Crossfires, an Alternate France of the 1930s

CHAPTER 16 : HOMAGE TO CATALONIA

August the 1st, 1937, the besieged city of Barcelona, Spanish Soviet Republic

Run. Run. Don't think. Run, me lad.

Visibly exhausted, and actually feeling beyond exhaustion, the man ran desperately in the street, trying to keep up with Julio. Despite of his best efforts, he was falling behind, and a regular intervals Julio had to throw himself behind a pile of rubble or a street corner, waiting for his foreign companion to catch up. From what the man could see, Julio was clearly getting impatient at him, even though he did his best for it not to show too much. Right now, Julio was crouching behind a burnt tramway car lying in the middle of what had been, only a year before, a well-off residential area.

The man's legs gave one final push to propel his aching body and gave up as soon as he reached the car.

"Sorry, Julio. I'm....sorry" panted the man in his Oxford-accentuated Spanish. To his ears his heart was beating so loudly it covered the rumble of the French artillery hammering at the SSR positions forward of the city. Though in his mid-30s, and thus not terribly older than Julio, he felt sick and feeble after one full month of going from safehouse to safehouse on an empty stomach, with the constant fear that the Seguridad, the SSR's secret police, would raid his hideout. And before that there had been the First Civil War, the haphazard organization of his small Brigadas outfit, the combat, and a serious wound.

You'd think it's all happened to somebody else, thought the man, looking how miserable I look now.

Julio said nothing, but sympathetically patted the Englishman's shoulder, looking at him appraisingly. After a moment of reflexion, he pointed a finger at a house at the corner of the street. Bombs had cracked it open in the first civil war and it still laid like an empty shell, all life having been drained from it a long time ago.

"Let's go there. For quick rest" said Julio, quickly checking the empty street. They couldn't waste too much time, but his instructions were pretty clear, he had to bring the Englishman at the pier, and he preferred showing up late that showing up alone.

As they entered the devastated house, the Englishman wondered who had lived in it. Over the past year, looters had stripped it of everything of value, or that could be used, of course. Still, a few pictures still hung here and there and...

"Well, I'll be ! Julio, look !" said the Englishman in Spanish, cracking up a smile for the first time since Julio had met him.

As Julio looked up, he too flashed a wide smile. Over the remnant of an armchair was hung the portrait of Joaquin Maurin, now sole leader of the Partido Obrero de Unificacion Marxista since the Fascists had captured and executed its co-founder Andres Nin. To find this picture in what looked like a bourgeois home filled both men with a sense of utter absurdity and elation.


Joaquin Maurin, co-founder of the Trostkyist-Anarchist POUM, and a prime target of the SSR Secret Police


"What a road we have travelled since" said the Englishman, "haven't we ?"

Often the silent one, Julio simply nodded approval. He liked to egg on the Englishman into talking anyway. He had read some of the articles the man had written before, and during the First Civil War, and even though he did not read English perfectly he understood them quite well, and liked them a lot.

"Now patriots have to become revolutionnaries, and revolutionnaries have to become patriots. Yesterday's friends have become today's mortal enemies, and yesterday enemies have become our friends" sighed the Englishman "What a debate it must have been in the Anarchist leadership, to abandon the idea of any alliance with a bourgeois state. And this rabidly anti-communist France of all states."

"It sure was" replied Julio. "But the alternative was clear to us all. There was no other choice. The Stalinistas in Madrid can scream all they want that Maurin" he gestured at the picture "is a Fascist, there isn't one man or woman who fought with him in Catalunya who'll ever believe it. Not now, not ever. He did what he had to do for us, for everyone, for Catalunya. He kept the hope alive, he kept the fire alive. One day this fire will light up Spain again. And one day, when French workers too feel its warm glow, that will be thanks to Maurin, our Prometheus !"

The Englishman shot an amused look at Julio. Since the day he had been assigned to him as his "smuggler" and bodyguard, he had grown used to the young man's sullen stance and long silences. Julio the firebrand speechmaker was a welcome and distracting novelty.

"Anyway" said Julio in his broken English, getting up from the ruined armchair "we need go. They're probably already waiting for us at the pier. Now tell me, because you at least owe me this. Will you deliver ? I don't want all this to have done in vain"

Looking into Julio's eyes, the Englishman hesitated, then gravely nodded.

"I will. I speak French. I know Paris inside and out, I lived there for years. I know how to reach some members of the French government, not to mention their Social-Democrats opponents. I have many contacts among British publishers. And I have a direct link to the French forces. I promise you, Julio, that I will be on their backs like trench lice until they commit themselves to an independent Spanish democracy."

"Good." said Julio "Well, now, senor Orwell, let's get you out of this mouse trap"




Eric Blair, aka George Orwell : writer, anti-Fascist fighter, liaison officer

**************************​

Headquarters of the French 2nd Armée, in Saragossa, August the 9th, 1937

"Gentlemen ! Please !" said General Maurice Gamelin, raising his hands in a conciliatory way, as the two Spanish delegations once again began to exchange arguments and acid remarks in rapid-fire Spanish across the conference table.

It had been, for General Gamelin, a most peculiar meeting, and one he was quite anxious to put an end to. All in all, Maurice Gamelin aspired only to end this political talk and go back to military matters which he at least understood inside and out - or so he thought. Alas, his orders from Paris had been pretty clear in this respect, and he had to play goodwill ambassador with a dozen factions whose language he did not understand.

Even since before he rose to the enviable post of Chief of Staff in 1933, Généralissime Maurice Gustave Gamelin had always been wary of politicians. These people could make or break a career and Gamelin, who had mostly served as a HQ staff officer, had always done his best not to offend them and to swim with the flow. It was thus no surprise he made a point of being a close associate of Edouard Daladier, the prominent Centrist politician whose party seemed bound to be part of every governmental coalition in the early thirties. In 1934, alas, the flow had suddenly reversed. In one unexpected move, the Right had seized power, leaving Daladier and Gamelin on the beach. General Le Gentilhomme, a simple colonial officer, had been promoted to the post of Chief of Staff, and Gamelin's name had been vaguely floated for a few rather minor diplomatic assignments, so as to soothe his ruffled feathers.

Then, in 1937, the Communists had seized power in Spain and deposed the young Republic who had just triumphed over a Fascist coup a few months before. And when the berated Cabinet in Paris had decided to intervene directly this time, it had been a surprised Gamelin who had been offered to lead French forces to battle. Longing for a last operational command, and almost genetically unable to refuse an order, Gamelin had taken the first train to Perpignan where the forces that would be under his command had begun to assemble. It was to be his last hurrah, and he was decided not to blow it. In retrospect, Gamelin had everything the French government needed for this particular mission. He was an intelligent if completely unimaginative, competent if deprived of any shining talent, and above all his loyalty and commitment to democracy and Republicanism could not be faulted.

General Maurice Gamelin, embarking for his last hurrah

In late June, France had taken a very bold move, leaving only Maginot Line garrisons to guard the German border, and moving three complete armies to a series of jump-off areas near Perpignan. There, the intelligence officers from the French Army's Deuxième Bureau had soon found Spanish Anarchists loathed Madrid's Communist government more than they loathed France's Conservative one. Similar approaches towards Basque autonomists had given the same results, and contacts had been established with a hodge-podge of Autonomist and Anarcho-Syndicalist fractions. As a result, General Duffieux' four French cavalry divisions had entered Euzkadi on July the 2nd, under orders to make a lot of noise and attract as many SSR forces as possible. As the SSR generals had taken the bait, their movements had been monitored by the Armée de l'air who now could fly more or less unopposed as three squadrons of Bloch fighters made sure every SSR plane north of Madrid was downed. Provided with good and conclusive intelligence by his observation planes and by local agents, Gamelin had then moved his main force towards Saragossa and Barcelona, planning to trap the SSR units in central Spain, cutting them from their ports.

Gamelin's classic battle plan had worked almost perfectly, and had been greatly helped by General Dufieux's vigorous push towards Oviedo, while the Généralissime's own forces had taken Valencia. The French Infantry Divisions were now about to enter Barcelona, where a large SSR garrison was trying to resist a full siege. One of the most important factors of the plan had been the tendency of some division commanders to give a certain leeway to their regiments in adapting to the local situation. To avoid antagonizing the population, most regiments had been teamed up with Spanish forces who were in charge of maintaining order in the liberated areas and of establishing good contacts with the local population before the French infantrymen marched in. And here lied the crux of Gamelin's problem, as the Spanish Government-in-exile and the Anarchists /Autonomists were far from having the same goals for post-liberation Spain.

Well, enough of this nonsense thought Gamelin, rising up.

"Gentlemen ! I have to emphasize it again, France has no intention of meddling in the internal affairs of Spain ! My mission here is, with your help, to re-establish the Spanish Republic, NOT to enslave it in any way ! I understand Mr Maurin and the Basque leadership have some demands they intend to make. And I know Colonel de la Cierva also has some instructions from the government-in-exile. May I suggest we first turn to the business of defeating the Stalinist government before deciding who will be the mayor of Barcelona ?"

"General" said a Frenchman wearing a light civilian trenchocat over a Spanish Republic Air Force uniform, "you don't understand. You must.."

"No Môssieur Malraux I must not" sniped Gamelin, slamming his fist on the table. His patience with this exalted adventurer had, over the past few days, grown beyond thin and into utter non-existence. "Since you have seen fit to unduly promote yourself to the rank of 'Group Captain', then you shall stick to military protocol, which requires you to remain silent in the presence of senior officers until they ask your opinion!"

Visibly offended, the man sat down, crossing his arms in defiance to Gamelin's beloved military protocol, and traded some whispered remarks with one of the POUM delegates.


André Malraux, writer, adventurer, and Spanish Irregular​

"Well, General, if I may, with your permission, then" began the thin and intense Englishman who had escaped from Barcelona.

"Yes, Monsieur Orwell, please" sighed Gamelin, his eyes still fixed on the French adventurer who was smirking.

"We are all aware that there are many operations going on which require your attention, and that it is pointless to debate the future of the Spanish Republic while this future is still fought for. I nevertheless feel, I am sure in fact, that we could reach a deal right now, with Mr Alcala's government in exile, on some general principles. For example, could we agree that liberated provinces be temporarily controlled by local democratic forces, provided they do not try to eliminate other democratic parties ?"

As the government's delegates, after some consideration, nodded cautious approval, Orwell pressed on, looking more intently at Colonel de la Cierva, President Alcala's special liasion to the French HQ in Spain.

"And in the name of the movements we all represent, we'd agree to organize a quick conference soon, for all democratic parties to attend"

"Something like the Pact San Sabastian of 1930 ?" asked de la Cierva warily, referring to the treaty by which Spain's democratic parties had agreed to overthrow the Bourbon Monarchy some years before.

"Well, yes, something like that indeed. Some general agreement about the kind of Republic we all want, maybe a declaration on general, yet essential principles, like freedom of speech and such things"

"That", said de la Cierva, "would be acceptable - depending on the exact wording of the declaration of course. But on one non-negotiable condition. General Gamelin, as a friendly yet neutral force, shall be our arbiter as long as French troops are in the country. Would you agree to that, General ?"

Oh, Christ thought Gamelin, as everyone turned to him Don't dabble in politics, never dabble in politics, it's not your job nor your place, Maurice.
Why did my orders have to deal with politics ?


Fiddling with his pen, fidgeting under the collective gaze, he finally rose up.

"Very well, gentlemen... Yes, I agree - that is, I agree to take this offer to my government. In the meantime, my forces will assist you in maintaining order, in a spirit of strict neutrality of course, and I insist on this point. Tell your people my orders are to re-establish the Spanish Republic, and that is what I am going to do. With them if I can, against them if I must. I don't want trouble, gentlemen. And above all" he said, glaring meaningfully at Malraux "I won't tolerate any adventure."

And now I have to explain that to Paris, lamented Gamelin as de La Cierva rose to shake his hand. They'll take my stars back for sure.
 
CHAPTER 17 : POWER PLAYS

Berlin, the Ministry of Foreign Affair, August the 1st, 1937

"Ah, Luther, just on time" said Joachim von Ribbentrop, Reichminister for Foreign Affairs as one of his senior aides entered his vast office, closing the padded mahogany doors behind him.

"Just on time" was one of this little expressions that always carried the impression that the aide was at fault for being almost late.

And to think he imagines it keeps us sharp thought Martin Luther as he stepped forward to hand the leather folder he was carrying to his boss, who was sitting in a deep armchair facing his Polish visitor.

By the window, which had been opened to let the summer breeze in, Luther could hear the motorcycle escorts from the Polish embassy revving its engine. The traditional niceties had been exchanged, the essentially meaningless German-Polish non-aggression pact had been discussed, and now it was time to broach more sensitive subjects which interested the two countries - although one might say there was one other very interested party, which would not be informed before it was too late. Luther allowed himseld a half-smile at the thought.

In many ways, Luther was Ribbentrop's creature - he was, in fact, practically a double of his master. Not a professional diplomat, Luther had been recruited by von Ribbentropp - himself an ex Champagne dealer - when he delivered the furniture to the German embassy in London, of all things. This strange background made him an unlikely choice to lead the "Ribbentrop Dienstelle", the organization gathering intelligence from every country Nazi Germany had an embassy and consulate in. That meant Luther had made many enemies amidst the traditional diplomats, and that his survival entirely depended on von Ribbentropp's support.

Still, and as it often happens in such situations, Martin Luther severely judged his boss's capacity to effectively run German diplomacy. Ribbentrop was the complete dilettante, enjoying a position of power a little too much for anybody's taste, and convinced of his own genius. He was usually pompous and overbearing with his counterparts and brutal with his staff, to the point where Luther wondered if it was because he felt totally out of his depth. Closing the leateher folder, Luther took a few steps back and stood standing ramrod straight a few meters behind his boss, the very image of German obedience and efficiency. Only his eyes showed some animation, for Luther liked to watch. And what he was about to watch was European History in the making.



Joachim von Ribbentrop, ex-Champagne dealer turned Foreign Minister

"Now, Colonel", said von Ribbentrop as he turned back to Polish Foreign Minister Josef Beck, "as you well know the present state of affairs in Czechoslovakia is completely unacceptable for the Reich. The Czechs might think they are a real country because they're backed by Paris, Moscow and London, but this is a delusion of grandeur I shall be all too happy to dispel. If Prague's pygmies think they can oppress their German minority, they are going to be sorely disappointed"

"My dear Reichsminister" replied Beck, "I too believe Prague's rule has been far too heavy-handed for a number of minorities to be allowed to continue. As you well know, there is a significant Polish minority in the district of Tescen which is suffering at Czech hands as we speak. It is a serious of grave concern for POland, and my government wants to see to it this population is allowed the full protection of their mother country - just as the German minority in the Sudetenland, as a matter of fact"

Let's not mince words here thought Beck. You want to dismember Czechoslowakia ? Of course you do. And it's fine by me, but I want a piece of the action.

Beck had been a close associate of Marshal Pilsudki, and he shared quite a few of the old Marshal's geopolitical views, starting with his loathing of everything Russian or, worse, Soviet. The Communist régime in Moscow he thoroughly abhorred, for it added to the traditional danger of Russian conquest of Polish territory the new peril of Russian destruction of Polish society. There had been one attempt already to forcefully export the Russian revolution to Poland, and Beck wanted to make sure there wouldn't be a second one.

To contain Soviet Russia, one of his pet projects was the establishment of a Międzymorze federation. Międzymorze, which translated as "Between Seas" was an ambitious project, inspired by some conversations between Pilsudki and the Vatican. Christianism, it was thought, offered the best protection against Communist influence. Therefore, a federation of Christian nations should be established from the Baltic to the Black Sea to first contain, and then destroy Communism. The problem was to interest the industrialized nations of Western Europe to invest time, energy, and money in the Międzymorze federation, and above all in its natural leader, Poland.

When Czechoslowakia falls down, they will have no choice but to support Poland more, as a protection against Germany, since they cannot depend on Russia anymore. And I'll see to it they pay the full price for this protection thought Beck, while his German counterpart drones on and on about oppressed german minorities everywhere.


Colonel Jozef Beck, Polish Foreign Minister​

"Reichsminister, you will have Polish support on this issue, I assure you. That is, if we can find an acceptable solution for the Polish minority of Tescen. I'd rather not force these people, who have already suffered under Czech rule, to leave their homes, see..."

"I understand you, Colonel. I think I understand you perfectly. When Czecholovakia will be ripe, you will help us reap the harvest. And there will be rewards for Poland"

Beck nodded with a wry smile as Ribbentrop, now in full swing, rose from his armchair, his fist pumping the air.

"And do not be mistaken, Colonel, neither France nor England nor Russia will dare say anything. England is a spent force, turning once again to Imperial self-absorption and impotent self-contemplation, and France is way too busy battling Spaniards. Neither one has the will, the resolve or the strength to deny Germany anything. Anything !" concluded von Ribbentrop with what he thought was a subtly veiled threat at Poland.

Christ, what a buffoon thought Beck and Luther in what had to be their one and only point of agreement.

************​

As the Polish Colonel's motorcade left the Ministry, Ribbentrop signaled Luther to pour him a drink from the ornate bar he had installed close to his desk.

"So, Martin, what do you think ? This weasely little Colonel is going to do our bidding, as I said he would. And better yet, when Poland's turn comes, it will find itself short of friends in Europe, we'll make sure of that."

"Well, Poland has jumped onboard just as you said, Herr Reichsminister. But can we be sure England or France will stay put ?" asked Luther, filling Ribbentrop's glass with Cognac.

"They will, Martin. France will be in the process of redeploying its army and licking its wounds - though it seems those Spanish Communists didn't put much of a fight. The important part is that France's little Spanish adventure has cost it its last hopes of making nice with Russia, meaning we won't face a coordinated opposition here. Not to mention their tensions with Italy we have to capitalize on. As for England, it certainly has not indicated any interest in continental affairs for the past few years - not since Italy annexed Ethiopia in fact. Japan is also on the rise in the Pacific, and that will make London turn its eyes towards Asia instead of Europe. In America, their new president, Landon, has enough on his hands with the social and economic situation to want to pick up a fight with us about that sorry little excuse for a country that is Czechoslovakia. The Italians, of course, will support our claims - first for Austria, and then for Czechoslowakia."

"The Herr Reichsminister certainly did make sure they would" said Luther, knowing all too well Ribbentrop's ego needed a constant supply of oil and grease to keep functioning.

"Tell me, is it true the French president talked against French veterans from the Great War who wanted to organize joint ceremonies with our own veterans ?"

"Absolutely, Herr Reichsminister. He talked against it in various speeches before he was elected" replied Luther, putting the decanter back into the bar.

"Sehr gut. Find me some copies of the speeches and pass them to the Propaganda Ministry. We'll use that, Martin, to show the German people what little respect it gets when it brandishes an olive branch instead of a sword."
 
