Quick question which is pretty unrelated to current events. Since Scotland is independent of the English monarch and always has been are they still majority gaelic speaking? Or are cultural ties to northern England strong enough to have everyone speaking English/Scots. A similar question can be asked for the state of Irish which I expect to be better than OTL and Welsh which I expect to be the same as OTL
An Age of Miracles III: The Romans Endure
- Thread starter Basileus444
- Start date
Evilprodigy
Donor
Scotland has been speaking a type of English (which became Scots) since before the creation of Scotland. Gaelic and Gaelic institutions were suppressed in the medieval period by the Scottish Kings, especially starting with David I, which is before the PoD.I do not recall B444 describing changes to such trends in independent Scotland. I don't even think you could describe Scotland the kingdom (as opposed to the landmass) as ever being majority Gaelic but it certainly became less Gaelic over time, not all of that because of England.
IMO it's more likely Scotland is more diverse than OTL at the expense of Gaelic. Norse-Gaels in both Scotland and Ireland are almost certainly experiencing some kind of revival or expansion and this would be at the expense of Gaelic-speaking areas. That is if there was even enough of them left by the time of unification to begin growing again. Scots is probably changing to have more Norse words (same as Gaelic) but given that Scots was established as language of prestige and government for centuries (alongside Latin) its unlikely to have stopped expanding since the situation in Scotland was not significantly different than OTL. The Empire of the North is still relatively new in the grand scale of Scottish history and it's pretty far away. Expect any changes to be small.
Evilprodigy
Donor
Is there a reason you linked me two Wikipedia pages without any comment?
Norse–Gaels - Wikipedia
en.wikipedia.org
😊
Gallowglass - Wikipedia
Just some references to the strengths of the mixed Norse-Gaelic culture I thought might be interesting regarding your post on the subject, besides it was late & I was to knackered to add more before falling asleep.
Evilprodigy
Donor
I'd already looked at those pages when making my post but if you were that tired then fair enough.
That will come later.
Many of the Muslims were killed or fled south to the Idwaits (Sudan). There's still a large Muslim minority (the Remainers) that dominate the area south of Marienberg am Nil (Cairo), mostly very poor peasants who took advantage of the demographic opportunity to get land for themselves, and then got toleration from the Despotic government because land without workers is worthless.
I figure if Egypt's population is around 3.5 million, 2.25 million are Copts, 150,000 are Nile Germans, 100,000 are Romans (most live in Alexandria), and the rest are Remainer Muslims. The Despotic family is still descended from Andreas Niketas's eldest legitimate son.
I figure the TTL situation is still quite close to OTL, for reasons Evilprodigy pointed out. The Lowlands are still the economic/demographic heart of Scotland, with Scots dominating. The situation with the Hebrides, Orkneys, and Shetlands is likely the only noticeable change. The Hebrides went from Norwegian to Scottish control in the 1260s, so that likely went similar if not exactly as OTL. The Orkneys and Shetland went in the late 1400s, in special circumstances, so those would still be part of the Norwegian crown. But the Empire of the North is far away and centered on Sweden-Denmark. Scotland is an afterthought that comes after an afterthought (Norway).
I have made some brief comments that English religiosity (Puritan-leaning Bohmanism) is spreading in Lowland Scotland due to influence from England.
I'm really looking forward to seeing what happens up here as the Triune internal conflicts come to a head. Scotland has a natural connection with northern England, but there's a notable divide between the heavily French influenced London and northern England within the triple monarchy. And of course there's always the Irish question. They are theoretically equals in this set up, but we've heard very little from them recently through all the wars on the continent and I believe they are still Catholic instead of Bohmanist.
Rhomania's General Crisis, Part 13.0: This War of Wrath
Rhomania’s General Crisis, part 13.0-This War of Wrath:
The spring of 1662 dawns warm and beautiful, perfect weather for killing. Both sides aim to strike hard and fast, as neither particularly likes their position. The Tourmarches have, overall, a broader support throughout the Empire, but that is more acquiescence than outright support in many cases. They are concerned that without a vigorous display of power, more might be tempted to make that leap to the other side.
The death of Father Andronikos in custody before he could be turned is unfortunate, but he has been eliminated, which is more important. His sudden disappearance is a constant source of rumors and suspicions, but the lack of a body, the sheer number and variety of rumors, and the lack of any charismatic orator to focus these mean that this affair remains a concern to the Tourmarches, but not a threat.
Sophia and her supporters are also worried about their loyalists jumping ship. Her legal justification for her actions is threadbare and her value as a political blank slate is only good for so long. Bluntly, her political program is to replace the Tourmarches as the handler of Herakleios III, but that by itself says nothing. What would she do once she’s there? Why should people risk their lives and livelihoods for her in a civil war? This is an issue that will be constantly in the minds of those at her court in Thessaloniki.
