despite his first desire. Lingering in his mind remained the niggling potential of the arrival of another German force. For the moment he would hold it in hand for best employment in the event it was needed. An exchange of signals with the screen outlined his intent, but for now he would continue with the exchange of blows, while holding them back as his decisive weapon for whatever was to occur.

For the next half hour both sides would endure and continue, resembling two increasingly battered, punch-drunk yet relentless fighters. Hood was finding some solace in the visible evidence of the increasing toll of his fire on the Germans. The flag at the head of their line was suffering from the heavier shells of the Princess Royal ahead, now noticeably down at the bow, and speed dropping and only three turrets firing. The number two ship, his own opponent had both rear turrets silent, but seemed otherwise impervious to damage, the other two following ships both appeared to have lost turrets and be afire, but continued firing steadily and with admirable accuracy despite this. The final two ships were clearly now out of battle with his own four, lagging well behind. His own ships were taking a beating but remained in action.

Finally beginning to feel vindication that the weight of fire was having telling effect and could only lead to either their further loss or the abandonment of the action. He leant forward and called through the voice-pipe to the gunnery officer in the fighting top, "Keep firing as quickly as possible. You are doing splendidly; every shot is telling."[5] Even as he was straightening from this, the final twist of the battle would spell doom for Hood's flagship. At 1734, and a salvo of four shells from the operative Anton and Bruno turrets of Derfflinger, still relentlessly firing accurately and well, would straddle the midships of his command. One was fated to penetrated the "Q" turret of Invincible, the same mortal wound which had destroyed HMS Lion. Hood was to have a brief moment of horror before another cloud of smoke would remove the fourth battle cruiser and another 1026 officers and men, including Admiral Hood, from the battle. British observers again helplessly watched with dread as firstly a flare of fire leapt to the sky, almost immediately by the feared dark cloud of smoke marking the destruction of the ship. The British destroyers rushing to assist would only recover six eventual survivors, including Invincibles' gunnery officer, Cmdr. Dannreuther, who had received Admiral Hoods last instruction, and was to be the highest ranked survivor of the four lost capital ships that day. Beyond this it was to prove the greatest loss of flag officers for the Royal Navy in a single action since the age of sail

1714 22 July 1916, Flagship 1st Scouting Group, SMS Lutzow, North Sea

Admiral Hipper, was increasingly feeling the pressure of events for the last half-hour and recognized that the point was coming where he would soon have to act. Even with his own professional detachment the two recent ringing direct hits on the conning tower of his flagship, along with the destruction of Bruno turret directly ahead of it had been stunning. Even now whilst thanking God that neither had penetrated, his thoughts still felt almost numb with an overload of his senses. The smell of burnt meat and smoke pervading this space even though the turret fire was out, remained another assault on his abused senses, combined with the almost stunned feeling by the frequency of impacts. He knew that by now over twenty large caliber shells had struck, and no matter how well constructed, it could not take much more. The flood of damage reports was too extensive and the ship felt increasingly sluggish underfoot from the accumulated influx of water. That all of these hits had been from the largest calibre British shells and only made the damage worse. He at the moment doubted that few of his ships where in a better state. For all that none seemed to have sunk yet, he could only call the first four in any way still moderately combat capable, and the Seydlitz and Vonn der Tann were now too far back to be in contact. Derfflinger, Hindenburg and Moltke all had taken at least a dozen hits each, for all that they continued to return aimed fire at the British. He would have sought to break contact by now, but for the knowledge of Scheer and the HSF proximity, and that at least three of his opponents had sunk.

As his own motivation to keep going clung to these thoughts, he was heartened by another welcome sight. At 1732 he was lifted as yet again, a fourth British ship inexplicably erupted. Even he was shocked by this event. What on earth was happening? To his bemused mind seemed a far too unlikely and inexplicable event had come to his rescue, even as he sought to turn the sudden raggedness opposite to his advantage. Then, suddenly he felt a true fission of excitement as a commander for the first true time in several hours. Looking at the suddenly ragged enemy line opposite, he realised that inconceivably, the numbers were perhaps in his favour for the very first time in the long and supremely trying day. He had four ships in hand, still fighting to the enemies three, though everyone was suffering significant damage. This galvanised his thoughts as for the first time there was the glimmer of his role to be more than a holding action. Could he be offensive, could he double one end of the enemy line? Momentarily he felt the surge of potential for his ships to push for dominance, to unexpectedly reach for victory with their own aggression. But even as his professional mind began to juggle and analyze the scope of such potential actions. Came the alert that stilled these thoughts leaving them still born and would signal the next pivotal change in the shape of the battle. With a strident yell a lookout shouted, "Alert, Enemy destroyers approaching."

2. Narrators' remarks: Here I must admit that my personnel distaste for the egotistic leadership skills demonstrated by Beatty and some of his post-war actions have biased me to see him die in this narrative. I have condensed the battlecruiser engagements into a single very long action, largely conducted without the influence of the other major portions of either fleet. IRL the British lost three battlecruisers, Indefatigable, Queen Mary and Invincible, with the flagship Lion and Beatty lucky to escape only because Q-magazine was flooded before the smoldering fire ignited the propellant charges in the turret working room after Q-turret was hit. This was due to the heroic actions of Royal Marine Major Francis Harvey, the turret captain who, though mortally wounded, ordered the magazine flooded before this occurred. Three of the incidents occurred in the initial run south while the Invincible was lost, separately late in the day as part of the main fleet engagement.