CHAPTER 18 : HANNIBAL ASCENDANT

The hills near Leon, September the 17th, 1937, 7h30

At last, at long last, here you come, my Cannae thought the French cavalry officer. God knows I've waited for you a long time.

From the small hilltop where he was standing, the General could see the last SSR positions in the Iberic Peninsula in detail. By one of these ironies History seemed to be fond of, this civil war seemed bound to end exactly where the last one had found its conclusion, somewhere in Spain's north-western provinces.

As they had reached central Spain and achieved control of all of the Mediterranean ports, French forces had launched two offensives towards the Portuguese border, against a largely disorganized foe. Seizing Salamanca in the middle of August, and Badajoz five days later, Gamelin's forces had truncated the SSR in three parts. Cut off from every possible source of supply, the SSR forces trapped in central Western Spain had been forced into surrender, and General Georges' infantry divisions had entered Madrid the first day of September. A special train had immediately left Bordeaux, transporting the members of the government-in-exile who was anxious to declare the continuation of the Republic before any other group could do it.

In the South, General Noguès had taken Sevilla only five days earlier, after a fierce combat for Malaga, where French and Spanish soldiers had earned each other's respect by taking and re-taking he city no less than four times. In the end, the SSR's lack of supply and French air support had carried the decision, and the battered remnants of the SSR divisions had been saluted by Nogues' exhausted men as they marched to the zone where they would be disarmed.

Only SSR's Northern forces remained operational, and from what the French General could see, their officers had opted out for a last stand. Bréguet speed bombers had reported there were probably 5 to 6 divisions, undermanned and war-weary perhaps, but definitely a force to be reckoned with. It was also believed some SSR bombers were still operational in the area, even though most of them had flown to the Baleares to make bombing runs against Algiers, where air defence was still minimal.



A French recon unit near Leon, last bastion of the SSR before La Coruna

With General Gamelin in Madrid, Noguès still in Sevilla and Georges's infantry pivoting North, the French forces available to defeat the Spaniards were scarce : two infantry divisions, three armored cavalry divisions, and a reserve of three naval infantry divisions, still untested in battle, and one of which was slated to try an amphibious assault on la Coruna itself. And what was worse was that the SSR forces showed no sign of wanting to surrender. Quite the contrary, they were refurbishing the trenches and fortifications the Nationalist Forces had begun to erect only the year before, and it was clear they were ready to face a long defensive battle.

On the French side, there was also a definite lack of clarity about who commanded what, as the Marine Nationale still held authority over the naval infantry, and the two infantry divisions were nominally part of General Georges's Armée.

As the commanding officers of the divisions and regiments had soon discovered, this General understood perfectly the concept of "nominally". He interpreted it as "mine for the taking" and left officers of lower rank little choice in the matter.

Satisfied with his inspection of the enemy preparations, the General turned his binoculars east to see the dispositions of his "own" troops.

"De Courcel" he immediately called in a gruff and sonorous voice that left no doubt to the young cavalry Lieutenant who was his aide as to what mood the Old Man was now in. "Raise the commanding officer of the 2ème Division d'Infanterie on the radio and tell this simpleton that he'd better take his troops out of the cover of the trees, where they lie sleeping like so many scattered toy soldiers, and into the assigned jump-off areas. I don't care if that is dangerous - tell him that war is dangerous in general, and that nobody ever won one by keeping your forces under cover. I want this bloody fool's forward regiments where I ordered them immediately."

"Oui, mon Général" obedienty replied the young lieutenant, once again tasked with bullying superior officers into following his boss's orders. De Courcel liked working with the Old Man, but oftentimes wondered why he thought necessary to descend upon everyone like Zeus from Mount Olympus, out to chastise puny mortals. For one officer who admired the Old Man's decisiveness, there were three who couldn't stand his haughtiness, and what most of them described as his posture of a King exiled among men of inferior status.

Looking at his aide hurrying to the radio post, the General shrugged and patted his pockets for a cigarette.

Poor de Courcel ! thought the General with a thin smile, looking at his watch. He'll learn. Officers and politicians ! If you don't brutalize them a little bit, you can't get anything from them. Their natural instinct is to do nothing. Or worse. What a tragedy nothing can be done without them.



Difficult, insufferable, and yet...​


With that thought in mind, Général Charles de Gaulle, recently promoted to General de Corps d'Armée, walked down the hill to his command car. He was about to launch a major offensive, and the fact he didn't exactly have the necessary orders or authority didn't bother him too much.

***********************​

A flotila of barges appoaching La Coruna, Spetember the 17th, 1937

And to think I could have missed that ! thought an exalted Lieutenant Delmas, as the makeshift landing craft TT15 where he and some men of his company was speeding towards La Coruna.

The sun had risen a few minutes before, and the city still seemed to be sleeping. Of course, that wouldn't last long. Three miles behind them, a line of destroyers deployed, ready to fire smoke shells into the harbour to hide the approaching flotila as much as possible. The men aborad the landing crafts were mostly silent, gathered around their platoon and section leaders, wearing a white lifejacket over their khaki uniform.

Having received his Commission not even one year before, Lt Delmas had been ordered to Bordeaux to be part of the Première Division Navale d'Assaut set up by the Marine Nationale, mixing its old Naval Infantry with Foreign Legionnaires. There he had trained on a variety of crafts, as there was an ongoing debate over what kind of craft should be used for amphibious assault straight into enemy positions. The idea of converting cargo ships having been abandoned, somebody had suggested to use modified riverine barges, the kind of which France possessed in vast numbers. As the trials at sea had begun, with armored plates welded to provide the embarked infantry with some protection, somebody in the Deuxième Bureau had noticed Delmas was one of the few French officers with a direct experience of La Coruna. He had thus been flown to Paris to help experts from the Ministère de la Marine, who had also begun to hunt down every picture the Foreign Legionnaires could have taken during their unofficial deployment in Spain in 1936.

In early August, a flotila of the makeshift landing crafts finally ready, Admiral Darlan had assigned the 1st DNA its first battle mission : in one fell swoop, it was to put an end to the Second Spanish Civil War, by a direct assault on La Coruna. Seaplanes launched from the tender Commandant Teste has confirmed the main SSR forces were more than a day's march east of La Coruna, leaving only a regiment or so to defend the city. The DNA was to land directly into the city on the dawn of September the 17th, with only minimal air and artillery preparations. By taking the city, the naval infantrymen would deprive what was left of the SSR armies of their last source of supplies, just like Delmas's old Foreign legion outfit had done at the end of the First Civil War.

And here we go thought Delmas, clenching his fists around his modified MAS-36 rifle. The standard weapon of the French Army was a good, sturdy rifle, but it had been thought wise to adapt it to semi-automatic fire for naval infantry. Now Delmas wondered if there would be many jams - the weapon was still new, after all, and there had been rumors of Communist sabotage in some weapon factories.

Better not focus on that, he corrected himself, turning towards the back of the ship to see the battalion HQ. Look at how calm the Old Boss is, thought delmas. You'd think he goes fishing.


Officers of the 1st Division Navale d'Assaut and their men, rushing toward La Coruna​

All of a sudden, thunder rumbled behind the flotila. The Guépard-class destroyers had begun firing smoke shells into the harbour. Delmas rose to his feet, holding the freeboard. Aboard every landing craft, young officers did the same, gun or rifle in hand, whistle in their mouth.

"Get ready ! Landing imminent !" yelled Delmas at the top of his lungs. At the bow, the first rank of men, nicknamed the "ushers" put their hands on the steel bars that kept erect a large steel plate that would be at the same time their shield, their door and their bridge on the way out.

Thirty seconds after, bullets began to clank on the craft's armor plates. Here and there, a cry of agony showed not all of them had found steel to ricochet upon. Some mortar and artillery shells began to fall haphazardly among the barge flotila, creating ephemereal geysers that soaked the soldiers and rocked every barge lucky enough to escape a direct hit. No further than 50 yards from the TT15, a lucky shot obliterated the bridge of an aviso that had come closer to provide direct support, leaving the burning ship steaming on towards La Coruna. With the smoke, the landing craft's pilots could barely see where they were going, and so the actual landing came as a nasty surprise for the men aboard TT15, as the barge crashed into a wooden pontoon, sending every man flying into the one who was in front of him. As dropped weapons were picked up, the "ushers", one of them covered in blood after having hit the steel door head-on during the crash, lifted the bars and pushed the plate, immediately throwing themselves out of the ship to move out of the riflemen's way.

Even before the steel ramp was completely down, Delmas whistled the signal for the assault. Their rifles firmly in hand, the Marsouins, as naval infantry riflement had taken to call themselves, rushed towards the collapsed pontoon that would serve as a ladder to reach the pier.

Immediately as Delmas' company began to disembark, SSR soldiers appeared in the warehouse district, taking potshots at the French naval troops, trying to delay them until some barricades and machine-gun nests could be installed.

All around the battle raged on at a dozen different points. The DNA was supposed to land in a compact group, but the defenders's artillery fire, along with the French destroyers' smoke had scattered the division's first wave everywhere, with company-sized combat teams landing at different places. At the left end of the moorings, the crippled aviso had collided with a Spanish ship which had instantly caught fire. Loire-Nieuport dive Bombers from the Béarn were attacking artillery positions, filling the air with the roar of their engines as they regained altitude. Explosions could be heard all around Delmas. Spanish soldiers found themselves in the middle of French troops, and French soldiers were cut off and isolated from the disembarking companies. The smell of burnt wood, brick powder, cordite and blood filled the air, and Delmas has the impression to taste the whole city all at once.

Once again, a battle plan had failed to survive initial contact. What had been neat little blue arrows and precise timings in Darlan's office had turned into sheer chaos and blind, primitive violence. The battle did not belong to the planners anymore. It did not belong to the Generals. It now belonged to a dozen junior officers from both sides, and it was theirs to win or to lose.

Rushing towards a crane with a dozen of his men, Delmas noted the Spaniards were reacting more energetically than expected, which could nullify the fact they clearly hadn't expected an amphibious operation. Their riflemen were running to take cover behind crates and trucks, from which they immediately fired upon the French soldiers who, though dispersing, still offered compact targets. The Marsouins were firing back with infantry weapons and grenades, and a great pillar of flames near a fuel station had reminded a platoon of SSR riflemen that not every truck was safe to hide behind. French and Spanish blood mixed on the pier's pavestones, which were drinking both avidly.

Bullets were now flying in every direction, as SSR and French soldiers found themselves practically engaged in hand-to-hand combat. Here, a SSR officer shot two French Marsouins with his service pistol and ran for the safety of the Port Authority building, followed by a hail of bullets. There, a Legionnaire used his razor-sharp trench shovel to split open the head of a SSR sailor, whose rifle he had grabbed by the barrel. Behind the first wave, the Regimental HQ has set up at the base of a crane and was desperately trying to regain control of the battle.


La Coruna as the battle rages on​

Oh Christ suddenly thought Delmas, as his small group fought its way to a large warehouse. Directly in front of him, a squad of SSR soldiers had brought two 37mm small infantry cannons and were loading them in a hurry. The guns were aiming directly at the HQ and beyond that, at the piers the crafts transporting his regiment's second wave were approaching.

With a desperate "Follow me !", Delmas rushed from cover to cross the street and threw himself against the walls of the next warehouse, firing wildly at the gun crew. Behind him, his men did the same, concentrating their fire on the loaders. Surprised, the three men manning the first gun didn't have time to react and were mowed down by the sudden fire. A grenade exploded near the second gun position, injuring one of the crewmembers who fell on the pavestones, clutching his bloodied leg and adding his cries to the general chaos.

Die, you too, die ! prayed Delmas, as the two surviving SSR soldiers finsihed loading the gun. To his horror, he saw them point the gun at his position, while the scattered Marsouins tried to hit them.

The last image Lt Julien Delmas took of La Coruna before the world exploded in red pain was one of the SSR soldiers falling down, riddled by bullets. The gun stopped, the black eye of its barrel looking him in the eye. And then, it fired its deadly shell. Not even a second after, the wooden wall upon which Delmas had been leaning exploded, in splinters which turned into deadly shrapnel. And then, after a while, a merciful black veil dropped over Delmas' painful world.

Later, much later, there was a voice.

It said "Bon Dieu de merde, do you think he's still alive ?"
 
CHAPTER 19 : HANNIBAL COMBATANT


A Bréguet reconnaissance bomber begins its patrol over Lugo


Near Lugo, 40 kilometers west of the SSR positions, September the 17th, 1937, 12h30

Sweating profusely under the relentless Spanish sun that came through the recon bomber's cockpit, Lieutenant Antoine Picard was searching the countryside that was rolling by few a hundred meters below. His Bréguet 693 bomber was locked in a slow, wide turn around his objective, enabling Picard to keep his binoculars fixed on one field, to his right. Several columns of smoke were rising from the field, as several dozen vehicles were rapidly going through the now-crushed wheat, away from the road where he had first spotted them.

"I count more than thirty light tanks" he said aloud, talking in his headset microphone. "Unknown type, look modern. They're racing eastwards, toward Sarria. Numerous trucks in their wake, and..."

"Enemy fighters !" shouted Sergeant Moreau, his rear machine-gunner, over the bomber's laryngophones.

Before he could react, the Bréguet shuddered, and Picard felt a series of impacts on the fuselage. As he dropped his binoculars onto his lap, Picard caught a glimpse of a metallic wing, briefly reflecting the sun and immediately disappearing from his view.

Damn. Damn damn damn and triple damn he thought, automatically pushing the power lever all the way down to unbridle the two Gnome-Rhone engines. Fuel and oil indicators seemed to be stable, and the traction of both propellers felt normal. Whatever God there was out there for aviators, He had been merciful enough to make sure the Spanish bullets did not hit critical parts of his bomber. Whether the Bréguet would make it back to his base now entirely depended on Picard.

"I-16 fighters, two of them, Lieutenant" said Moreau "Gaining altitude to our left, about to make a second run !"

Desperate to augment the distance between his plane and the Polikarpovs, Picard decided to trade altitude for speed and brought the plane lower, turning east. Speed was the key issue. Like so many French planes, his Bréguet had been designed out of an hybrid program aimed at producing a plane which could be used either a fast assault bomber or a heavy escort fighter. Most of these planes, supposed to excel at everything all at once, had shown a discouraging tendency to be less than mediocre in every role, but the Bréguet 690 and its variants had been a much welcome exception, mainly because the Armée de l'Air had abandoned the idea of heavy fighters and focused on the "assault bomber" concept.



SSR fighter planes on a patrol in the La Coruna-Lugo corridor

Armed with six 7.5mm forward-firing machine guns, the Bréguet could have taken on one I-16, but with two agile fighters out there, the odds were very much against the bomber. Picard was certain his only chance to survive an encounter with the two enemy interceptors was to rely on his - theoretically - superior speed and also on Sergeant Moreau's skill in firing the 20mm rear gun. Even the gun wasn't as important as speed, as Picard was alone, and thus couldn't rely on the kind of protection flying in a tight formation with other planes firing their own defensive weapons, would have provided.

"They're diving and gaining on us !" yelled Moreau, arming his gun.

"Airbase, airbase, this is Colibri-12." said Picard as the bomber kept turning away from the incoming threat. "We are under attack with four, repeat, four, I-16s in hot pursuit. Turning east towards Sarria"

Looking back briefly at the fuel jauge, he winced. Either a bullet had caused a leak or he had been sloppy in his estimation of the time he has spent loitering over Lugo. Either way, the fuel tanks were alarmingly low, which left Picard faced by a difficult alternative. His airbase was over 100 miles eastwards, which was within his reach if, and only if, he didn't waste any more fuel. Which meant taking the shortest possible route...and that meant overflying a whole armored regiment.

And if there is a leak it will all be in vain, he thought somberly. All right, no two ways about it.

"Hang tough, Moreau, I'm taking us over the Espingos !" said Picard, banking abruptly towards the field he had been observing.

As the plane raced toward the columns of enemy colmuns of men and vehicles, Picard absurdingly found himself thinking of his younger, soccer-playing years, of all things. Trapped between the pursuing Polikarpovs and the coming tanks, he remembered running toward the enemy team's goals with their attackers gaining ground behind him and all the defenders converging on him. The Bréguet was under 300 feet now, making over 400 kilometers per hour, and the armored divisions appeared to be rushing towards Picard, just like the soccer players of his past. Behind him, Moreau's gun began a loud staccato, which told Picard all he had to know about the interceptors' speed and position.

"Let's get this plane a little lighter, shall we ?" he mumbled, actioning the flaps and opening the bomb bay.

As he approached them at full speed, the Spanish tanks tried to evade, either stopping or taking sudden turn. As two of them collided in the process, Picard made his decision. Correcting his trajectory slightly, he went straight for the two crippled behemoths, his left hand resting on the red bomb ejection lever. One second later, his whole bombload fell on the hapless tanks, which erupted in a vast explosion that shook the bomber and sent debris flying all over the place.

"Bon Dieu!" cursed Sergeant Moreau, startled by the explosion and sudden lift of the aircraft. One of the Polikarpovs he had been firing at had instinctively managed to pull away from the debris-choked fireball, but the second plane, which had been firing its machine guns at the Bréguet at that time, went straight through it, disappearing inside for a second. When it emerged from the fiery cloud, Moreau saw it now pulled behind it a thickening smoke trail, and was increasingly losing ground to the French bomber. Losing altitude after his initial surge, the second plane resumed its pursuit, and Moreau readied his gun again. He was down to 30 rounds, and fully intended to make every one count.

We are going to make it, we are going to make it, thought Picard, oblivious to the small-arms fire his plane was now beginning to attract from the SSR regiment. We are going to...

Just in front of him, a truck had appeared, parked right in the way of the Bréguet. On its open platform a large gun had been installed on a anti-aircraft mount, and Picard could see the crew hurrying over it. Screaming his rage and frustration, feeling his heart sink in his stomach, he pressed the trigger of the plane's machine guns.

********************​

It had been, in Juan Obregon's opinion, something to behold, and worth of a corrida.

Private Obregon belonged to an artillery brigade which, before the disastrous battle for Euzkadi last July, had been part of the "International Red Brigades" division. The division had soon ran into trouble, as it has discovered Basque nationalism was extremely resilient to Red internationalism, to the point the IRB had lost one fourth of its men over a week from desertions. Inexplicably, many soldiers had preferred to fight their former comrades-in-arms either in the Republican Army units that were reconstituting in the provinces the French had invaded, or in the various Basque maquis that were forming all over the province, setting up ambushes. One officer had even disappeared leaving a business card nailed to his locker's door, over which he had added his aristocratic title. It was rumored the man had received an instant commission in the Republican Army, and that he had sworn to kill the IRB to the last man. Of course, as Obregon well knew, there were many rumors in an army - especially a defeated one.