Propaganda and the bid for public support will likely play a key role, with both sides putting unprecedented effort into this department (although the scale by modern standards remains paltry). The Tourmarches present themselves as being the side of law and order, of legitimacy and proper form. Legally, they are in the right by the standards of their time and society. Sophia needs to offer something more. What that ‘something more’ will be, as of the spring of 1662, has yet to be decided.
This period is quite the boon for the Roman printing industry, with pamphlets and newssheets flying off the presses at a rate even the time of the Great Latin War could not match. The quality and accuracy of the publications vary enormously, although the trend to sensationalism over accuracy is near-universal. Many are the products of the ‘surfeit of angry young men’, the underemployed stratum of university graduates that have found opportunities after graduation falling far short of their numbers. (The expression comes from a Spanish official; the entire Christian Mediterranean suffers from this issue, but Rhomania especially.)
Domestikos Michael Pirokolos, a veteran of the War of the Roman Succession, has some bitter memories of his own regarding newspapers and newspapermen dating back from that time, but he does his best to ignore their outpourings. He has more immediate and pressing problems.
He would like to launch an attack direct toward Constantinople, to lance the boil directly, but he can’t. His Macedonian and Helladikon tagmata are evenly matched by the Bulgarian and Thracian tagmata, and then there are the guard units, plus the Teicheiotai. The latter would be of poor use in the field, but quite good at defending fixed positions, and there are at least fifteen thousand of them even after counting discrepancies between paper and actual strength.
[Terminology note: As the Tourmarches are based in Constantinople, while Sophia’s provisional capital is Thessaloniki, the urban designators will be used to denote both sides, ex. ‘Constantinople navy’, ‘Thessaloniki army’.]
Ideally, he could get reinforcements from elsewhere, but that is not promising. Sicily is the obvious source, but Messina has its own problems. And the Constantinople navy makes sending reinforcements by sea extremely hazardous, even if Sicily or the areas in Anatolia loyal to Sophia could send any. That naval control also causes an additional issue. The navy can raid coastal regions, drawing away units, and also attack supply lines. Given that many, and the best roads, are near the coast, this last aspect presents a serious issue. The supply lines for an attack on Constantinople directly would be hideously exposed to naval-based raids.
This is the point where two names famous in Roman naval history begin to move to the fore, although both have long service in the fleet by this point. The first is Konstantinos Kanaris, commander of the Corfu provincial squadron. Off Pylos he attacks a squadron of the main Constantinople fleet on its way to reinforce the station at Patras, with both sides evenly matched. In a four-hour battle he sinks one ship and captures two others, although one of the prizes founders on the way back to Corfu.
The other is Leo Kalomeros. Given command of a 40-gunner, he raids various islands in the Aegean loyal to Constantinople, to hopefully pin down enemy naval resources and keep them from concentrating. On May 10, 1662, he engages an enemy 22-gunner and 30-gunner, capturing both after a hard-fought engagement. The 22-gunner, along with the prize crew, is recaptured by ships loyal to the Tourmarches a week later, but this does little to tarnish the accolades Kalomeros earns for this victory.
While the sparring at sea continues, Sophia scores a diplomatic victory with King Durad of Serbia recognizing her as the rightful Roman sovereign. This is not an alliance; he will not provide military aid, but Serbian grain and pork will be essential for provisioning her European armies with Egypt arrayed in the hostile camp.
This is not free. For the Serbians, historically the Romans have been just as much a threat to their independence as the Hungarians, if not more. The Roman garrison in Belgrade in place since the end of the Great Latin War is ostensibly a shield against Hungary, but to the Serbians it feels more like a threat than a bulwark. The inevitable frictions between garrison and town only exacerbate these feelings, and those feelings have been sent into overdrive by the rhetoric of the war hawks. Rhomania under their management is a clear threat to Serbian independence.
Durad wants the Belgrade garrison gone, and Sophia agrees to the terms. Whether the garrison sides with Constantinople or Thessaloniki is, at this point, uncertain, but once the terms are announced the garrison declares for Sophia. They march out and head south, reinforcing Pirokolos. For them it is a good deal. They had been concerned that with Rhomania distracted by civil war, the Serbs might decide to remove the garrison themselves, by cannon if necessary.
Pirokolos meanwhile has gone on the offensive, although it is not the offensive he would’ve preferred. Instead of marching east into Thrace, he marches northeast into Bulgaria. An assault here isn’t vulnerable to naval raids on supply lines as an attack on Thrace would. It would also clear a flank threat for an eventual march on Constantinople, which had been the motivation behind the Epirote attack on Bulgaria in the 1230s, although that ended disastrously for the Epirotes.