Though I have tried to keep the details of the damage in each individual ship sinking historically accurate, and included actual eyewitness accounts of events, I have credited this to different ships to reflect the changed line-up of the respective battle lines ITTL. IRL von der Tann sank Indefatigable, Derfflinger was responsible for the critical hits on Queen Mary and Invincible, and Lutzow responsible for the hit on the Q-turret of Lion. In addition, the sequence is slightly out of true. The Lion hit (fatal in this narrative) occurred at 1614. The loss of the Indefatigable (1703) and Queen Mary (1726) occurred in rapid succession IRL, some 13 minutes apart, prompting Beatty's famous remark to his flag captain, "Chatfield, there's something wrong with our bloody ships today." This narrative retains a similar time frame, representing the rapidity that swings the balance of force away from the British. The order of loss is changed (and of course Beatty is already lost with the Lion). The Invincible was the final British battle cruiser loss. Hood's purported words are attributed to this final action at 1938. The narrative tries to reflect the ammunition, drill and safety failings that actually affected the British IRL.

Historical forensic analysis has revealed the interesting perspective of the flash fires and resulting magazine detonations and the varying time frames that seemed to occur. The destruction of the Queen Mary seems to be virtually instantaneous, indicative of some form of detonation directly into the munition handling system, most probably from the initial penetration and detonation of one of the 4-inch secondary armament, triggering the catastrophic detonation as detailed. Modern analysis of the wreck of the Indefatigable indicates a probable delay between the impact on X-turret and magazine detonation, hinting poor cordite security causes a flash fire triggering that event. The time delay between the turret hit and actual flash fire in Q-turret of the Lion was nearly 20 minutes IRL and is perhaps the only reason for the Lion's survival as many of the procedural weaknesses still existed at the time of battle. ITTL for narrative purposes the time frame is far shorter, resulting in the magazine detonation before it could be flooded and the loss of Beatty and HMS Lion.

In contrast IRL Hipper's flagship Lutzow, after absorbing a remarkable degree of punishment, was the only German battlecruiser lost. That all the German ships suffered some form of turret destruction, yet no magazine detonation is in stark contrast to the British experience and is indicative of their superior munition's security. The sole loss was, despite the extent of battle damage, due to the failure of the forward group of pumps to control flooding. That failure does not occur in this narrative, and the Lutzow survives despite the damage absorbed. The German ships as a group proved durable and capable of absorbing great punishment, as well as benefiting from the poor British shells. The Seydlitz famously survived despite its foredeck being awash with its submerged bow. With the Lutzow's survival and I have elected to sacrifice Seydlitz as its original survival was such a near run thing. The Vonn der Tann, despite the excellence of its design, is the smallest and relatively least capable of absorbing accumulating damage due to its size, in a prolonged engagement such as occurs in this narrative. The Derfflinger-class ships undoubtedly were perhaps the best battlecruiser design of either side during WW1, combining, speed, toughness and armament in a balanced and attractive package.

3. The destruction of the HMS Indefatigable occurs much as described, though IRL it preceded Queen Mary by 13 minutes rather than following it as in the narrative. British witness accounts fail to mention that it had broken in two, as the separation of the two hull sections as submarine surveys clearly revealed in 2016. This is surprising because there is no witness reference to this happening in any text referring to the battle. No detailed analysis of the fighting at Jutland makes any mention of it, and it must therefore be surmised that it was not evident to those looking at the ship at the time it occurred.


Eyewitness accounts naturally do not always report events consistently; however, the most detailed accounts are worthy of closer examination. The nearest witnesses were on the ship ahead, HMS New Zealand, and it was torpedo officer, Lt Cmdr. Lovett-Cameron, stationed in the after-conning tower, who has left us the most detailed account. Without opportunity to fire torpedoes he watched Indefatigable sink in detail through binoculars.

"… she had been hit aft, apparently by the mainmast, and a good deal of smoke was coming from her superstructure aft, but there were no flames visible...We were altering course to port at the time and apparently her steering gear was damaged as she did not follow round in our wake but held on until she was about 500 yards on our starboard quarter, in full view of the conning tower... she was [then] hit by two shells, one on the fo’c’sle and one on the fore turret. Both shells appeared to explode on impact. Then there was an interval of about 30 seconds, during which there was absolutely no fire or flame or smoke, except the little actually formed by the burst of the two shells, which was not considerable. At the end of the interval of about 30 seconds the ship completely blew up, apparently from forward. The main explosion started with sheets of flame, followed immediately afterwards by dense dark smoke which obscured the ship from view."


AJ2.jpg

This is the iconic photo detailed taken by midshipman Carne on HMS New Zealand of the sinking of the Indefatigable. Taken seconds before the forward magazine detonation it seems to reveal the stern underwater. Submarine investigation in 2016 would reveal that the stern 30-40m of the hull had separated with the earlier detonation of X-magazine. It is now believed that the separate smoke column (circled) marks the point several hundred meters away of the prior detonation of the magazine to this photo, that separated the stern.