To make things worse, ten days after having retreated to Oviedo, the remnants of the division had fallen into an ambush - a large-scale one, this time, set up by two marauding French cavalry divisions. This chance encounter had resulted in the near-annihilation of the outfit, and further retreat towards Leon. Since then, the IRB Division, actually no more than a handful of battalions anymore, had been attached to the Tercera Division Blindada, to which it was supposed to provide infantry support.

The 3ra DB had been ordered to stay put in Lugo, where it served as a strategic reserve, but as it had received alarming reports of fighting in both La Coruna and the SSR fortified position around Leon, General Saenz, its commanding officer, had decided he would not sit idly by. After a short debate among the divisional HQ about whether to attack to the east or to the west, the 3ra DB had left Lugo on September the 17th, after having requisitioned all the trucks, buses, and motor vehicles it could find. Not to mention the food. The locals had cheered the departure of the SSR soldiers, but Obregon couldn't help but wonder whether it was out of commitment to the Communist cause or out of joy to get rid of the lot of them.



SSR infantry attached to the 3ra Division Blindada leaves Lugo on September the 17th, 1937

When the bomber had started its run towards the regiment, Obregon and the rest of the gun crew had been among the forward elements, which was their stroke of luck. Lieutenant Barriegos had immediately ordered the driver to stop the truck and the crew had begun readying the gun just as the French bomber dropped its bombs over two tanks that had collided with each other in their desperate rush to safety.

While he and the others had loaded the gun in a frenzy, the French bomber had started firing its machine-guns at them, the noise of its engines covering the orders Lieutenant Barriegos, pistol in hand, shouted from the truck's open cabin. The hail of bullets had instantly mowed down Salvador and Julio, the head of the latter literaly exploding under the impact. Thanks to divine providence, he and Cristobal had been protected by the steel plates surrounding the barrel.

"Now ! Now, you sons of the devil !" had yelled an apoplectic Barriegos, shooting at the rapidly approaching plane with his service pistol.

There had been time but for one shot, and it had been Cristobal's to fire. As the plane was almost on them, he had fired the old 75 mm gun just as Obregon threw himself flat on the truck's platform. The shell had hit directly beside the bomber's left engine, ripping the whole left wing from the rest of the fuselage. As the engine disintegrated, the whirling propeller had passed by the gun crew with a furious whirring sound, and had cut short Lieutenant Barriegos' military career - as well as his head. There had been a brief cry of anguish, a dull thud, and a red mist. Then the bloodied and headless thing that had been Lieutenant Emilio Barriegos had collapsed in the cabin, gun still in hand, just as the burning wing finally hit the ground a few meters behind the truck. The rest of the bomber, now turned into a fantastic fireball, had crashed in the woods sixty meters after the truck, leaving a trail or burning fuel behind him. All the unfortunate men who had found themselves along that trail were now rolling on the ground in a desperate attempt to put out the fire that was biting their flesh. The more clever were taking their oil-soaked burning clothes off. As for the really unlucky ones, they had just fallen face-first on the wheat field, which was now partially in flames.



SSR tanks of the Tercera Division Blindada advancing towards Sarria

Obregon, looking around at the madness of cries and pain and flames, had wondered how he could still be alive when devastation seemed to have spread all around. Just as a grinning Cristobal had punched his elbow, the French tanks appeared. Devastation was still hungry, and it demanded to be fed now.
 
CHAPTER 20 : HANNIBAL TRIUMPHANT

An hill slope near Sarria, September the 17th, 1937, 12h35

Into the valley of death rode the 600 thought Captain Massu, as his Panhard armored car reached the top of the hill. Behind him, his company of Hotchkiss tanks began to roll down the slopes, firing wildly to protect the deployment of the antichar teams from the 3ème Régiment de Spahis.

His elevated position revealed to Massu a full regiment's worth of SSR tanks, scattered in a burning field. Sitting down inside the turret and fastening the tarp door over his head, his took with him one last view of the battlefield, taking in the Russian-made tanks scattered all over the place, two of them burning, and of the crashed plane.

"Moretti", said Massu to his driver, "race to that wooden patch over there, I don't want us to get caught in the middle of a tank battle".

He had led his company of the 503ème Régiment de Chars de Combat all morning in its race towards Lugo. The whole 2ème Division Cuirassée had left its quarters that day even before the sun rose, and taken a southwestern course to avoid the vicinity of Leon, where the SSR's last units had entrenched themselves and where they were probably patrolling the area. Coming from the North, the 1ère Division Cuirassée, reinforced by a Spanish regiment from the reconstituted Republican Army, was also converging on Lugo.

The 503ème RCC's initial orders had been to execute a tank raid in the rear of the entrenched SSR infantry, to destroy their artillery positions and pave the way to a frontal assault by the Infantry and Naval Assaut divisions that were facing Leon. But upon receiving the first reports from the reconnaissance aircraft, Colonel Philippe de Hautecloque, commanding officer of the 503ème RCC, had decided the opportunity to also destroy the SSR reserves now known to be on the move was too good to pass. The Regiment had thus marched at full speed to catch the Spaniards in the open, before they could reach the small town of Sarria and entrench themselves there.

As the Panhard stopped next to an hedge with a screech, Massu cursed his bad luck one more time. Normally, he too should have ridden to battle inside one of the tanks which were now engaging their enemeies at close range. But the Hotchkiss 35, while a good if somewhat limited machine, was also a temperamental one, and his tank which the crew had named "Châlons-sur-Marne" to honour the Company commander's birthplace, had refused to start that morning. The Panhard would enable him to coordinate his men just as well as his tank, probably even better since it was far more mobile, but Massu itched to ride into the melee.

Around him, Spahis were rushing to their positions, installing their guns and firing their rifles at the enemy infantry, which was also deploying to counter the threat.



Capitaine Massu's command car stops as the battle begins

The RCC apparently had lost nothing of its initial élan, having already participated to a series of battles that had seen the Metz-based unit capture every Spanish Mediterrean port south of Barcelona. The regiment had fought the arduous battles of Malaga, where the Spanish soldiers had shown bravery and resolve worthy of the Great War. As Colonel de Hautecloque had said in late August, the regiment, like a sword, had been plunged into the fire several times, and had come out thinner, but stronger.

As Massu could see, the sword was now expertly used to thrust, hack and parry. Most of the tanks had stopped halfway down the slopes, so as to keep the advantage of their higher position and force the Spaniards to fight an uphill battle. As long as they would be confined to the bottom of the little basin formed by the surrounding hills, the SSR gunners would be handicapped by the presence of many friendly vehicles in their line of fire. The French tank commanders, on the other hand, just had to lob shells in a mass of SSR vehicles.

To Massu's left, a platoon of H-35 tanks began circling the valley, firing at the Russian-made T-26 which individually tried to break the encirclement and launch a counter-attack. A hundred yards further, two trucks, probably loaded with fuel or ammunition, exploded in the middle of a company of Spanish riflemen which were trying to cover their retreat, killing many and injuring the rest. Machine-gun fire constantly rattled the countryside, reaping a harvest of wasted wheat and dying men.


French Hotchkiss 35 tanks start the world's first tank battle​

Not that the Spaniards were being passive, quite the contrary. As an adventurous platoon of French tanks began launching an armored thrust into the valley, five T-26s concentrated their fires on them, setting three tanks ablaze in a few seconds, before a Somua cavalry tank from First battalion killed one of them and dislocated the tracks of a second one. Further east, a dozen SSR tanks, breaking free of the encircled valley, almost reached the top of a small knoll, when a volley of anti-tank shells from the Spahis repulsed them. French machine-guns were burning red-hot to keep the Spanish infantry from climbing the slopes. French and Spanish tanks alike were burning in the field, abandoned by the lucky crews, haunted by the unlucky ones.

Blast ! Where is the rest of the goddamn regiment ? thought Massu, as he saw with mounting anxiety the Spanish commanders had not only managed to regroup their once surprised and demoralized troops, but were mounting a counter-offensive which, costly as it may turn out to be for the SSR, could very well spell the end of the French armored battalion that had been the forward elements of the 503ème RCC. The surviving T-26s had gathered in a diamond-shaped formation, protecting the infantry between the two branches, and were assaulting the hilltop where the French armored companies, caught dispersed in the middle of their own offensive, suddenly found themselves being pushed back.

Just as Massu was picking his radio microphone to ask the regimental HQ for an immediate pull back, the valley filled with bright, deadly arrows. As Massu could see, the Spahis had finished establishing their anti-tank positions, and their assortment of 25mm and 47mm guns was now firing at a frantic rate. The Spaniards' position, slowly climbing up the hill slopes, made sure practically every shell hit - and killed. In what seemed to Massu an acceptable substitude for divine wrath, death rained down all over the SSR troops, as the French gunners gave in to some sort of blood frenzy.

It took more than five minutes, and some irate radio calls from de Hautecloque, to cease the hellish fire and send the Spahis take care of the prisoners.



French anti-tank guns at the Battle of Sarria.

**********​

Madrid, the Presidential Palace, November the 6th, 19h00

Finally ! thought Pierre Laval as he sipped his glass of water, still feeling queasy after a bumpy flight from Paris.

It had been a busy day. First, there had been the official funerals for former President Azana, who, it had been determined, had been executed the very day General Lister had overthrown the Spanish government, along with the Cabinet ministers who had been in the Presidential Palace at the time of the coup. Then he had had to endure General Gamelin's ego, which was back to his normal, inflated size, and to strike deals with both the Catalan and Basque Nationalist movements, under the watchful eyes of his Spanish counterpart who kept splitting hairs whenever the topic was about autonomy of the Spanish provinces and institutional reforms. Here and there, he had managed to steal a few minutes with the new Spanish President, and he wanted this last meeting before the state dinner in his honor to clarify some points which intrested both governments.

In front of him, Niceto Alcala-Zamora, new President of the Spanish Republic, had just finished recording his most important speech ever. This one would define the country for decades to come, as it was the first one of the Liberated Spanish Republic. And Laval certainly hoped it would also define European hsitory for quite some time. he looked around him, appreciatively. Despite having had precious little time to organize everything, Colonel de la Cierva, who was the newly appointed commanding officer of the Guardia Presidencial and as such in charge of all the administrative details, had managed to redecorate the President's Office in a styla that managed to remind visitors of the past, and look into the future. The portraits of Lenin and Stalin had been burnt - or maybe kept by the palace ushers somewhere, in case they needed them again - and he had even managed to find old official portraits of Alcala-Zamora.

"So, Monsieur le Président" started Laval, as Alcala left his office to sit down in a nearby armchair, a glass of Porto in hand "are we ready for tomorrow's big announcement ?"

"Of course, Mr Foreign Minister. Tomorrow I shall announce that the republic never ceased to exist, and that the so-called Spanish Soviet Republic was an illegitimate regime. That will make the transition easier, I think, and also detach Spain from the SSR's debts - and from the need to ever repay them of course."

"Will the people accept the presence of French forces in the country ?"

"They will. It will be presented as a temporary measure - which it is, anyway, isn't it ?"

"You know very well, Mr President, that the French army does not intend to stay in Spain one day more than it will be absolutely necessary. I gave the same reassurance to the British Cabinet, who has mixed feelings about our Spanish adventure, and would rather see our troops leave the vicinity of Gibraltar now that the SSR is no more"

"Ah, I see. The Moor has done his duty, so the Moor can leave." said Alcala bitterly, quoting Othello. He had never liked England all that much, and the British decision to withold help to Republican Spain during the first Spanish Civil War had done little to make that country any dearer to his heart. Even though Her Majesty's Cabinet had given indirect support to the French and Republican Spanish offensives, Alcala felt that in the end he could not afford to depend on British friendship. They would have accepted Franco's rule in 1936, they had accepted Lister's in 1937, and now they would treat with him as if nothing had happened.

"Well, Pierre, obviously France has more pressing matters on its Eastern borders. We'll make sure your troops can be gradually relieved by the Republican Army as we reform its units, and we will set up an officers exchange program. We are badly in need of officers, you know. Not many have survived the three purges that followed our two civil wars"

"Such things take time, Mr President" said Laval, putting down his glass of water "but rest assured my country wants a strong Spain by its side, and will assist in rebuilding your armed forces. We'll need every man to keep Italy in line, and to discourage any German aggression that could trigger another general war. Could we broach the colonial issue briefly ?"

"Certainly. I plan to do exactly as we discussed earlier in Paris with President Lebrun and Colonel de La Rocque. Spain simply doesn't possess the money, the time, the energy necessary to develop its African colonies anymore. Not when so many of our metropolitan provinces lay in ruins after two bitter civil wars. I will then propose from the floor of the League of Nations that, until such a time when our country can once again invest in the future of its colonies, the Rio Muni, El Rif and all of our Saharian territories be temporarily placed under French protection, and, in all effect, under French rule" said Alcala in a dismissive tone.

As a result of the old Tordesillas agrement with Portugal, which had given this country the upper hand in Africa in exchange for a free rein for Spain in South American, Spain had only modest territorial possessions in Africa. These Spanish colonies were economically improductive, and strategically irrelevant. The new Republican government clearly understood their possession was a meaningless question of prestige, and preferred them to be a drain on France's vast treasure chests than on the weakened Spanish economy. The mandate given to France could always be renegociated in several years, once the reconstruction program would have put Spain back on its feet. And in the meanwhile, Spanish firms would continue to operate in Africa, under a Bleu-Blanc-Rouge protection.

"That's perfect, Mr President. I'll tell Paris our agreement is complete. What about a permanent alliance ?" asked Laval, to whom it was, after all, the crux of the Spanish matter, the very reason he had talked in Cabinet meetings in favor of a vigorous French response to the Soviet-inspired coup.

"As soon as we organize the first elections, which I am confident we will win, an alliance treaty will be proposed to our Congress. And then, my dear Pierre, our two Republics will have but one heart, and our enemies, ours and yours alike, will have to sit down and take notice. Now, since we're talking about French troops, I understand General Gamelin is about to find himself, ah, without a job, shall we say ?"



A tired Pierre Laval concludes his diplomatic visit to liberated Spain

"Oh, please" groaned Laval. "Don't tell me he had the gall to ask you a personal intervention ? Gamelin is yesterday's news, and this was his swan song. He knew it."

"But I was thinking, France will need a new ambassador, since the excellent Mr de Villecourt has been forced to return to Paris because of his wounds. With his remarkable military accomplishments here, and his well-known attachment to democracy and the Republican regime, wouldn't General Gamelin be a very suitable successor ?"

How come I didn't think of that thought Laval, happy to have been given an elegant solution to an arduous political problem. Back in Paris, Edouard Daladier, Gamelin's old protector, had been making all kinds of noises about how disheartening for the army it would be to sack the "Victor of Madrid". Daladier still hadn't forgiven the fact that, on the day of the 1934 riots, he had been assaulted by armed men who hadn't beaten him up as he first feared they would, but had locked him up in an abandoned warhouse. For a variety of reasons, which Laval thought entirely grounded, Daladier thought this "kidnapping" had been orchestrated by Henri Richemont, now chief of staff of Prime Minister de La Roque, to ensure the Radical leader would not hinder the Croix de Feu's triumph at the National Assembly. Even more stinging to Daladier's ego was the fact he had been left behind when de La Rocque made his government, while former Socialists like Salengro had been made ministers.

If Gamelin was to become France's ambassador to the Spanish republic, that move would cut Daladier down at the knees, depriving him of his latest cause célèbre at the Assemblée Nationale, and would detach Gamelin from him. Even better, as an ambassador, Gamelin would be under the direct authority of the Quai d'Orsay, and Laval knew Gamelin was not a man to rock the boat if he thought some perils were attached to such a move. Three birds would thus be killed by the same stone, an idea that delighted Laval, who loved political intrigue with a passion.

"Mister President, I must say that this is a very good idea, and I'll strongly recommend to my colleagues in the French cabinet, and to the Premier Ministre, that we follow your advice. We are lucky, Mr President, to benefit from your advice in these difficult times." replied a smiling Laval, who felt an irritating thorn had been pulled out of his foot.

"Really ?" said Alcala, taking a sip of Porto "I am pleased to hear you value my advice this much, Pierre. And since you apparently do, you might consider telling General Gamelin it would be wise not to punish that other general, de Gaulle, for having, ah, somewhat broadened his authority." added Alcala, instantly freezing Laval's smile on his face.

"It's a military matter, Mr President, over which I have little say" automatically replied Laval, looking like he had bitten on a particularly sour lemon. He did not like that de Gaulle character, and his dislike dated back from 1934, when then Colonel de Gaulle, nicknamed "Colonel Motors" out of derision for his passionate calls for the creation a mechanized army corps, had tried to overcome Laval's indifference for the subject. A stormy discussion had followed, with de Gaulle becoming politely but scathingly vitriolic about politicians who lined up their wallets with France's defense budget and refused to spend the necessary money to defend the nation. As far as the Foreign Minister was concerned, if Gamelin wanted to court-martial de Gaulle, he, Laval, would gladly provide the firing squad.

"I know, Pierre...but I must amicably insist. It happens that my next Defense Minister, General Astray, is from La Coruna. He told me he does not understand why the man who planned the offensive that defeated the last SSR units without bitter urban fighting in Leon, and made possible to hold a liberated La Coruna, should be punished for such commendable accomplishments. I am afraid he wrote some letters to the Cabinet about this affair, proposing an official award. And since we all hope General Gamelin will soon be your ambassador here, then I'm sure he'll prefer to take into consideration the natural gratitude felt by my countrymen from the Northwestern provinces towards a fellow French general. As I am sure you will, Pierre."

Splendid. I've just traded one problematic general for another, thought a sombering Laval.

As he was mulling over a suitably evasive answer, the ever-busy Colonel de La Cierva knocked politely at the door. Wearing his Presidential Guard uniform, he was carrying a leather agenda.

"I am terribly sorry to disturb you, Mr President, but I have to remind you you have a coming appointment in five minutes with the correspondent from 'The Times'. He was promised a full interview. I have some notes here for you."

"Ah, thank you Colonel." said Alcala, rising from his armchair and patting his jacket back into place, while Laval hastily got to his feet. "I must not forget this very interesting young man indeed. Do you know this journalist, Pierre ? While I must confess I find him a little too far off to the right for my taste, he happens to have written many articles extremely critical of the Soviet usurpators over the past few months. What's his name now ? Philpott ? Ah, no, I remember now. It's Philby. Kim Philby."
 
CHAPTER 21 : THE 'DECEMBER COALITION'




Riverine barges on the Seine river in December, 1937

Along the Seine river, December the 30th, 1937

The winter had so far been exceptionally harsh, with temperatures below -10°C that had turned fallen snow into ice patches. Trying to stay warm, the two men who were walking along the quays of the Seine river kept put their gloved hands inside the deep pockets of their thick overcoats. Both were wearing hats, and the left man had wrapped a thick, burgundy scarf across his neck, straightening it up as they walked against a cold, chapping wind.