Michael faces no such reverse, and only intermittent resistance. The defense of Bulgaria is left to the Bulgarian tagma, with limited reinforcements from the capital, and the lone tagma is outmatched by the forces the Domestikos can bring to bear. His supply lines though are harassed heavily by land-borne raiders and as he advances, he has to leave more and more troops behind to secure his rear, a problem given the limited number of troops at his disposal.
Bulgaria lacks external support because the Tourmarches are launching an offensive of their own. Because of Constantinople’s command of the sea and the Army of Suffering in southern Anatolikon on the main Smyrna-Antioch highway, Thrakesia is largely isolated. Its defenses are also weakened since some of its units are out in the east; the same applies to the loyalist Opsikian and Optimatic tagmata, but there are two of those and that doesn’t include the undiluted guard tagmata. However, this window of vulnerability may not last too long, as reinforcements from Syria and the Army of the East loyal to Sophia may make their way west.
One of the Tourmarches has to command this expedition. One criticism that is gaining weight is that the Tourmarches are content to sit fat and happy and warm and safe in the capital while sending others out to sweat and bleed. The Tourmarches have remained in Constantinople because their base of power is dependent entirely on personal proximity and influence over Herakleios III, but this charge still stings. More alarmingly, it carries weight in portions of the army, and the Tourmarches cannot afford to lose that support.
Strategos Plytos would prefer to go himself, but he especially cannot leave the capital. Ironically, even though he operates through the established official channels of Roman government, his power base is entirely personal. He has to be here to ensure that Anastasia Laskarina continues to support the Tourmarches, maintaining that all-important link to Herakleios III. He has to be here to ensure that the Megas Logothete or the Eparch don’t get any ideas of switching allegiances. Now, it is possible he could get away with being away from Constantinople for some time, but given the catastrophic consequences if he is wrong, the risk is too great.
That leaves either Gyranos or Nereas. Despite his decades of service, Gyranos has never held a field command, and his enthusiasm for the cause has definitely waned as of late. That leaves Nereas. His guard tagma, the Varangians, along with the Paramonai, muster out of the capital, crossing the Bosporus and linking up with elements of the Optimatic and Opsikian tagmata. They have a 3-to-1 advantage in numbers over the Thrakesians in their theme.
On the other side of the Aegean, the Metropolitan of Mystras, Andreas Amiroutzes, sits in his eyrie on the slopes of Mount Taygetos, his window overlooking the Vale of Sparta with its weight of years. He is writing, pondering the cause of the war, and what it might mean for the future of Rhomania. “Fear and anger are useful, when controlled and focused where they need to be. But we took too much counsel of our fears and angers and let them consume us. Instead of using them, our passions used us instead. The world hurt us. That is true, as history can attest. And so we wished to hurt the world. Yet that was not within our power. But the passions, once conjured, could not be dispelled. And so this war of wrath instead redounded upon us, its creators. When and how it will end only God in his mercy knows. But I pray that when it ends, we will look upon the world with clear eyes. For it does not, we are damned.”
It is the phrase ‘this war of wrath’ that truly stands out to posterity, and what gives the conflict its name. It is an appropriate one, written as Nereas crosses the border between Opsikia and Thrakesia, the Strategos entering what he calls ‘the land of traitors’.
I wonder if Sophia might be remembered as a feminist icon for the way she asserted her authority.
Donald Reaver
Donor
It is the phrase ‘this war of wrath’ that truly stands out to posterity, and what gives the conflict its name. It is an appropriate one, written as Nereas crosses the border between Opsikia and Thrakesia, the Strategos entering what he calls ‘the land of traitors’.
A very ominous line "the land of traitors". I fear many atrocities.
A very ominous line "the land of traitors". I fear many atrocities.
Nothing says "for the good of the Roman people" like war crimes against the Roman people.
byzantine people watching their rulers have another civil war: "ah shit, here we go again"
The Civil War starts in earnest, but the anti-Tourmarches faction is faring better than I expected given the grim assessment of their position in previous posts. However, Sophia desperately needs two things: ideas to rally Romans around and a military victory to bring further pressure to Constantinople and the Tourmarches.
Sophia could theoretically do both, she just needs to have the cards play out in her favor this time.
Sophia could theoretically do both, she just needs to have the cards play out in her favor this time.
Maybe. She can't beat people like Theodora, Irene, or Athena but she could easily join their ranks if she wins the war and has people write history in her favor.
Kanaris??? His real life namesake was known for attaching fireships on enemy ships, detonating them only after being securely attached... and living to repeat the experience. Multiple times including in broad daylight under fire from the target ships. The name... does not bode well for the Tourmaches fleet.