Although detailed, it must be borne in mind that as the ship directly ahead of Indefatigable, HMS New Zealand was not well situated to see its stern, because the initial hit occurring as it did on X-turret, would have been obscured by the rest of the ship. Although Lovett-Cameron’s account is detailed, he clearly only began to look at Indefatigable after it had it been hit aft, and only after the stern was already either separated or already submerged. He must have been situated next to Midshipman Carne who took the photograph, so that by the time Indefatigable turned, out of control, on to New Zealand’s starboard quarter, it would have appeared as if the stern of the ship was under water, rather than separated as the recent surveys revealed. The question to be asked about this account is how long did the process described by Lovett-Cameron take to play out?

Perhaps the witnesses who saw the most detail were the German gunners on Indefatigable’s actual nemesis, the SMS Von der Tann. It is known to have recorded opening fire at 15:49.

The account by the Gunnery Officer, KK Mahrholz, states that:

… Meanwhile the fire from Von der Tann was extraordinarily successful, and the enemy disappeared completely sometimes in the surrounding columns of water … Then 14 minutes after the opening of fire the enemy caught fatal wounds... I saw a giant explosion in the aft gun turret, a bright flash flame pushed out and ships debris was thrown in a wide arc in the air, seemingly it was the turret roof, which through pressure of the explosion inside had been thrown out. The next salvo gave the ship the rest, it hit further forward and had the result that soon after the impact a tremendous black smoke cloud climbed from the ship reaching double the mast height and the ship completely disappeared from sight. (Mahrholz, 1930)

It is clear in this account that Mahrholz witnessed the destruction of Indefatigable from an angle where the entire sequence of events was visible. It also offers some detail in terms of timing. Firstly, the candle like flare of a flash fire of propellant and then the explosions that sunk the ship were not immediately linked to hits but took an appreciable period of time to become apparent because they occurred inside Indefatigable and took time to build up and be visible from Von der Tann. Secondly, after the explosion of the stern, it seems it was the next salvo that created the explosion that ultimately created the black pall of smoke, also witnessed by Lovett-Cameron, but, again, there remains the question of how long this took to play out.

One point on which there seems to be agreement among witnesses is the time of the explosion of the stern to have been around 16:02, witnessed by three German torpedo boats B98, B97 and V30 all individually recorded the stern exploding at 16:02 So Von der Tann initially must have hit Indefatigable some time before this with the deadly hit taking an undetermined period of time to develop into the ‘X’ magazine explosion, witnessed by all. How long this explosion took to develop is difficult to evaluate, but it may not have been immediate. Analysis of the hit on ‘Q’ turret of HMS Lion reveals that a period of time, possibly nearly 20 minutes, elapsed from the time the turret was penetrated until the charges in the working chamber and then the handling room ignited. Accounts differ in how long it took, but it was certainly far from immediate. From the Mahrholz account, it is known that Von der Tann was straddling Indefatigable from its third salvo, when a hit was seen. How long these took to develop into ‘A’ magazine detonation, if related, can be estimated based on Lovett-Cameron’s account that it occurred at least 30 seconds later. What is clear is that both of the explosions which sank the Indefatigable were not instantaneous of the hits that caused them. In both instances it is clear that the major detonation of the magazine occurred after some delay, perhaps at least 30 seconds, from the detonation of the impacting shell. This delay, along with the indication flare up, strongly hints that the major detonation of both magazines was probably as a result of a flash fire proceeding from the turret, ammunition trunk, handling room, magazine sequence, which was only possible due to unsafe handling, security and storage practices historically recorded. Archaeological investigations of the wreck-site confirmed in 2016 that the ship broke into two distinct portions and that the cause was the hit aft reported by eyewitnesses, none of whom noticed it breaking off at that time. Indefatigable definitely blew up at 16:02. There are too many witnesses recording the time to comfortably suggest they got it wrong. Moreover, the ship may have then taken a few minutes to sink entirely. One possible explanation is that an early hit by Von der Tann took 2–3 minutes to develop into the 16:02 explosion, which fits with a delayed flash fire. The discovery that the wreck is in two parts separated by some hundreds of meters does however help resolve this question satisfactorily.

4. As detailed in the above point the destructive hit was scored by the Vonn der Tann IRL, whose gunnery officer (KK Mahrholz) witness remarks are previously included, not Seydlitz as the narrative describes. The time separating the loss of both vessels was 13 minutes though the order reversed. IRL the loss of the Indefatigable was to precede that of the Queen Mary.

5. Lt-Cmdr. Dannreuther was senior survivor for the British Battlecruiser losses IRL. His recollection was that this was the last message received from Hood, called through the voice pipe to him as the gunnery officer in the foretop, "Keep firing as quickly as possible. You are doing splendidly; every shot is telling."
Five of the six survivors were stationed in the fore-control top located on the tripod foremast,30 meters above the water including Dannreuther himself. Anecdotally the sinking was so quick that they virtually stepped straight out of the top into the water itself.
 

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