The streets were practically desert in that district, and light was declining rapidly even though it was just after 4:00 PM. A few cars were passing them by, their lights making the fallen and frozen snow glitter.

"Apparently you have lost quite a few of your followers" said the lanky man, with the wide-rimmed hat, his voice trembling more than usual.

"Quite, yes" reluctantly conceded the plump one, who was also younger than his companion "To tell you the truth, I am disgusted with the lot of them. At the first sign of difficulties, they turned their coats, and they are now banging at the PSF doors, handing their hats in the hope of receiving small change in return for their betrayal." He sighed. "In this respect your troops have shown more discipline.

"Bah, only because the government thought it wise to ban the Communist Party. Not that I think Thorez and Duclos were right to fan the flames of the riots in 1934, and to call for an illegal general strike in 1935, mind you. When the old Socialist Internationale split up in 1920, I told them what would follow : russification of the party, dominance of the clandestine cells over the legitimate party hierarchy, manipulation of the members and of the masses. Of course they didn't take heed then. Ah, you're an experimented politician, Edouard, but you're still a young man. You've just begun to see how hard it is to appeal to the people's noblest side, when they so often are misguided by baser instincts" said the elder man, melancholy dripping from his voice.

"Still, the Radicals could use your party as an example" replied the plump man, refusing to let the bitterness go before having sucked the marrow of its bones.

"As I said, we were given an unexpected advantage." said the elder man, trying to be factual and comforting at the same time "The banishment of the Communist Party had made a lot of electoral seats available for the Left, and many people who refused the so-called Patriotic Front found it easier to elect Socialists than to elect Radicals. I sometimes wonder if there's still room, in this new Republic La Rocque has husbanded, for coalition parties."

That honest question earned the elder gentleman a pained grunt from his companion, as he too had pondered that question for the past few months. And each time the answer had not been very comforting for Edouard Daladier, leader of the Radical Party. In the early 1930s, the Radicals had been one of the major parliamentary forces in Congress, belonging to the irreplaceable category of "hinge parties" around which governmental coalitions could be built. In all fairness, the Radicals, and Daladier in particular, should have been the true beneficiaries of the 1934 riots.



Edouard Daladier leaves the Assemblée Nationale for a discreet meeting with Léon Blum

If it hadn't been for Etienne Riché swaying my leaderless Radicals and most of the Right that fateful day...If it hadn't been for the Croix de Feu choosing to defend the trembling Republic instead of fighting it...And yes, oh, yes, if it hadn't been for Henri Richemont and his thugs, then I should be the Président du Conseil, and not that stuffed up colonel thought Daladier, somberly, for the thousandth time. But now was not the time to mull past mistakes and weaknesses. Now was the time to act, and act decisively.

"Coalition parties, Monsieur Blum ?" said Daladier, making sure to treat his Socialist counterpart with respect "The concept of coalition is as old as the concept of democracy. What would you think about showing this irresponsible, undemocratic government we have that it hasn't abolished coalitions, and that it has, in fact, favored the emergence of the one that is going to bring it down ?"

They had reached a used book store, as there were so many along the Seine, and Léon Blum, leader of the French Socialist Party, took this opportunity to mull over Daladier's candid offer while pretending to browse through the musty pocket books that were on display. Trying to fight the cold with a cigarette, the scrawny, old store owner was rubbing his hands together, not even bothering to look at his two customers. His store was no more than a shed, crammed full with old books and musty magazines of happier, simpler, and basically direr times.

Blum was not overly surprised by Daladier's move. Since 1934, the Radical Party had lost most of its members, seduced by better career prospects if they ran under the banner of the Parti Social Français, the Croix de Feu's political wing. While he shared Daladier's distate for the current government, he had to admit it had maneuvered well, and was popular among the voters, who liked the idea of a "Patriotic Front" at a time when so many external threats seemed to converge on France. With the Radical Party only a shadow of its former self, Daladier had only two choices. He could go down fighting - but he didn't exactly have the energy for that, as Radicalism prospered more on compromise than on defiant resistance. Or he could pledge support to the Left, trying to build a coalition where he would still keep influence.



Léon Blum, photographied in the morning of his 1st of December meeting with Edouard Daladier

Blum could feel Daladier's stare on his back, as he turned to examine another book distractedly. The question was still in the air, frozen, suspended in the cold atmosphere of that bleak Parisian day. He personally rather liked Daladier, even though he was not blind to the man's weaknesses. Daladier, whatever else he might be and certainly was, was honest, and these days Blum was eager to think this was the one quality that could redeem everything else in politics. Daladier was always immersed into political maneuvers, but without the hubris - not to mention the self-interest - of a Laval. He wasn't involved into any private or financial scandal, definitely a plus in any post-1934 election. Plus, tactically, such an alliance made sense. The Socialists had conquered practically every former Communist seat after de La Rocque's government had declared the party illegal. As a consequence, there was no more space to occupy on their Left, and it was now time to see what was lying to their right, in the Centrist electorate. Daladier's Radicals were one of the keys to reach the Centrists. In a not-so-different life, Daladier would have been his political adversary. Could he now be his political ally ?

Opening the book he had automatically picked up, Blum realized it was a compilation of Shakespeare's works. His eyes fell on one verse of The Midsummer Night's dream : "My name is what might have been..."

Yes. He thought, feeling a sudden burst of adrenaline send a chill up his spine. This is what might have been. This is what might still be. This is what I can bring to life, here and now, if I just say the word.

"Edouard" he finally said " maybe we could have lunch together, next Friday. Please extend this invitation to your most trusted aides. I'll make sure mine are here. Tell them it will be a business lunch, and that our common objective will be to define a joint political platform to win the 1939 Presidential and general elections. We are going to win them, Edouard. We are going to win France back !"

Looking up at the energetic Blum with a smile, Daladier put his hand out of his pocket and got rid of the glove. As Blum imitated him, the two men shook hands, their grave eyes belying their benign smiles. Strangely enough, when they thought back about this handshake a few hours later, in the comfort of their homes, neither remembered having felt the cold.
 
CHAPTER 22 : CAESAR'S WIFE

Berlin, headquarters of the German Luftwaffe, January the 16th, 1938

Colonel-Count von Helldorf was standing at attention, his back ramrod straight, watching Feldmarschall Herman Goering. His mind was racing to assess his personal situation - which seemed pretty dire indeed. Though a veteran from the Freikorps, and no stranger to violence whether on the giving or receiving end of it, this time he had stepped into a web of intrigue his rough and brutal nature had not prepared him to fight, or even understand.

Did I do the right thing ? Was General Keitel right ? Should I have brought the documents to the Reichsführer instead ? Or to Blomberg himself ?



Colonel von Helldorf, a man with conflicting loyalties

The "documents" - Helldorf refused to give them any other name - had been his personal nightmare come true from the first day the Kriminalpolizei inspector had brought them. He had locked them in his safe, and had agonized for two days about what he should do with them. The normal procedure would have been to bring them to SS-Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler, his boss. Or maybe to Arthur Nebe, the head of the Kriminalpolizei. But he knew what Himmler or Nebe would do with them, and while he was a fanatic Nazi, Helldorf also liked to think of himself as a German officer first and foremost, with the prestige and responsbilities that came with that title. So in the end he had gone to see Generaloberst Keitel.

It had seemed to be the logical choice at the time, given Keitel's close relationship with the officer whose life the "documents" would ruin if the allegations they contained were true. Keitel had listened attentively, but his only advice had been to go see Goering. "He's both a military officer and the former head of the Gestapo, Helldorf" had said Keitel dismissively, the corners of his mouth expressing deep displeasure. "He'll know what to do". And so, Helldorf had managed to get an appointment with the overweight and absolute leader of the German aviation.

Sitting in front of him, seeming to spill over his leather armchair, and looking more than ever like a fat oriental pussah, Feldmarschall Hermann Goering was reading the documents von Helldorf had handed him as soon as he had stepped into this office. A Cheshire cat kind of smile was slowly inching its way through Goering's plump face, as his eyes went from the memorandum to the pictures that the inspector from the Kriminalpolizei had added.

"Grüss Gott. Is that information solid ?" asked Goering, his voice clearly indicating he hoped it was. He looked like a ravenous scavenger, his eyes radiating mischief and a burning desire for blood.

"Jawohl, Herr Feldmarschall, it is" replied Helldorf, knowing already that this visit was a terrible, terrible mistake.

Damn that Keitel buffoon ! Is there no honor left in the Army now ? thought von Helldorf, feeling betrayed.

"And of course you haven't shown this to anybody"

"Except you and Generaloberst Keitel, no, Herr Feldmarschall. The inspector who compiled these documents has been transferred to my personal staff, and has been instructed to remain extremely quiet about this sordid affair"

As if the poor man didn't know he had just kicked in a hornet's nest thought von Helldorf, eyeing one of the most dangerous and vicious hornets of the lot, in a nest that, in all honesty, already had an ample supply of these.

"Gut. Now, Helldorf !" said Goering, clasping his meaty hands together and getting on his feet. "Now, Helldorf, listen to me carefully. You are a policeman. And I also have been a policeman. The duty of policemen is to protect society, and for that to protect the state. Which means to protect the state's leaders and officials."

As he was speaking, Goering began to walk around his office, circling around von Helldorf who conjured the image of a wolf, or rather a bear, circling around a wounded animal. Feeling a bead of sweat on his forehead, he tried to focus on the opposite wall, who was covered with pictures of a younger, leaner Goering posing next to an asortment of planes. The whole office was nauseating him. It was over-decorated, with the kind of self-restraint one would expect from a demented magpie. Everything was gold and silver and of terribly bad taste. As Goering kept circling around him, his cologne was starting to suffocate Helldorf, who wished he could simply salute, make an about-face, and walk out of this den.

"Now, you are a high-ranking officer, so there are things I know I can tell you in confidence. Things that you'd best keep quiet about. Just so you clearly understand the situation." said Goering, sounding more dangerous at every word.

"Four days ago, Berlin has celebrated the wedding of Feldmarschall von Blomberg, the Reich's War Minister, with the lovely and young Margarethe Grühn. All our tabloids have waxed lyrical about the extraordinary romance that brought together a high-ranking aristicratic officer of the Reich and a typist of modest origins. All of Germany has seen the pictures showing our Führer serving as Feldmarschall von Blomberg's best man. All of Germany has seen the newsreel showing me - me Helldorf ! - giving the rings to Blomberg ! And now, NOW, you come to tell me the young wife of our Reichsminister is but a lowly WHORE, who used to be known as 'Erna' in Berlin's red light districts, anbd who anyuone could BANG for a few Reichsmarks ? NOW you come to tell me I and the Führer look like complete IDIOTS ? NOW, Helldorf ? It had to be NOW ?"

Helldorf was sweating profusively. Goering had worked himself into a rage, and his deeply-set eyes were now pulsating with the kind of mad anger von Helldorf typically associated with rabid dogs. Except nobody would shoot this one, of course. Rabies were now the way to go if one wanted to survive in the Reich's corridors of power, which had already proven they could suddenly turn into a death row if one wasn't careful - or rabid - enough.

"Herr Feldmarschall, I, I mean, I have just been given the information, the inspector saw the pictures of the wedding, and overheard a conversation from one of his colleagues from Vice, and he immediately began to investigate. I am not sure what we can do about it now, and.."



Feldmarschall Hermann Goering, a man of many ambitions.

Goering's hand slapped him hard on his back, as the Luftwaffe's lord and master burst into a cruel laughter.

"My good von Helldorf, you'll do nothing. Nothing, you hear me ? You are a lucky man, Helldorf. Your services have been incompetent and careless in the extreme in this affair, but" he added with a ferocious grin "you unknowingly came to me at precisely the right time. Now listen to me, Helldorf, and remember your life is now at...my...mercy."

Walking back to his desk, Goering fell into his chair, looking at Helldorf in such a way the Colonel knew his life was in the balance.

"Helldorf, you will give me every copy of the documents, including the pictures' original film. You and that Kripo inspector will keep your mouths shut about all this, until I tell you differently. You'll make no mention of your visit to Keitel or to my office to anyone. I'll make sure General Keitel knows it would be best for him to be extremely discreet about the whole thing as well. You will live through the day, Helldorf. And through the next one. And through the next one. Probably. But you now belong to me. Keep that in mind. Dismissed"

As a shaken von Helldorf exited his office, closing the thick padded doors behind him, Goering began to think. For quite a long time he had coveted the title of overall commander of the German forces, but his ambitions had always ran into the wall of the War Ministry's and the General Headquarters's Prussian stubbornness.

These Prussian Generals, he mused, scowling. They think the armed forces belong to them, and they have the gall to fight me daily about resource allocation, personnel status, production, everything. Even the Führer has to fight them, as these old windbags, of all people, have become sissy about waging wars. France, they say. England, they say. The Americans, they say.

Goering knew war had to come, as a natural phenomenon which ensured stronger nations broke free of the limitations imposed to them by smaller, lesser ones. Two months before, he had attended a conference at the War Ministry during which Colonel Hossbach, the Führer's military adjutant, had laid it plain and simple in front of the Generals. War had to come, and to come quick, because while Germany was strong now, its adversaries were rearming fast. At some point Germany's production would reach its peak, while its enemies would still increase theirs. Germany's position would then erode, and eventually would become untenable. No sooner had Hossbach given this conference that the Prussian Generals had made a list of objections. Not enough troops, not enough guns, not enough planes, not enough tanks, not enough forts...

Bullshit. Not enough balls, that's what it is. That's what it has always been. But now, through a most benevolent Fate, I, Hermann Goering, have the tool which is going to make me the next War Minister. And my first decision will be to go to war. Isn't that what the damn thing was made for in the first place ?

Alone in the silence of his vast office, Goering roared in laughter.

****************​

Berlin, a café on the Alexanderplatz, January the 25th, 1938

Flashing an appropriately seductive smile to her companion, who was sipping his beer, the elegant young woman circled the short paragraph with a fountain pen and pushed the cheap blue draft paper toward him. Putting down his beer bock out of the way, he picked up the paper and looked at it quizzically.

The circled paragraph read : "After a long and distinguished military career, in service of the Reich, Feld-Marschall von Blomberg has asked to be relieved of all of his official position and to be allowed to retire, effective today. The Reichskanzlerei has expressed his regrets to let von Blomberg go, and has published a communiqué retracing von Blomberg's many accomplishments since his nomination as War Minister."

"Heavens, Charlotte !" muttered the man "When will it be official ?"

Taking a bite of her almond cake, the blond woman mused how much she should tell her companion. It was always so exhausting, she thought, to play this little "what should he know" game, but she had no illusion as to what would happen if a name or information was carelessly dropped in conversation.

"Tomorrow. This is a copy of the blue paper the Propaganda Ministry sent to newspapers editors, to tell them what they must publish. We also send red ones, about things they must not publish, but I couldn't have access to those. Note that there is no mention of a successor"

"Indeed" said the man, who had immediately noted this traditional bit of information was missing. "Is that significant ?"

"We...think so." replied Charlotte, looking quickly around to make sure no one was giving them more attention than a couple of lovers out for a cake and a beer should normally get. The waiters were busy at the bar, and the closest customer was an old bespectacled man with a thick brush of a moustache a few tables away, drinking small glasses of liquor and immersed in a book about archeology.

"Who would be the normal successor ?" asked the man, taking Charlotte's hand in his. Sometimes his job really had some perks, he thought with a smile, as she pretended to blush and gently rebuke an overzealous lover.

"General von Fritsch", she replied. "But there is no word about him, nor any sign he's about to change jobs. And there has been a lot of ruckus at the Prop Ministry, at the upper echelons"

"How upper ?" he asked, his eyes locked into her beautiful blue stare.

"The uppest you can think of"

"Strange. I'll pass it on. I think we'd better go, now. You mustn't be late at work, and I too have a lot of things to do" the man said, leaving a few Reichsmarks on the table.

As he helped her put her coat on. As Charlotte buttoned it, she felt the envelope in the coat's pocket. Even though she was always expecting him to put it there, she never noticed anything.

Talk about being sleight of hand, she thought, half-wondering if there was more than pretense in his eyes when he assumed the role of a lovelorn admirer. On this pleasant thought she exited the café, holding his arm.

As they turned the corner of the street, the old man rose with a speed that belied his age and his supposed degree of intoxication. The book swiftly disappeared into his pocket, as did the thick spectacles and he strode quickly towards the door.

"Whoa, not so fast, mein Herr, not so fast" said an heavyset middle-aged waiter, intercepting him near the door and blocking his way out "YOu have 'forgotten' to pay for that last Schnapps, my friend"

"Get out of my way, you idiot !" snarled the man, looking through the cafés many windows to try to see where the couple had gone.

"Yeah ? Let's see some money first, shall we ?" said the waiter, who after ten years working in pubs and cafés knew all a man ever cared to know, and even a little more, about thieves who thought they could drink for free.

Fumbling in his pockets, the man finally flashed a small metallic disc.

"So, Dummkopf, do you think that's enough for your goddamn Schnapps ? Or do you want more ?" fumed the not-so-elderly man.

Blanching, the waiter immediately stepped away from the café's door.

"Yes sir, no sir, sorry sir". The disc had born no name on it, just a number and two words. But these words were already well known in Germany.



Badge of dishonor

Storming off the café, Major Reiner Mueller, of the Geheime Staatspolizei, more known and feared as the sinister Gestapo, looked around him. He spotted the man he had been following earlier climbing into a taxi, but there was no other cab in sight, and he didn't want to alert his target, particularly since he hadn't had time to get rid of the fake moustache or to revert his coat. The man was not his primary target anyway. Not anymore.

Damn that stupid waiter ! he fumed. I wanted the woman, and now she has gone. Who was she ?
 
CHAPTER 23 : DISHONORABLE DISCHARGE

Berlin, headquarters of the Gestapo, January the 27th, 1938


What a haughty little twit thought SS-Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler, waiting for an answer as Reinhard Heydrich, head of the Gestapo and in this respect his subordinate, was fastidiously picking up a speck of dust from his uniform. Heydrich was casually sitting on the corner of his desk, brushing the sleeve of his uniform.

Around them, Himmler's office looked almost Spartan - or would have been if the Spartans had indulged into Germanic mythology and modern management charts. A few paintings represented Himmler, Siegfried and Arminius, but the rest of the decoration was devoted to representing the complicated and often nebulous hierarchies that, woven together, composed the SS. Contrary to some Nazi official's offices, such as Goering's, this one was a place designed for work, which, given the kind of work Himmler had in mind, only made it scarier.

"So ?" Himmler finally asked again as neutrally as he could, knowing full well that was exactly what Heydrich wanted. The man loved his little mind games, always playing cat-and-mouse with his superiors and subordinates alike. Even his sitting on the desk, towering over Himmler, was one of the little ways in which he liked to remind his boss who was the taller, the leaner, the fitter one of the two.

One of these days I should make sure he has an accident mused Himmler. I really should.

Even though he, Himmler, was one of the most feared men in Nazi Germany, there was something about Heydrich that always made him uneasy. His langorous posture hid an uncommon appetite for power, something Himmler was very familiar with, but also for blood - and there, Himmler always felt a little lost. Always the first to recommend brutal solutions, Himmler felt queasy at the actual sight of blood and direct violence. To Heinrich Himmler, the best form of violence was to devise a policy which would enslave or annihilate a nation. Not to Heydrich. Heydrich was a different kind of animal. To Heydrich, Himmler strongly suspected, violence was not a means to an end. It was a personal vice, from which the tall and pale man derived some kind of sensuous pleasure. As such, his association with Heydrich always gave Himmler the feeling he was skating on thin, very thin ice, under which dark, bottomless waters were waiting for one little mishap to swallow him whole and spit out his cadaver.



Reinhardt Heydrich, the ambitious Head of the Gestapo

"So, Herr Reichsführer, Goering has swallowed it all, bait, sinker and line, to make a long story short. When he saw the file we have compiled on General von Fritsch, he practically snatched it from my hands in his haste to read the damaging material"

"Of course he did. Didn't I tell you he would ?" replied Himmler, his thin lips turning into an almost benign smile. He liked to remind Heydrich that there was no fooling him - partly to boast, partly as a friendly warning.

"The Gestapo has done a splendid job on that one, I think." said Heydrich, instantly freezing Himmler's smile. He had a way of saying things in such a way that seemed to both agree with Himmler and to correct his assertions.

He's so easy to play on thought Heydrich, looking at the ridiculous little man Fate had seen fit to give the responsibility of protecting the Aryan race. Behold the one true knight of the Aryan race ! Short, pot-bellied, balding, and with this grotesque absence of chin. Not to mention the intellectual vivacity of a roast chicken, of course. Heinrich, Heinrich, you poultry farmer, what are we going to do of you ? And more importantly,what am I going to do TO you ?

"The documents have been written as per the draft you sent me, Herr Reichsführer" said Heydrich, throwing his boss a bone. "They state that the Kriminalpolizei has arrested a man of very dubious reputation, names Hans Schmidt, whose principal mean of existence is to spy on homosexuals and blackmail them, threatening to denounce them to the police, as such deviant behavior is liable to land them in jail, or worse. Anyway, this Schmidt scum has been briefed as planned, and will claim that General von Fritsch has been paying him money for the past few years to keep quiet about his inverted and degenerate tastes."



Old-School General Baron von Fritsch, a pawn in a complicated power play

"Sehr Gut." said Himmler, slowly nodding approval like a teacher rewarding a gifted pupil. He knew Heydrich hated to be patronized. "Now that Goering has the documents, and that I led him to believe Blomberg recommended von Fritsch as his successor, he will go straight to the Reichskanzlerei and ask to see the Führer."

"As a matter of fact he already has, two hours ago. One of his drivers works for me." replied Heydrich, his voice betraying deep satisfaction.

This gave Himmler some pause, and he took off his glasses to hide his alarm and allow himself a few seconds to mull this information over.

You little piece of shit, you were supposed to come here immediately after giving the papers to the Fatso. What have you done during those two hours ?



Heinrich Himmler, overzealous Führer of the SS

"Well. Have you made sure von Fritsch gets informed about the accusations ?" he asked, putting his round glasses back on, affecting impassibility and inwardly wondering, for the umpteenth time, how much longer he could really depend on his dangerous subordinate.

"Yes, through Colonel Hossbach, the Führer's own military adjutant. I presented it to him as a lowly attempt by Goering to throw mud at a possible rival, of course." said Heydrich, dismissively.

"Of course. Excellent job, Reinhardt" said Himmler, who after due consideration felt the need to extend an olive branch. If he and Heydrich had played their cards right, the SS would score not one, but two major victories in the next few hours. Annoying as Heydrich may be, and dangerous as he certainly was, Himmler didn't want personal antipathies, however deep, to spoil their chances.

There will be plenty of time later for you to have an unfortunate accident, my oh so dear Reinhardt he thought, picking up a dagger-shaped letter opener. At the edge of his conscience, there was a terrible urge to stab Heydrich's thigh, which was resting a few centimeters away, and to watch him bleed white. That, he knew, would be one very welcome exception to his personal dislike for direct violence. Feeling the tip of the letter opener with his thumb, he fought back the untimely impulsion.

"You see, Reinhardt" continued Himmler, still toying with the letter opener, " tonight we will kill two birds with the same muddy stone. The accusations contained in the documents we have made available will look solid enough for the Führer to eliminate von Fritsch. You know how he is about such, ah, personal issues. We'll thus get rid of this old-fashioned windbag of a General, who understands nothing to the Third Reich, and nothing to the great and noble mission the SS have volunteered for. Do you know von Fritsch has been blabbing all around Berlin about the SS, Reinhardt ? He even does it in front of foreign journalists, like that Shirer. We cannot tolerate this abuse any longer."

"And at the same time, Goering's monstrous accusations will be easily proven groundless in the next few days, when the Wehrmacht begins to investigate. They'll clear von Fristch's name, but even though they'll be too late to save him, it will still be soon enough to ruin Goering's chances to ever take control of the armed forces and the War Ministry" concluded Heydrich, eager to show he fully understood the extent of the plot. Half-turning towards his boss, he noticed the letter opener for the first time, along with the strangely vacuous look in Himmler's eyes. "Just as you planned, Herr Reichsführer", he concluded, feeling it would be wise not to push Himmler too far for the time being.

"Exactly. Just as I planned. And best of all, while Goering will have totally alienated the Prussian Generals and the whole officer caste, we, Reinhardt, will look like their true friends."

"If I may ask the Herr Reichsführer" asked Heydrich in a rare display of formal politeness, as he stood up and walked a few steps away from the desk, "what about the War Ministry ? When all the mud finally settle and the waters clear up, who will be appointed as the head of the Bendlerstrasse ?"

"My dear Reinhardt" replied Himmler, leaning back in his chair "I meet the Führer often enough to know that he already has one name in mind..." Himmler stopped at that, smirking.

Let that ambitious bastard imagine that it's going to be me up there.
 
CHAPTER 24 : ALCHEMY

Paris, the Hotel Matignon, seat of the French government, January the 27th, 1938



Inside the walls of the Hotel Matignon, France's political future is in the making


"Good grief ! This is it, I can't take it anymore !" burst out de La Rocque, massaging his aching hand "The more you work for me, the less I can feel my hands ! I tell you, Henri, your middle name is 'paperwork', and your mission on this Earth is probably to make sure I end up with neither legs nor arms"

In front of France's Prime Minister, a stack of folders, piled up haphazardly by an increasingly impatient de la Rocque, seemed on the verge of collapsing. To de La Rocque's left, a neater but equally high stack was awaiting his ministerial signature. Inside, dozens of laws, decrees, projects, letters, and even autographed pictures, demanded to be signed. He had been doing that for the best part of the morning, and wondered how could anyone truly desire to land a job this strenuous and dreary task was such an important part of.

God, he's really tired thought Henri Richemont, the Prime Minister's Chief of Staff. And well, so am I.

It had been a gloomy, cold and dark day, and the copper banker's lamp which sat in the corner of de La Rocque's office had not been superfluous to shed some light on France's complicated government business.

"We have a few minutes before your next appointment, so I think we could take a break, mon Colonel" said Richemont. Like most of the old Croix de Feu hands, he used de La Rocque's military title over his civilian one that was employed by the rest of the staff. And like them, he made sure the newcomers always called him "Mr Prime Minister". That showed the newly appointed staff members, if they ever needed to be reminded the fact, that the "old guard" and the head of France's government went way back.

As de La Rocque painstakingly extirpated himself from his armchair, leaning on his cane, Richemont walked to the cupboard where he knew some liquor was kept.

"Things are getting tougher in Congress, Henri" said de la Rocque, as Richemont was filling two glasses with a fine Armagnac a Croix de Feu winegrower had sent four years earlier to celebrate the Colonel's election.

Christ, four years, really ? thought Richemont, startled. In some ways it felt like yesterday. And in some others, it felt like a thousand years. Shaking his head in amazement, he tried to focus on what de La Rocque had said.

Ah, yes, Blum, Daladier.

"Yes, mon Colonel. The Social Radicals have gained momentum with their so-called 'December Coalition', and they're now trying to occupy the center field. We should bring the PSF up to speed urgently if we don't want to be isolated in 1939" he said, walking to the desk to hand de La Rocque his glass.

"I too was wondering if it wouldn't be time for us to do a little coalition-building of our own" mused de La Rocque, rocking his glass gently and admiring the amber and golden tones of the fiery liquid.

"Well, there are some sympathetic Center-Right parties who are getting nervous about next year's elections, as they realize their funds won't be sufficient to really compete with us or the Social-Radicals. These could help us make inroads with Centrist voters, and be in a very favorable position in 1939" said Richemont, closing the cupboard.

"What about Flandin's Democratic Alliance ?" asked de la Rocque, referring to the Centrist party whose members sat on either side of the Assemblée Nationale, and to which President Albert Lebrun also belonged. "Flandin is tough on Germany, and tough on Communism. There could be chemistry between us on these issues, even if I know we don't see eye to eye about the economy"

"It is an option indeed, mon Colonel. But to win the DA sympathizers to our side, it's not just Flandin or Lebrun we have to get on board. They may be the public leaders of the Democratic Alliance, but the real driving force of the party is Paul Reynaud"


Paul Reynaud, a man on the move

"I know Reynaud. Great orator, can inspire people. So, let's try to seduce him, even if I understand his personal tastes push him more toward elegant and aristocratic dames than towards former aristocratic colonial officers" said de La Rocque, who felt in much better spirits now that the liquid fire of the Armagnac had burned its way down his throat.

"We certainly can, mon Colonel. But Reynaud holds a few potentially problematic causes very dear to his heart that he will undoubtedly demand guarantees about."

"Ah. Well, that was to be expected anyway" said de La Rocque, putting down his empty glass. "What causes does Mr Reynaud hold this dear?"

"First, he wants total and unconditional commitment to the defense of Czechoslovakia in case of German aggression" said Richemont, in an apologetic tone.

"Oh, bloody Hell ! Has our little Spanish adventure intoxicated these people?" exclaimed de La Rocque "Do they realize that the Spanish campaign cost us over two thousand soldiers, and revealed serious problems in our armed forces ? Do they realize that they're asking us to attack - and to attack alone ! - a country that has twice our population, three times our industrial base, and more than five times as many modern bombers than we have ? Do they realize that, for the next three years at least, our military stance towards Germany cannot be anything but defensive?"

"Well, mon Colonel, Reynaud does know all that" said Richemont. "Hence his second demand."

"Which is?" asked de La Rocque, bracing himself for the worst.

"He wants that de Gaulle general to be appointed either at the War Ministry or at the Ecole de Guerre, so we can build a fully mechanized army to conduct offensive operations if the need arises."

Before de la Rocque could answer, an usher knocked politely at the door, signaling the Prime Minister's next appointment.

"I beg your pardon, Mr Prime Minister, Mr Chief of Staff" said the middle-aged usher, "but Docteur Irène Joliot-Curie has arrived."

"We'll talk about that later, Henri", said de la Rocque, as he walked towards the door to welcome his guest.

As the stern-looking physicist walked into the office, the Prime Minister took her hand for an old-world baisemain.



May Irène and Frédéric Joliot-Curie usher France into a new age ?

"I am so glad to finally meet you, Doctor", he said, as he walked her to a leather armchair "but I am also deeply sorry to have kept you waiting. I am afraid politics these days has become nothing but terrible red tape. And to think they used to say politics was the art of possibilities!"

"I personally tend to think science, not politics, is the art of possibilities" said Irène Joliot-Curie, sitting down with a chiding smile that reminded de La Rocque of his childhood's governess. "But as it appears, both arts are required if the particular possibility I'd like to discuss with you is to be brought into existence."

"Really?" said de la Rocque, who was now bitterly regretting he hadn't taken the time to read his aides' memorandums about France's ongoing and emerging scientific programs. "Could you please tell me what this project you have in mind is about?"

"Alchemy, Mr Prime Minister" said Dr Joliot-Curie, who out of experience knew that some poetry always helped people understand what her domain of research was about. "No, really. It's about the transmutation of metals."

"You mean, like a Philosopher's stone?" asked a puzzled de la Rocque.

"Exactly. The project is all about alchemy. Oh, and about France harnessing almost unlimited power, of course."

Ten minutes later, Colonel de la Rocque was on the phone, while Dr Joliot was sipping a cup of coffee an usher had brought. "Henri", said de la Rocque urgently "Could you please come ? Yes, now. And cancel all my appointments, too."

Bloody Hell, he thought as he hung the phone up. Just like that? Bloody Hell.
 
CHAPTER 25 : A NEW COURSE

10, Downing Street, the office of the Prime Minister

Making a pause to let the arguments sink, Stanley Baldwin took a short sip of sherry. As he watched the liquid sloshing gently in the glass, he carefully observed the faces of his guests, trying to assess which way they would jump.



Stanley Baldwin, Britain's savvy yet unsavoury Prime Minister


"I personally concur with the conclusions of this memorandum, for all the aforementioned reasons", said Sir John Simon, who in this Cabinet handled both the Industry and Interior Ministries. Such arrangement was highly unconventional, but it had been felt, in the aftermath of last summer's violent general strikes, that industrial progress had to walk hand in hand with law and order, if it was to walk anywhere.

The so-called National Strike of 1937 had begun immediately after the Soviet-inspired coup in Spain, and had swept throughout the country like a brushfire. The coal mines had been hit first, and then the social agitation had spread to steel factories, shipyards, docks, and car factories. While most British workers had little truck with Communism, which in the United Kingdom hadn't managed to grow out of bourgeois-minded liberalism anyway, there had been enough unsettled social issues to fuel the fires of unrest for weeks, . The National Strike had presented the British government with a real threat to the still fragile recovery of the country's economy. The situation in some industrial towns had soon become very confrontational, making the use of public force unavoidable. Rapidly, there had been some legitimate concern that, given the lack of influence of the English Communist Party, the government would have no-one to actually negociate with, while industrial output would plummet. To many, 1937 was the Kingdom's gravest crisis since the Great War. To Stanley Baldwin, it was, quite the contrary, the Tories' finest hour.

Realizing that direct action against the workers would do little to hurt the Party on its left while strengthening it on its right and center, Baldwin had made a series of blunt speeches denouncing the fact the country's economy, and every Briton's savings, were being taken hostage by the irresponsible behavior of a fanatical minority "whose true allegiance laid farther east than Norwich". He had then made it clear that illegal strikes would be met by force whenever and wherever necessary, and that the occupation of industrial sites would simply not be tolerated. He had also appointed Sir John Simon, the respected Interior Minister, as head of the Industry Ministry, showing voters than the economy upon which their ways of existence depended would be defended. Still, it had taken weeks before police and army forces managed to wrestle back the control of the country's industrial centers.

If this harsh policy had given mixed results, unnecessarily polarizing some of the social conflicts and hampering every attempt to reach a general agreement on work conditions similar to what had happened in Italy or France three years earlier, it had put the Labour party on the defensive. And that, to a man like Stanley Baldwin, was more important than anything.



The 1937 National Strike, a defining moment in Britain's political life


"In my opinion, the documents we've just heard the conclusions of do ask the right questions" said Neville Chamberlain, Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a deliberately cautious tone "We face irresponsible social unrest, undesirable foreign influence, and unacceptable external threats. The question is, does the 'New Course' whose principles the Prime Minister just exposed give us the necessary answers to all this challenges ?"

With that question, Chamberlain's vivacious eyes jumped from guest to guest. As they finally settled on Baldwin, the Prime Minister read in them an unspoken promise - and a question.

I can pledge support to this new policy, but will you support me as your official successor when the time comes ?

Yes, I will, answered Baldwin silently, as he gave his Chancellor a short nod.

"I dare say it does !" finally said Chamberlain, to Baldwin's relief. "We appreciate Italian neutrality in the Mediterranean, and we were right not to endanger it by taking sides in the League of Nations about that minor Abyssinian crisis. No African tribal throne is worth putting the City of London upside-down, gentlemen. It is also wise and proper to seek Germany's friendship when not even a generation before our two Anglo-Saxon nations have bled so much for so little in return. We live through uncertain times, when yesterday's allies have turned into our mortal foes. Maybe we can make it happen that yesterday's deadly foes turn into tomorrow's allies ?"

"Oh, really, Neville ?" mumbled Foreign Minister Eden, loud enough to be heard and to earn a venomous glance from the Lord Chancellor.

"Last year's National Strike has shown us all where the real danger is" chimed in Simon, "and this year's terrible events have confirmed that the Soviet Union is a far greater threat to our nation, to any civilized nation in fact, than Germany can ever be. The Nazis certainly are dreadful people, using distasteful methods to bring back law and order in their country, but I'll remind you that Germany had a real revolutionary situation on their hands not so long ago. If our Cabinet hadn't intervened so boldly and so quickly last summer, we could have faced a similar plight, and I find it strange that so many people do not understand the gravity of the situation. And even stranger that so many others do not want to understand it"

That last sentence had been dropped with an oblique look to the young Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. It was well known Eden had serious reservations about the course the Cabinet had begun to chart for the United Kingdom, particularly on the diplomatic stage. Eden had welcomed the return of Germany on the international scene, but he found the Nazi regime particularly abhorrent, and its leaders no better than simple hoodlums. With the Third Reich flexing new muscle everyday, Eden had advocated seeking closer ties with Italy and France to revive the 'Stresa Front', but had faced strong opposition among the Cabinet. Since then, he had become increasingly critical during Cabinet meetings, and as such, he was now a man to watch, and a man closely watched indeed, particularly by the Prime Minister who knew Eden had been making contacts with his dangerous Tory rival Winston Churchill.

"Anthony", asked Baldwin amicably, "you seem to be awfully deep in thought. The 'New Course' we have been discussing tonight is a vast enterprise, which you'll understand requires cooperation of every branch of the government, particularly on the diplomatic stage. Could you share your thoughts with us ?"

What utter hypocrisy thought Eden. You know my opinion on the matter, and so would the nation if I was half as indiscreet as you when it comes to leaking information to the press.



Anthony Eden, Foreign Secretary

"I have heard, over the past few weeks, quite a few arguments in favor of this 'New Course' the Cabinet has been plotting" said Eden, "and I must say that while many were well-made, I found none to be compelling. The Memorandum does adress some issues about which I think we all are in agreement, but I must respectfully voice my complete disagreement with the general conclusions of this document"

That came as no surprise to Stanley Baldwin, who had long seen the moment when the young and rapidly rising Foreign Secretary would assert his independence.

Ah, Anthony, my dear boy. This Greek tragedy has been written long ago, and now all we can do is to play our part until its bitter end - yours, to be more precise.

"Really, Anthony." he said in the reasonable voice that was his deadliest weapon. "Could you please elaborate ? I can assure you this memorandum has been born out of months of due consideration on my part, and of exhaustive analysis from this country's sharpest minds", he concluded with an intrigued smile, half-raising his glass to Eden to cull him gently into voicing his opinions.

"I shall elaborate at once, Mr Prime Minister" said Eden stiffly, who by that sudden display of formality wanted to signal Baldwin he was aware of the trap. He was getting the impression this evening was going to be his last one in the Cabinet, and was rather surprised to feel nothing but elation at the prospect.

"First, this memorandum assumes that, for the coming five years, the greatest peril we will face shall be Soviet-inspired agitation, at home, in the Colonies, and in friendly countries and Dominions. I find the assertion highly unrealistic."

"The National Strike last year, and the Spanish crisis a few months ago prove this analysis is spot on !" interjected Sir John Simon.

"Thank you, Sir John, to remind me such unimportant moments I might have otherwise forgotten" replied Eden acidly, "but the Memorandum did not foresee these crisis. In fact, and unless I'm sorely mistaken, these events inspired the Memorandum, didn't they ?"

"Of course they did" said Chamberlain, dismissively "as these conflicts brought upon this nation its most severe crisis since 1914."

"And I am also aware of that, thank you very much, my Lord Chancellor" replied Eden. He did not like or trust Chamberlain, but he knew better than to cross swords with him directly. "But we shouldn't mistake an analysis for a forecast. What worries me is the temptation to read too much of our future in our recent past. A past crisis can all too easily hide the emergence of a future threat, and I humbly think it it is our duty as Cabinet members to see further than yesterday's newspapers"

"Threats, eh ? Look, Anthony, we do live in dangerous times" said Baldwin, trying to find the good attack angle. "But the course we're about to chart will attenuate the threats we're facing"

"Will it ?" mused Eden aloud. "I certainly hope so, though I keep my reservations about that. ushering in a new age of international cooperation among European nations is a generous idea indeed. But what if it fails, as so many generous intentions and so much well-wishing initiatives has failed so often since the Great War ? What if Italy embarks in yet another perilous adventure, this time at our expense ? What if Germany threatens our vital interests on the Continent ? Two years ago the re-claimed the Rhineland for their military"

"And it belonged to them, Anthony" said Simon.

"So did Alsace and Lorraine not so long ago, and so did Poland. Am I to understand this Cabinet now sees it as its mission to support German territorial claims ?"

Undaunted by the raised eyebrows of his colleagues, who clearly thought he was being over-dramatic, Eden went on.

"Secondly, this memorandum is a vibrant call to inaction. We did nothing when Germany reoccupied the Rhineland two years ago. We merely issued a warning - to France and Belgium, of all things, to discourage any dangerous initiative from their part. We chose not to intervene in the first Spanish civil war two summers ago. We preferred isolation and neutrality. Well, we were - and I personally was - wrong in those two occasions. Our failure to issue Germany a strong warning has planted the seeds for more territorial ambitions. Our failure to strengthen an emerging Spanish democracy could have brought upon us a Fascist Spain, and it did bring a Soviet Spain into existence. To put it bluntly, we played with the matches and got our fingers burnt, and we were lucky Spain's neighbors found it in their best interest to put out the fire. We all know why we stayed out of the fray this summer. Our armed forces are simply not up to the task, not through incompetence of lack of bravery, but because despite the fact our divisions are few and far between, they are under-trained, under-manned, under-equipped ! While Soviet Spain fielded over thirty infantry divisions, we have only thirteen currently operational to defend our shores and our colonial possessions !"

I'll have to remind some Generals not to meddle into politics, thought Baldwin sourly, who for quite some time had nurtured the strong suspicion some of high-ranking officers had been providing Eden with official statistics.

"Anthony" said Baldwin, who now had decided his Foreign Secretary would have to go first thing in the morning, "infantry divisions are by and large unimportant in this day and age. As the French have themselves discovered, the best use one can make of an army is to use it in a defensive posture, manning prepared positions, so as to deter an invasion, and to blunt any offensive until the attacking army's morale breaks up. The next war will be an air war, and it will be dominated by extensive bombing campaigns on the enemy industry, that will always go through air defense. Thanks to this Cabinet, Anthony, Great Britain will dominate this new battlefield."

Actually, Baldwin had embraced the "Bomber Party" mostly as a way to cut Winston Churchill down at the knees, for the ebullient politician was trying to gather rebellious Tories around his "Broken Covenant" platform, accusing every Cabinet of having let the air force lag behind its European counterparts. For the fourth consecutive year, he had given speeches quoting Germany's and France's recent investments in their plane industry and lamenting the British Cabinet hadn't done the same. With time, however, Baldwin had also found out the policy had many advantages. Depending on a limited number of planes and pilots, it was a very cost-efficient form of war, which the public loved because it didn't mean high taxes. Also, it sounded modern, almost futuristic, and thus it easily captured the public's attention.

"I dare say the French troops who have entered Spain last summer were not used in a defensive posture, Mr Prime Minister" said Eden in exasperation. "And it is distressing that the British foreign policy should rely on, or even depend upon, French willingness to fight our enemies. Nothing indicates France will keep doing us this favor, gentlemen, and even if it was the case I'd prefer our policy not so dependent on foreign favors - be that from France, or, God forbid, from Nazi Germany we seem to court so much these days"

His face reddening with anger, Chamberlain half-rose from his chair, his eyes turned cold, for these last words were clearly aimed at him. Now knowing he'd have to resign his position first thing of the morning, Eden had decided to burn every bridge. And this one, he had to admit, he particularly enjoyed burning.

Two days before, Chamberlain had received a delegation of German industrialists eager to invest in Britain, in a variety of domains, ranging from chemistry to mineral imports. Baldwin, Eden knew, wanted to extend Germany a friendly hand, a hand that would hold mutually profitable contracts. These contracts would help defuse the social conflicts by providing work for British workers, and would also help British firms secure markets they particularly needed now that France, Spain, Italy, Argentina, and even the United States, had significantly slowed down trade with the United Kingdom since the Great Depression. Even though he recognized the necessity to do business with even such an uncivilized regime in times of peace, Eden thought Chamberlain had done himself and the British Empire a great disservice by being so blatantly and publicly pro-German during that visit that he had seemed subservient to many observers.



Neville Chamberlain, the astute Chancellor of the Exchequer, shows a copy of the first Anglo-German Trade Agreement as he announces "Prosperity in our time"

"I see" said Baldwin, taking a puff off his pipe. "Well, as I said, I am sure you understand the success of this New Course, and in fact the success of our every policy, depends on the Cabinet's unanimous adhesion and sincere solidarity. I think, Anthony, that it'll be best to announce your decision no sooner than Monday."

Turning away from Eden, who now no longer had an existence in Baldwin's eyes, and towards Chamberlain, he added :

"Now, Neville, I think it's time to signal your friends in the City that we look forward, with great impatience, to the establishments of tighter economical relationships with Germany. I've heard some contracts, which had been signed on with French firms, are soon to be re-negotiated. Tell them we see nothing but advantages that they consider German partners this time"

Looking into Chamberlain's eyes, Eden shook his head slowly.

"Well, Gentlemen" concluded Baldwin, rising to his feet, "I think we can call it a day. We all have a lot to do tomorrow !"

As the sedan cars who had been waiting outside began picking up his guests, Baldwin touched Chamberlain's elbow.

"One last word, Neville. See if your friends in Fleet Street can prepare some articles about our overzealous friend over there" he said, pointing his pipe towards Eden's disappearing car "He admitted to have been wrong about Spain tonight ? Then present him as the man who lost us Spain and France, for example."
 
CHAPTER 26 : THE VIENNA GAMBIT


Paris, the Hotel Matignon, seat of the French government, February the 7th, 1938

"As you can see, Mr Prime Minister" said René Nicolau, head of the Service de Documentation Extérieure, the French intelligence service he had reorganized thoroughly over the past three years, "the picture is pretty bleak"

He was sitting in a comfortable chair, facing de la Rocque's desk, where the Prime Minister was sitting, his chin resting on his joined hands. Behind the Prime Minister's desk stood Henri Richemont, looking pale and exhausted, but always present at the Colonel's side as befitted his role of political bodyguard. Sipping a cup of coffee in a nearby chair, Joseph Paganon, the Interior Minister, jotted down a few notes. The meeting felt all the more confidential since, beyond the circle of yellow light diffused by the banker's lamp on de La Rocque's desk, the rest of the office was plunged in darkness.



SDE Director René Nicolau : the information he brings on this 7th of February does not bode well for European peace


"I can't believe the Italians are ready to accept Germany's outiright annexation of Austria, so shortly after Stresa !" said de la Rocque, genuinely shaken by the news he just had been delivered. Three years earlier, France, the United Kingdom and Italy had solemnly reaffirmed in the Italian city of Stresa that while they desired a normalization of their relationships with Germany, there were a number of thresholds they would not allow Berlin to cross. One of such thresholds was for Germany to threaten in any way the existence of an independent Austria, despite the ruckus caused by local Nazis who, probably under orders issued from Berlin, regularly demanded a political union between Austria and the Reich.

"Mussolini looks at Nazi Germany with mixed feelings of envy and apprehension" replied Nicolau "In the end he probably won't risk Italy for the sake of the Viennese Chancellery."

Getting up with the usual sharp twinge of pain, the French Prime Minister walked to the window. He always had got the impression that walking helped him think things through, as if it freed the brain from the burden of lesser thoughts to let it focus on the issue at hand. Even as a young officer in Morocco, he had always devised his best operational plans, command decisions and even official communiqués when walking or riding - once his body was busy doing something, he felt, it stopped bothering his mind. Still, there was little to remind him of Morocco these days. His reflection in the window left little doubt that the dashing young colonial officer had faded away long ago, and instead of an infinite sea of sand dunes the landscape he could see was a series of black roofs under a dark grey sky. Yet another cold and bleak day had seized Paris, and all of France, in its grip.

Thank God the French people is happily unaware of how colder and bleaker things could quickly become, mused the Prime Minister.

A few days earlier, de la Rocque had gone to a military ceremony to honor the thousands of French and Spanish soldiers, sailors and aviators who had fallen in the course of the recent campaign beyond the Pyrénées, and for the first time he had been crushed by the scope of his responsibility. In the good old days of his early thirties, he only commanded a few hundred soldiers, whom he more or less ended knowing personally. Now he could send to battle and possible death millions of French soldiers he would never know, and he was shocked to discover how easy it all was. Such a power, he felt, could easily intoxicate a man if he ever let his guard down, and he was deeply troubled to realize there was a part of him who wanted to do just that.




Prime Minister François de la Rocque

"I've read your reports, René, and I've read the Quai d'Orsay's" de la Rocque finally said, turning around to face his chief intelligence officer. "How come they don't agree on what's going on in Rome?"

De la Rocque was born to lead a regiment, and while he had, through fate and luck and some personal talent managed to elevate himself to the point he was now commanding a whole nation, he remained largely ignorant of the delicate ballet of diplomacy and the deadly dance of intelligence operations. Still, he was annoyed, and concerned, by the discrepancy between Laval's report and Nicolau's. His instinct was telling him something was very wrong there, and that such a discrepancy could become almost as important as the issues debated in the contradictory reports.

"Can I speak frankly, mon Colonel ?" said Nicolau, who also felt the Prime Minister had hit a particularly sensitive nerve. Behind the desk, Richemont straightened up, sensing too that something important was going on, and doing his best to bring his tired mind up to speed. Paganon put down his cup and crossed his legs, trying to remember the latest police reports his services had sent to his Place Beauveau office.

"Bloody Hell, René, this is exactly what this Republic pays you for !" snapped de la Rocque, who wanted his subordinates to go straight to the point and leave the hand-wringing to him, if any such thing was ever necessary.

"The fact is, most of my Italian intelligence comes from our diplomatic staff there. My sources are commercial attachés, who say Italian firms are becoming ambivalent about making business with Austria, military attachés, who say the Italian army hasn't moved one single unit near the Austrian border, and senior diplomats, who clearly tell me Hitler is wooing Mussolini, promising German investments and military supplies in exchange for Italy's acquiescing to the annexation. And then of course you have my own agents, quite a few of which have been sent to Italy since the 1934 naval crisis."

"Wait a minute, if middle-level diplomats have been your main source of information, how come the Quai d'Orsay top officials have stayed completely silent about all this ?" asked Richemont, to give his boss more time to think, and more information to mull. "They're supposed to be our official eyes and ears in Italy, they should have been the ones alerting us in the first place."

"That's the problem, Henri." said Nicolau, looking down at his shoes. "They have received...instructions to stay silent"

"Instructions ?" said de la Rocque, who had walked to his desk to light a cigarette."From whom ?"

"From the upper echelons of the Quai d'Orsay. From Laval himself - and that, might I add, is the careful opinion of Ambassador François-Poncet, our most experienced diplomatic officer in Germany."

"From Laval ?" spat de la Rocque, pointing his cigarette at Nicolau, "That's pure madness!"

"Yes, Mr Prime Minister" said Nicolau, "or so my informers say". While he liked intrigue and the world of espionage, he always felt ill at ease when it came to the ever-bickering world of French politics. "But François-Poncet is quite certain that his colleagues in Rome and Vienna are under a gag order from the Quai, and he thinks that means Pierre. Only he has the authority to silence senior ambassadors"

"The little bastard ! The miserable little bastard !" exploded de la Rocque, sitting down to stub his cigarette ragingly.

"Mon Colonel" said Richemont carefully "I think the situation is pretty clear. One, Laval does not want the 'Stresa Front' to come unglued publicly so fast, not after his boasts about his pieceing it together two years ago. Two, Laval has many close contacts in Italy, and I think he's hedging his bets by not giving their game away - one day he might need them, for official or personal business."

"Three, and I think it's the most important reason", intervened Paganon, "I think Laval is probably about to jump ship soon, just before next year's elections". That immediately earned him everyone's rapt attention.

Not too shabby for a feeble sick man, eh ? he thought, coldly amused.

Though still convalescing after a severe illness last November, and supposed to rest, the Radical transfuge had made it clear he did not want to spend the coming few months trainspotting in his native Isère. Seeing Richemont nod approvingly, he pressed on.


Joseph Paganon, France 's convalescing Interior Minister

"I'm sure Pierre has already struck a deal with Blum and Daladier, to swing the pendulum in favor of the Social-Radicals. Some of my Renseignement Généraux inspectors have told me Daladier has been seen leaving his provincial manor last month. And that he may have visited Blum too. Such visits are perfectly normal, almost routine, and I did not think much of the reports then, but now that René has this new information..."

"I think this is very significant, Mr Prime Minister" added Nicolau, scratching his chin. "Pierre always liked the backroom deals, we all know it. I must say his staying silent on such an important issue - not to mention his silencing our diplomats - is by itself a strong indication about the way Italy is certainly about to jump, if we do not act quickly"

"The miserable little bastard !" repeated de la Rocque, trying to calm down. "He struck a deal with Riché even before I had entered the Assemblée Nationale, and we let him come to us even though he was probably one of the most corrupt politician the Third Republic had to offer ! And now that we've given him a new virginity, he jumps into Daladier's bed ?"

"Mon Colonel, we had little choice" said Richemont, who knew there was no better way to fuel his boss' growing rage. "Laval was the only experienced foreign minister we could get hold of, and he has served us well, blunting Daladier's attacks and isolating Action Française nostalgics."

"I served France well, too, Henri, I even got shot for her, but that does not mean I have earned the right to lead her astray whenever I feel like it !" replied the fuming Prime Minister. "Laval must go, and go as much in disgrace as it can be arranged without weakening our position at home and abroad."

Betrayal, betrayal, betrayal everywhere ! Is politics ever about something else ? wondered de la Rocque, angrily blaming himself for having trusted Laval for so long.

Anger was a useful force, in his opinion, if one knew how to harness it. It could push you forward, or it could drag you into the pits. As he was contemplating the woordwork of his desk, building up a dam to contain his anger and turn it into something else, he was also vaguely aware the decision he was about to take would owe as much to politics as it would to his personal sense of morality. He knew himself too well to deny the fact he had often allowed political savvy to out-vote his conscience since the 1934 elections. And even before. But he consoled himself by thinking the coming decision, as politically necessary as it was, would also be a much-deserved one.

I may have done my part of dirty tricks, he thought, but I've never stooped that low.

"Joseph", he said, looking up at his Interior Minister, "can you please see what kind of dirt and information his Renseignements Généraux have about Laval ? Discreetly of course. I want him ousted of this government before the end of next week. Which brings the issue of his successor. Henri, you were telling me about Paul Reynaud last week, I think ? Reynaud would be, in my opinion, a very good candidate to run the Quai d'Orsay, now that the stakes are getting higher. make sure he knows it's not about spreading the good word and making friends anymore, Henri. It's about telling the world what France will not tolerate, and about seeing who's with us. Call Reynaud, and tell him I'll be reasonably flexible about Czechoslovakia, and quite open to suggestions about his de Gaulle protégé."

"Right away, mon Colonel", said Richemont, closing the office's door behind him.

"Now, René, let's have a look at the big picture."

"Mon Colonel, it's a simple picture, if not a pleasant one. Germany has been encouraging Nazi agitation in Austria for the past three years, wanting to force this country, which already has all the signs of a dictatorship, into political and maybe even territorial assimilation with the Reich. In 1935, we were able to deter Germany because we had superior military force and because England and Italy sided with us. England, if I am to believe our embassy in London, has fallen in love with German money and won't lift one finger - if they don't lecture us about not meddling in other countries' affairs, that is. Italy seems to be ambivalent about the whole adventure, but the Fascist Cabinet is ready to give Hitler a blank check. The 'Stresa front' is no more, Germany's forces are probably in better shape than ours as of now, so the annexation of Austria, the Anschluss as they call it, is now a matter of weeks. Unless, of course, we manage to pull out a second Stresa."

"Now, René, I may be an old stiff neck of a colonial cavalry officer" said de la Rocque after a short pause, "but I'm not deaf yet. That's two 'unlesses' in ten minutes. What do you mean when you say Italy would jump a certain way, unless we act fast ? You actually sound like you have a something up your sleeve."

"Well, yes, sir, I have something. A hidden ace, but a dangerous one. To use it, we have to be ready to take some heat, a lot of it actually, because there won't be anything, any noble cause to hide behind, Mr Prime Minister. There might be, there will be Hell to pay."

As if there ever was such a thing as a free lunch, thought de la Rocque, frowning. He sighed and reached for another cigarette.

"Tell me more."

"Have you ever visited the Vatican's Library, Mr Prime Minister?" asked Nicolau, looking down at his shoes with a little smile.​

 
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CHAPTER 27 : THE ITALIAN OPENING

Rome, the Vatican City, February the 18th, 1938

Even though it was his first visit to the Holy See, the visitor tried not to look too much around. He had a mission, and didn't want to let his admiration for the marvels that were all around him distract him from the task he had to accomplish. Instead, he focused on the neck of the young priest who was guiding him through the immense tiled corridors, the many galleries lined up with Renaissance masterpieces, and the colossal marble stairways.


The Vatican City, a place of devotion and intrigue​

If God really had a home on this valley of tears, this one would be it, thought the impressed visitor.

He loved Italy, and used every opportunity to visit its fabulous cities. Even though he was himself fiercely patriotic, to a point the word "chauvinistic" could not even begin to represent, he always felt humbled by the Italian peninsula. His country might be bigger, and richer, he felt like a country bumpkin visiting his more civilized and sophisticated relatives. His forefathers, he knew, had resisted, and sometimes fought the civilization that came from the very city he was in, but eventually they had come to embrace it. And as a result, they had become wiser, stronger, better men.

And now, I am to bring civilization back to where it belongs, he mused. How fitting.

As he was approaching the office of the man he had been sent to meet, he caught by a window a glimpse of a gigantic banner the Fascist government had put up to celebrate some accomplishment or other, and praise Italy's Duce for his leadership. The visitor had to admit he had ambivalent feelings about Fascism. It certainly had an appeal to men like himself, who wanted order above all things, and considered maintaining it was the first, if not only duty of any society. And of course Fascism opposed Communism, which was anathema to the visitor and his friends.

I wonder if Chaumont has found them already ? thought the man, feeling a pang of guilt. What he was about to set in motion would be, in many ways, a betrayal of some of his former ideals. And of some of his former friends, of course. Surrounded by so many treasures from the past, he thought of his long-forgotten ancestors.

They, too, had to turn their back on their old ideals, loyalties, and friends. Maybe there is no other way to achieve great changes than to change ourselves he thought, knowing he was trying to justify himself.
No sooner had the young priest knocked softly at the door that another one opened it. As his young guide stepped away, looking down, the visitor entered a beautiful office, dominated by two oaken bookcases stamped with the Vatican coat of arms, placed on each side of a large desk. Over the small but exquisite desk, he could see a breath-taking painting from the Titian representing the Assumption. In front of the desk, coming to greet him was Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli, the Pope's personal secretary, the Holy See's Secretary of State and, if the rumors the man had heard were true, a serious contender for St Peter's throne.


Cardinal Pacelli, the Vatican's Foreign Minister​

Though a middle-sized man, cardinal Pacelli always impressed his guests. His high forehead and piercing eyes announced a man of uncommon intelligence. Coupled with an equally uncommon decisiveness and seconded by an encyclopedic memory, that intelligence made Eugenio Pacelli a difficult, and possibly dangerous man to negociate with.
"Good morning, Général" he said amicably in lightly accentuated French, affecting an air of modesty. "I trust you have enjoyed your short visit of our city ? I gather it's your first, and I regret it shall be such a brief one. Please be seated, I have coffee waiting for you". as his young secretary was filling two cups of strong, black coffee.

"Your Eminence is too kind" replied Loustaunau. On a quick gesture by the Cardinal, the Cardinal's secretary left the office, closing the door behinf him.

Does he already know everything ? wondered Général Georges Loustaunau-Lacau, as he sat down. That wouldn't have surprised him too much. He could hear the secretary's footsteps fading away in the long corridor.

"To put you completely at ease", said Pacelli, who had gone back behind his desk, "I must say I've had a few conversations with some of our Church's ministers in France, who have been approached - oh, very discreetly don't worry - by your government."

"Then, your Eminence, you know that I hope to be able to meet..." began Loustaunau.

"Do not worry, Général" interrupted Pacelli softly, raising a hand as if that subject wasn't important. "The person you're so eager to meet is here, in our Library, where he has safely worked for, goodness, ten years now. You must understand, Général, that I take a particular interest in that enterprise. Beyond the scope of your, ah, project, which is already of immense proportions, of course. You see, this man is...you could say he's my protégé, and a very important part of some plans the Roman Catholic Church has for Europe and the Christian world in general".

"I understand, your Eminence. I am aware of some of these plans" said Loustaunau, wanting to show he wasn't just an errand boy sent by Paris.

"Oh, I know you do, Général. After all, not so long ago, you were a part of them, weren't you ?" said Pacelli, with a thin smile. "You and the various, ah, groups you were trying to patch up together. Please do not be alarmed, my dear Général. Your government does not know what I know, and we'll make sure they stay in the dark, won't we ? It's better this way. Better for everybody."

Général Loustaunau felt a sudden shiver run up his spine. The quiet and soft-spoken man in front of him had, quite literally, the power to put him in front of a firing squad. Well, maybe not a firing squad, when one considered how things had turned out in France in the past few years, but he had had some very questionable activities indeed, activities even the current government might find tantamount to high treason. Who would want to make this kind of bet anyway?



Général Georges Loustaunau-Lacau, a man between a rock and hard place of his own making

"I am glad to hear that, your Eminence", replied Loustaunau-Lacau with evident sincerity, his voice dripping with relief. Eager to drop the subject and broach other topics, he took a quick sip of his coffee.

"I understand emissaries from the French government have approached your Eminence to present you, in the strictest confidentiality, the broad lines of the plan I have been charged to implement here in Italy. I also came today to meet you, your Eminence, and to ask you this simple and yet terrible question : will you support us?"

"I must say the Holy See has been most pleased by the course of events in France over the past four years." said Pacell impassively, leaning back in his chair. His eyes remained focused on his cup of coffee, his head slowly nodding, as if trying to read the future in the dark beverage. The General's question still hung in the air between the two men, unanswered.

"While we had little sympathy for Spain's Socialist government, the Bolshevist coup that followed was even more abhorrent to us, and the Holy Father has seen with great pleasure your government's decision to intervene. Now that Spain been brought back onto the right track largely thanks to French bayonets, one could say we owe France one country. And that is why we are ready to play along , and help you with the implementation of your scheme."

"I see" said Loustaunau. Now the hard part of the business could begin, as soon as Chaumont could locate and enlist a certain group of exiled Frenchmen.

"Provided we can find an agreement about the 'Intermarum" project of course" gently warned Pacelli.

"Of course, your Eminence" replied Loustaunau-Lacau, who had been extensively briefed about the Vatican's great geopolitical project. He was not sure it actually was feasible, but there was no point in voicing his reservations now.

Heavens, Georges, you really are in the middle of History, now he thought, feeling a bit dazzled by this twist of Fate. Not so long ago you plotted with all kinds of people, from rich industrialists to exalted Royalists and mere assassins, and now you're playing chess with the next Pope, moving nations like so many pawns, pushing Communism into a checkmate.

Général Loustaunau-Lacau had always thought it was his duty, maybe even his mission on Earth, to fight Bolshevism. It was an ideology that disgusted him thoroughly as a Christian, as a Conservative, and as an officer of the French Army. In the early 1930s, when the Communist Party, which was on the rise, began to organize clandestine cells all over France to subvert the institutions and above all the French Army, Loustaunau had organized anti-Communist cells. These he dubbed the "Corvignolles Network", whose first mission was to detect and eradicate Communist influence in every barrack, in every town where a regiment was deployed. In the end, neither the Communist cells nor their avowed enemies had really been able to influence the French Army, but his ebullient activity had signaled Loustaunau to the attention of many men, including the very influential Cardinal Pacelli.

"Have you finished your coffee, Général ?" politely asked Pacelli, getting up and brushing the sleeves of his episcopal attire. "Good. Let's go meet the man you must be impatient to see."


The Vatican Library, a place where many secrets lie - and where some are stirring in their sleep.

Again, as they walked through splendid Renaissance galleries, General Loustaunau tried to focus on what he would tell to the Italian he had been sent to. According to Nicolau, the man could be the key to a friendlier Italy, maybe even to a Franco-Italian alliance. He certainly had the right credentials. The man had been arrested by the Fascists shortly after they seized power in 1922, and only constant interventions from various Roman Cardinals had him released from the new regime's jails. To protect him from further trouble, the episcopate had given him a job in the Vatican City, where the Fascist police could not intervene. Placed by Fate at the heart of the Italian capital, and protected by the Vatican who knew all about his activities, the man had immediately begun to develop a network of Conservative anti-Fascists for such a time when Mussolini's hold over Italy would relax and disintegrate.

And now, in one of Fate's little ironies, General Loustaunau-Lacau who had always shown some sympathy for Fascism had been sent to usher in these times, earlier than expected.

Pushing a large door, Pacelli guided the General into the vaulted Vatican Library. Again, Loustaunau looked around in wonder at all the precious volumes, centuries-old, glittering with gold and silver. He could have spent days there, just marveling at every detail of the vaulted ceilings, at the decorated colmuns, at the paintings decorating the walls. And at the books.

Let's make History before enjoying it, right ? First things first, duty calls, he thought.

At a table, a middle-aged man was waiting, a younger assistant sitting a few steps behind him. As Pacelli stopped in front of the table, he flourished his hands and said :

"Général Loustaunau-Lacau, let me introduce you to il signor Alcide de Gasperi, ex-member of the Austrian Parliament, ex-member of the Italian Parliament, and founder of the still clandestine Christian Democrat Party..."



Alcide de Gasperi, the key to modern Italy ?

Clapping his hands and rubbing them together, Pacelli turned towards Loustaunau with an astute smile on his usually severe face.

"And with your help, who knows, maybe our next Prime Minister ?"
 
CHAPTER 28 : USING THE PAWNS


A canal in Venice, February the 23rd, 1938, 10h35


Venice on the 23rd of February, 1938

"I tell you, soon they will eat in my hand ! In my hand !" shouted Benito Mussolini, laughing, turned towards his grinning son-in-law and Foreign Minister, who was seated behind him.

The four speedboats' engines were roaring so loudly, particularly when the naval motorcade passed under the city's many small bridges, that the passengers had to shout to the top of their lungs to try to exchange a few words. In the first boat, a squad of armed Blackshirts was providing security to the small convoy and would also form a guard of honor at the Villa Contini.

If they don't get seasick first, thought an amused Mussolini, as the speedboats were cutting corners at full speed.

Leaning back in the leather-covered seat, Italy's Duce looked at the nearby streets, where, at the behest of the local Fascist Party, people had gathered and were cheering and clapping. As a security measure, all canal traffic had been prohibited along the Duce's route, with chains and policemen ensuring that order was strictly implemented, and a similar interdiction had been issued about the bridges under which the Duce would pass. Still, Piazzi, the local Fascist leader had made sure the citizens of Venice would be present in large numbers in the streets, and at the Villa Contini, to cheer their Duce. Raising his chin up, looking fierce and resolute, he waved and extended his arm in a Fascist salute while the crowded cheered and saluted back. Behind him, Galeazzo Ciano was doing the same, a satisfied grin on his face.

I'll have to thank Piazzi, he really organized it well. thought Mussolini, who was really pleased by the warmth of his Venitian welcome. As soon as we leave the villa, I'll see to it.

Benito Mussolini hadn't been surprised by French ambassador Hubert Lagardelle's offer to hold talks about the Austrian situation during his visit to Venice, using the French Consulate. Austria's troubled situation had been dominating Europe's diplomatic scene for quite a long time, and only the French invasion of Soviet Spain had eclipsed it. Now that French troops were on their way home, Europeans were re-discovering that Austrian Nazis were still agitating, demanding concession after concession from the Austrian government, and even raising the stakes to the point they now said Austria should join a Greater German Reich.

While Italy had long acted as Austria's protector, there was little doubt Chancellor Schussnig had less to offer it than Chancellor Hitler, and for Mussolini, it all boiled down to that. Not that he or the Italians in general had any particular love for Germany, but it was what Italy's "sacred selfishness", as a former Prime Minister had put it, demanded. An avid History reader, Mussolini perfectly understood that modern Italy needed allies to get what it wanted. And since what Italy wanted could only be taken from the so-called Western democracies, then it had to court other powers - which meant the Third Reich. As for Austria, it would be nothing but a gift Ciano would place in the Rome-Berlin wedding basket. Earlier that morning, Mussolini had delivered a speech from the city's Town Hall that had revolved around the edification of Italy against the wishes of the old Austro-Hungarian Empire. That, Mussolini felt, was a good way to prepare the Italians for his giving Hitler the green light for his little Anschluss.


The Italian Duce gives a speech in Venice, on February the 23rd

Austrians, he thought, as his speedboat began to slow down. Bah ! Everybody knows there's only one Austrian who really matters now, and he's in Berlin, not Vienna

The convoy was now on the canal leading to the Villa Contini, which hosted the French Consulate. That the French wanted to negociate was a good thing for Italy. That meant they were ready to offer something in return for Italy's supposedly benevolent influence about the Austrian crisis. Mussolini had no intention of reining Germany back, but there was no need to tell Ambassador Lagardelle that. Appointed by Pierre Laval, the French Foreign Minister after the Franco-Italian naval crisis of 1934, Lagardelle had done his best to re-establish a friendly relationship with Italy, and Ciano had soon found he could be counted upon to always grant Italy favorable terms. The appointment of Lagardelle had been considered a very judicious choice by Laval, since it was widely known that Lagardelle was a sincere admirer of Fascism. Lagardelle's dream was to foster a Franco-Italian alliance, and he worked continuously towards this goal - which meant turning a blind eye to the excesses of the Fascist régime, and asking for a more "comprehensive" policy from the government in Paris. To Mussolini, who did not want to join any alliance until the last moment, it simply meant that Italy could depend on Lagardelle to obtain concessions from his own government.

The speedboats turned their engines off as they began their final approach towards a large stone pier a few steps under street level, immediately under the entrance of the French Consulate. The French ambassador and a few aides were waiting on the pier, where two motor boats were moored, rocking softly in the waves created by the convoy's arrival. In front of the Consulate, a band was ready to play the opening bars of the Italian and French anthems. A large crowd had gathered, waving little Italian flags Piazzi had distributed, and a company of policemen seconded by Blackshirts in their best uniform was cordoning off the Consulate. Reporters were brushing elbows with the policemen, brandishing their cameras and trying to capture the moment when the Italian Duce would step out of the boat and be greeted by the French ambassador. Already Mussolini had risen to his feet, one hand on the back of the pilot's seat, while ambassador Lagardelle and his aides were making a few steps forward to greet him. As the speedboats were now about to be moored to the stone pier to moor, the band began playing the Italian anthem. The crowd exploded in a cheer.


The French Consulate in Venice

Among the last ranks of spectators, hidden from view by his accomplices who were standing all around him, François Méténier pressed together the two copper wires he had been holding all along, and which ran from his hands to the dark waters of the canal. And then, almost immediately, everything seemed to happen all at once. First, there was a flash, as if all the reporters had decided to take a picture at the exact same moment. Then, a fraction of second before the sound of the two explosions reached the crowd, the two moored motorboats along which the Duce's convoy was passing exploded, sending wooden splinters and, it was found later, nails, all over the pier down the stairs. Momentarily kicked out of the water by the shockwave, the Blackshirts' speedboat was propelled toward the other bank of the canal, where it capsized, the soldiers scattered around it. Mussolini's boat, which had been was close to both motorboats when they exploded, had been particularly hit. The explosion had cut it in three pieces, and flaming debris fell on the street on the opposite bank.

The pier, though obscured by thick, black smoke, was a scene of carnage. Where Lagardelle had stood, extending his hand to greet Mussolini, only a large stain of blood remained. Two of his aides were lying at the bottom of the stairs like discarded rag dolls, burnt and bloodied. A few meters away, a large, disfigured corpse was floating on the canal, its lifeless and lacerated face staring at the pale sun that shone over the city. A few steps above, at street level, the crowd was now screaming its fear as water, blood and debris rained down on the first ranks. Policemen and spectators alike were pushed aside and trampled as men and women ran straight ahead in blind fear. Reporters were running to the French Consulate to phone the news to their newspapers and broadcast services. Women were wailing, and the air was thick with the stench of burnt flesh and blood.

No sooner had he seen the flash that Méténier had dropped the wires to the ground and kicked them into the canal. Even though they had expected it, he and the other Cagoulards had been dazed by the force of the explosion. Staggering, they got pushed back by the dozens of fleeing spectators. Joining the Venitians in their desperate run to safety, Méténier and the others finally reached the street where they had parked the lorry. All they had to do now was to go to the safehouse Chaumont had found them.

****************​

"What ? Dead ? The Duce is dead ? Are you sure ? Are you sure, General ?" said Fieldmarshal Badoglio in the phone. "Good God, it's a national emergency, so get your units on full alert, on full alert, you understand ? Look, it may the prelude to a war, with the Austrian crisis festering, and we must be ready to react immediately if a foreign power is involved ! And I don't want some hothead Blackshirt unit commander to...Yes, exactly. I'm counting on you, Emiliano. Good."


Fieldmarshall Badoglio, about to take the boldest gamble of his life.

Hanging up, he turned towards the two men who were in his dining room.
"It's done" he said, adressing General Loustaunau-Lacau, who said nothing but felt a great burden had been lifted from his shoulders.

The whole operation had been - and still was - extremely risky. There hadn't been time to organize a real coup. That would have demanded him and de Gasperi months to pick up a few select officers they could trust, and to make sure they stayed committed. De Gasperi had also pointed out that in their vast majority, the Italians were supporting Mussolini, even if that didn't mean they were staunch Fascists themselves. For all his bombastic and sometimes ridiculous attitude, the man had an appeal to the Italian soul. Deposing him to install a régime based on French bayonets would be the best way to make the whole Italian nation rally behind surviving Fascist leaders, such as Ciano or Graziani. And neither de Gasperi nor Badoglio desired to bring the kind of situation that would leave Italy with a civil war. Spain, with its recent horrors, was very much in their mind.

So what Loustaunau-Lacau and de Gasperi had devised was a simpler plan. Mussolini's death would force King Vittorio-Emmanuele to appoint another head of government. The Vatican would represent him the very real possibility that, without Mussolini to channel and control it, the Fascist party would fall under the influence of the hardliners who wanted Italy to mimic every move of the Third Reich, adopting racial laws, persecuting Christian priests and other religious groups, and probably depose the Monarchy and proclaim a Social-Fascist Republic that would give them absolute power over the peninsula. Such an evolution would lead to radicalization of politics, cruel social conflict, and open the Pandora's Box of civil war between Fascists and anti-Fascists, or between Communists and non-Communists. When one thought about it, who knew if the Duce's assassination hadn't been ordered by those hardliners ? Better for Italy, Pacelli would say, to appoint a "national union" government, where Conservative, monarchist Christians could work with reasonable elements of the Fascist Party and make sure Italy kept moving forward.

"It's time to go" said de Gasperi, grabbing his hat. "We must not keep His Majesty waiting."

It was time to see if the gamble would pay off.
 
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CHAPTER 29 : SACRIFICING THE PAWNS


A street in Venice, February the 23rd, 1938, 23h35

"Act swiftly" the Carabinieri Colonel had told Roselli."Expect no mercy, and, Giulio - give none" he had added, patting the young Captain's shoulder.
It had been, for Caribinieri Captain Giulio Roselli, an exhausting and confusing day. First, his company had been placed on alert for the Duce's visit, and he had had to run from checkpoint to checkpoint to make sure the canals the Duce's convoy would take had stayed closed. Before ten, Roselli had been completely drained of energy, and had really looked forward to the moment the Duce would go into the French Consulate. Then, he thought, he could finally rest a little.

Roselli had been inspecting the squad manning the last checkpoint closest to the Consulate when the bombs exploded, and they had received some burning debris. After that, of course, resting had been out of question. First, as the closest to the explosion site, they had rushed to help survivors and to get the dead out of the water. His parade uniform still stank of oil, sweat, and burnt flesh.

The body count was, when he had left Colonel Martinetti's office an hour before, nine dead, including the Duce and his son-in-law Count Ciano, and more than twenty wounded people. Some had been hit by the blast, some had been wounded by the falling debris, some had been trampled by the stampeding crowd.


Romantic Venice turns into a ghost town following Mussolini's assassination on February the 23rd, 1938

The rest of the day had been an absolute chaos. At first, no one knew what to do, neither in Venice nor in Rome. Piazzi, the city's mayor, had declared martial law, but the Army commanders, Roselli's superiors had pointed out that he didn't have the authority for that. Furious, Piazzi had ordered his Blackshirts and Fascist Party militia to patrol the city, which was fine in Roselli's opinion, and to lead preventive arrests, which berated the Carabinieri Captain. Over the afternoon, over a dozen incidents had taken place between the scared and confused Venitian population and equally scared and confused Blackshirts who were looking for trouble and usually found it quickly. And at least one incident had opposed Blackshirts and some Carabinieri from his company.

There had also been the investigation. Roselli didn't know why, but no sooner had Colonel Marinetti arrived at the Villa Contini that he had picked him to lead it. He had also told Blackshirts and city police officials to either obey Roselli's orders or bugger off. Most had taken the second option, but a few, including a middle-aged inspector, de Angelis, had stayed to work with the Carabinieri. Roselli was glad he did, because he had little experience in complicated investigations and murder cases. And now he found himself trying to solve a political assassination that practically happened on foreign land. Roselli wasn't too sure whether the Consulate pier was considered French land or not, and had just decided to do as if it wasn't. To top it off, the French ambassador and his senior aides had been killed, and that meant even more complications as the rest of the Consulate's staff was adamant about not allowing the Carabinieri inside the building. And there had been the foreign reporters, pestering him all day in bad Italian.

As afternoon slowly turned into evening, just when he began to think the whole case was way beyond his abilities, Fate had handed Roselli a lucky break. An anonymous informer had called the Carabinieri barracks, asking to be put in communication with the man in charge of the investigation. Speaking in a rapid, nervous voice, the woman said she had spotted a suspicious group of men who had taken up residence in a flat Via Ardenti. The informer said she wasn't sure, but that she thought he had seen them at the bombing site, and that she was now very afraid.
Roselli had immediately sent de Angelis, who was in plain clothes, to ask around to the local residents. Luck had it that the inspector had grown up one block away from the Via Ardenti. Two hours later, an excited de Angelis had returned with serious information, storming into Roselli's office as the Carabinieri Captain was filling up his tenth cup of strong coffee.


The Venetian Carabinieri gather for an urgent speech by Colonel Martinetti

"Captain, we're onto something, something big !" he had exclaimed as soon as he had entered Roselli's office. Apparently incapable of sitting down or even calming down a bit, he had continued like a machine-gun.

"Listen up : The Via Ardenti flat has been rented two weeks before to a group of foreigners ! They're quite possibly the ones who are occupying it right now as we speak ! They often met at the caffé Finzi, you know the place, at the corner with the Via Sonentina. Apparently they always talked among themselves heated conversations about politics, that's what Mr Finzi said, about Austria and the coming Anschluss. They complained about Stresa, and they said they were waiting for friends who'd need a place to hide ! That's them, captain, that's them!"

"Whoa, whoa, de Angelis, slow down !" had protested Roselli, who had almost spilled his coffee when the exalted inspector had sprung on him. He nevertheless hoped the excited inspector was right. "So, they're strangers, all right. And they talk among themselves in Italian ?"

"No, no, Captain ! They spoke in their own language, but Mr Finzi, you know him, he understood them!"

"Finzi, Finzi...The name does ring a bell" said Roselli, thinking out loud.
"Everybody knows him over there. He's our resident Jew, changed his name from Finkelstein to Finzi after the Great War because he didn't want his kids to have an Austrian-sounding name !" said de Angelis, elated. "You see the beauty of it ? Our suspects, they were talking in German, and they never suspected Finzi could understand them ! Nazis murderers will get caught by an Italian Jew!"

Feeling that a big break might actually be around the corner, Roselli and de Angelis had gone to Colonel Martinetti, who had immediately ordered the young Captain to take a platoon of Carabinieri with him and go raid that flat before the suspects disappeared into thin air. And then, just as Roselli was about to leave, he had patted his shoulder, looking him straight in the eyes, and had given him his "no mercy" advice.

Funny, that. But now it's time to play the final act. E finitta la comedia ! thought Roselli, as his men began to deploy around the building.

One squad had taken position Via Ardenti, while another blocked the building side door that was Via Sonentina. The last squad he would lead personally into the suspected hideout. To make as little noise as possible, they had parked their lorries one street away and had walked towards via Ardenti one squad at a time, as if on patrol. Today there were so many patrols that even if they had a watch out, the suspects would probably think nothing of the small column of marching men.

Unflapping his holster, Roselli drew his Beretta handgun as he pushed open the heavy castiron door of the building. His men followed, rifles on the ready but trying to be as silent as circumstances allowed. Which would be practically impossible, Roselli immediately understood, hearing his footsteps echo on the marble floor. He hesitated. Taking the elevator was out of the question, it was way too small and would make too much noise. Still, he had to secure it too.

Careful, Giulio. Should I climb the stairs cautiously, one step at a time, trying to make no noise ? Or should I rush with the squad into the flat and surprise them in bed ?

As he was pondering the question, he heard a phone ring one or two floors above.

Oh, dammit ! he cursed inwardly, his instincts telling him the suspects actually had posted a sentry outside.

And then he heard cries, a man urgently shouting in a language he wasn't familiar with.

Shit!

There was no time for subtlety now. Not even turning toward his men he rushed in the stairways like a madman, his cap falling to the floor.
"Follow me" he shouted, and, remembering Colonel Martinetti's advice, he added : "And shoot to kill!"

A few seconds later, as the squad was climbing the stairs leading to the second floor four at a time, the first shots of the night were fired.

*********​

The Bugatti sedan was stopped by the Carabinieri blocking Via Ardenti fifteen minutes after the last echo of the gun battle had died down. The identity of the occupants was checked by a young Tenente holding a flashlight, who immediately noticed the car had diplomatic plates, and that the three men had papers identifying them as employees of the French Consulate. Giving them their papers back, the young officer politely offered his condolences for the death of their colleagues, and told them the roadblock would be lifted in a few minutes, as soon as the Carabinieri lorries would leave.

In front of them, visible in the yellow circle of the Bugatti's headlights, a squad of Carabinieri was loading bodies into the first lorry, and embarked in the second one. One of the soldiers had clearly been wounded, and was supported by his comrades. As the last man embarked, the lorry stopped at the roadblock Via Sonentina to let the soldiers there embark. As they left, the young Lieutenant signaled the driver of the sedan he could go.

"Be careful, though. It's been a rough day, and there are armed groups roaming around."

"Oh, don't worry, we will, believe me. We will." said the friendly man on the back seat who had given the papers for all the passengers. On a tap on the driver's shoulder, the beautfiul Bugatti roared gently and let the Via Ardenti to the pitch-black Venetian night.

"I counted six bodies. Poor buggers. Poor buggers", whispered the man, almost to himself, as the car was gaining speed towards the Villa Contini. Sighing, he turned to his neighbour, whose head was leaning on the passenger window. He was looking away from the man who had spoken, apparently oblivious to what had been said. But the first man knew better.

"And of course you had to call them in the last minute so they would resist arrest and do something stupid" said the second man after a minute, in a cold, almost disembodied voice. He too seemed to talk to himself, looking at the dark streets without even seeing them. His voice expressed disbelief, not disgust or hatred as Chaumont had expected. He sounded too shocked and tired to feel any intense emotion.

"Yes" said Chaumont with a heavy sigh. "Just as you said, I had to. If it makes you feel any better, Méténier, I didn't enjoy doing that. It was not done for my, your, or anyone's enjoyment. It just had to be done, that's all. Some men are beyond salvation, Méténier, men like Filliol and Martin. And don't tell me it's not true, you knew them. Some men are beyond salvation, just like some deeds are beyond redemption. You could have been there, lying dead in that lorry, if I hadn't decided you were not such a man."


The lone surviving assassin's getaway car

And does that mean you redeemed a little part of your own soul, Ernest ? wondered SDE Field Officer Chaumont as the car entered the Consulate's courtyard. He certainly hoped so. Tonight, after reporting to Général Loustaunau-Lacau, he had every intention to get seriously drunk.
 
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CHAPTER 30 : THE ROMAN CHECKMATE


Rome, King Vittorio-Emanuele's monument, February the 28th, 1938, 19h25

What am I doing here ? wondered Major Roselli, looking around him at the city whose apparently infinite population was now filling the streets, like a swollen river. He could almost feel the pulse of the multitude. He had been a mere teenager when he had seen the first newsreels about the Duce's March on Rome, the columns of Blackshirts marching while the crowd watched and cheered, but he now wondered if it hadn't actually been more like this evening. The immense crowd was not cheering, and neither was it hostile. It was expectant. And what would happen if its expectations were not met, Roselli preferred not to think too much about it.



Romans converge towards the Vittorio-Emmanuele II Monument to hear their King's adress to the nation


His hotel room, near the Monument, had been comfortable and even luxurious for a man who had grown up and served in the country's Eastern marches. Everybody had been extremely deferential, making Roselli feel even more like a provincial oaf. But despite of that, or possibly because of that, it didn't feel real. In Venice, just being able to meet Mayor Piazzi and Colonel Martinetti was enough to make Captain Roselli an influential man. Here, in just two days, he had already met several generals, the High Police Commissionner, he even had been brought, with de Angelis, in Field-Marshal Badoglio's office to brief him. He had been promoted on the spot by Badoglio for his swift action. And tonight, he had been told, he would stand right next to King Vittorio-Emmanuele himself. Major Roselli wouldn't have been more surprised if he had been told Pope Pius XI would come to play knucklebones with him.

Roselli understood the expectancy of the crowd - it was his own, in many ways. Since morning, anchormen on every radio station had announced the King would make an important announcement in the evening, at precisely seven, from the monument that had been erected to celebrate his royal grandfather. Tonight, exceptionnally and barring incidents, there would be no curfew. Throughout their vast city, from its rich residential areas to the ner-slums that bordered the industrial suburbs, Romans hoped the royal speech would mean an end to the chaos that had gripped the whole country since the 23rd. An end to the clashes between marauding groups of Blackshirts and the population. An end to the martial law the King had declared in the morning of the 24th. An end to the curfew that made it dangerous to be in the streets after nine. An end to the interdiction of group meetings in the streets. An end to the stomping of boots every night, as Granatieri, Carabinieri, Blackshirts and self-appointed militias patrolled the Roman streets. More than any opening of a new era, Romans wanted closure.

In the past few days, the Royal Palace had seen a constant shuttle of vehicles. The first ones had been the sedan cars of the country's highest-ranking officers, who had been summoned by the King as soon as the news of the bombing had reached Rome. And the very first one had belonged to Field-Marshal Badoglio, who the King had charged of maintaining law and order until a new government could be formed. Immediately after, there had been the cars of the Fascist leaders. And then, surprisingly, there had been the trucks of the 3rd Granatieri Regiment, who had ferried troops day and night to help control the capital. The Grenadiers were now present in force in every district, seconded by Carabinieri. For the first time Romans could remember, the Corazzieri cavalrymen who served as the King's escorts now wore khaki uniforms and sported Beretta rifles. Troops had even been ferried by airplanes from Sardinia. All over Rome, people were debating whether this show of force by the Italian Army was supposed to impress whatever foreign power had ordered Mussolini's assassination or if it was to impress the more excitable echelons of the Fascist Party. Whatever else it was, the Black Week would be something to tell grandchildren for generations to come.



Sardinian Granatieri about to embark for Rome in what was later called the Black Week.


Despite the curfew, the armed patrols, the martial law, of perhaps precisely because of them, rumors abounded. True or false, every tidbit of information was extensively debated in a dozen caffés, in a hundred dives, over a thousand glasses of wine. The Duce had been killed by German spies, so that they could annex Austria. No, it was done by Austrian Nazis, who did not want another Stresa. No, it was some mad French admiral, after the naval incidents that had opposed the two nations four years before. No, no, it was an Italian general who had gone mad after his son had died in Spain. No, no, no, the Duce had been killed by Fascists who wanted closer ties with Germany. And the following day, another stale crumb of information, another half-true lie became available, and the Italians sat again and debated again. But after five days, their patience had wore thin, and the Romans particularly were tired of speculatiing about their future. They wanted their future now, and it was quite obvious they were ready to make it happen for themselves if nothing happened.

Immersed in the contemplation of the vast Italian multitude, whom every desire, every hesitation, every aspiration he intimately shared because he had come from its bosom, Major Roselli almost didn't hear the young Corazzieri Sottotenente.

"Major ?" said the young officer "It's time. His Majesty is about to come at the balcony, and would like you to be right beside Him. Chief Inspector de Angelis will be there too"

Oh, goodness, thought Roselli, suddenly nervous, now I'm really out of my depth. At least I won't be the only Venetian bumpkin.

********​

Is this how you felt, grandfather ? Is this how it feels when you embrace your nation and shape it up through sheer willpower ? thought Vittorio Emmanuele III, King of Italy, Emperor of Abyssinia. Without a word, he briefly squeezed the hand of Queen Elena, whose Montenegran beauty, allied with his own elegance had always contributed to the popularity of the Monarchy.

The organization of the speech had been a nightmare, as most Army generals had urged the King to make a radio speech that would not incur the risk of another assassination. Vittorio-Emmanuele had preferred a public appearance, for two reasons. First, he felt that it was time for a real public gesture, to strengthen the link between the Roman population and the Royal family. The second reason, he could not give, of course, was that he had every reason to believe Badoglio there would not be any more attempts. The Field Marshal had told him the assassins had been killed to a man during the Carabinieri raid, and the King felt there had been something peculiar in the way his closest military adviser had put it.

There'll be plenty of time later for questions, thought the King, who could feel the presence of the corwd more than he could see it, as the AA light projectors that were directed at the balcony blinded him. Now it's time to touch the heart of the nation.



King Vittorio-Emmanuele III


"Fratelli d'Italia" he began, quoting a famous song composed during the Risorgimiento "Sons of immortal Italy ! Daughters of Eternal Rome ! Tonight, as the sun sets on Italy, from Milano to Napoli, it seems that our nation has entered a long, cold night. It seems that beauty, happiness and joy have flown away from us. It seems that chaos and despair must forever follow our grief and bereavement. Five days ago, Italy has lost one of its best sons, in the person of Benito Mussolini. It is a tragic loss, and one that raises many questions. I would not be worthy of you if I didn't share your sorrow, your anger, your interrogations. Fratelli d'Italia, my brothers, my first duty as your King is to adress them all"

Spontaneous or not, a wave of cheering and clapping rose from the immense and invisible sea of spectators towards the monarch who was extending his hands toward Rome.

"I know your sorrow, and I share it. Benito Mussolini, even more than all the other victims of that odious crime, deserves our admiration. He will be buried in two days, in Rome, as befits a man who has done so much in so little time. I ask you, Romans, to come pay your respect to this fallen and glorious son of Italy in front of the nations. Let us show our friends how united we are, let us show our enemies how resolute we are."

Again, the invisible crowd responded favorably, its mood almost tangible, like the scent of a perfume. There still was expectation, but now it was mixed with a sense of determination, of resolution.

That's for the sorrow. Now, the future. the King thought.

"I know your anger. Prime Minister Mussolini" he said, insisting on the civilian title, "has been assassinated five days ago in Venice, as he was about to discuss the Austrian crisis with the French ambassador, who also was killed by the murderers. The action of the Italian justice has been swift and efficient. The Carabinieri and the police in Venice have found the criminals, who have been killed in a futile attempt to evade our justice. It has now been firmly established that the murderers were Austrian Nazis, who wanted to force the annexation of Austria upon us. Whether they were supported by the German Reich or not, it is obvious they felt they were furthering Germany's goals."

This time the explosion that rose from the crowd was entirely sincere.

"Fratelli d'Italia, I know your interrogations. We have been thrown into a crisis of immense proportions, a crisis this country hasn't seen since the Great War. For the past five days, the nation has stopped. And now it's time to make Italy move forward, because when Italy moves forwards, we all do. I have thus decided, after long conversations and meetings with Army officers, diplomats and professors, to ask signor Alcide de Gasperi, as our next Prime Minister, to form a new government. Professor de Gasperi, please come forward"

As de Gasperi walked to the microphone to read his first proclamation, he stopped to look into King Vittorio-Emmanuele's eyes. Then, with a light nod, he turned towards the Roman night.



Prime Minister Alcide de Gasperi, about to steer Italy away from Berlin and closer to Paris
.


"My dear countrymen" he began, "In the coming days my government will have to take many decisions, but there are some I want to share with you tonight. My first decision as Prime Minister will be to resinstitute the right to form political parties, with the exception of those professing the criminal Nazi or Communist ideologies. Elections will be held regularly, and confirmed by His Majesty, as Italian legality comes from the sacred bond that exists between the people and its sovereigns. My second decision will be, in order to strengthen that bond, to organize a referendum about the form of government we Italians want for our nation. I can tell you that my political formation, the Christian Democracy, will campaign for the continuity of the Monarchist regime, which has shown tonight how indispensible it was. My third decision is to ask Field-Marshal Badoglio to immediately send troops to the Brenner Pass, facing Austria. We now know what a Nazi Austria would mean to us ! The fourth and final decision I want to announce tonight is the suspension of all curfews and restrictions to public meeting throughout the country. The soldiers currently in Rome and other Italian cities will return to their barracks with each day passing without incident."

This time, the emotions that stirred the crowd rose like immense waves, crashing on the balcony. It was a mix of disbelief, optimism, relief, upon which nations could be built.

Or upon which wars can be based thought de Gasperi.
 
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