Crossfires, an Alternate France of the 1930s

CHAPTER 31 : WAIT AND SEE


London, the White's club, March the 15th, 1938, 12h25


White's, home to many whispered secrets


As befitted the quiet dignity of Sir Hugh Sinclair, head of the British intelligence service, his club was exclusive without being too aristocratic and socially visible without being overtly conspicuous. White's was convivial, in a Conservative, High Tory kind of way. It was like a bubble out of time, safe from the vulgarity of an era where people were now judged according to their usefulness instead of their merits. It was a pocket universe of grunted hellos, deep leather armchairs and quietly unfolded newspapers.

As always when he entered his superior's club, Stewart Menzies thought of an immobile Titanic, forever moored to its Londonian street, and yet about to sink with all hands, legacy of a bygone era which had collided with crueler and younger times.

A bit depressed, aren't we ? Menzies scolded himself.

Still, the image of a Titanic remained. Of a few Titanics to be more precise, as there was a lot to be depressed about. Sinclair - or "Quex" as his agents called him affectionately - had run the SIS like a tight ship, every agent a family member (sometimes quite literally), but this ship too was about to flounder and capsize. The head of the British intelligence was ill, and to Menzies it was clear that he was suffering from his aching body as well as from his growing disillusion about the current government's decisions.

Well, ours not to question why, ours but to do or die, thought Menzies.

No sooner had he entered the club's hall that an employee came to pick up his coat, hat and umbrella. March had been wet and cold, and it only added to the general gloom that hovered around the SIS headquarters. People were disenchanted about the direction the SIS and England were taking. They were saddened by Quex's worsening condition and inevitable departure. To top it off, they were angered and anxious to hear there were attempts, from John Simon's MI-5 notably, to use the Admiral's illness to take control of the Secret Intelligence Service, which only added to Menzies' burden.

"Good morning, sir Stewart" said the reception employee, giving Menzies a few messages that had been delivered for him. He pocketed them smoothly, even though they probably contained no bigger secret that a few invitations to cricket games and friendly dinners.

I wonder if old Quex receives professional messages here ? suddenly thought Menzies. It would be against the rules, of course, but the Admiral made the rules.

While he was not exactly a regular member yet, Menzies' tall and elegant silhouette was already a common feature at White's, and of course the staff made a point to treat him as if he came every day. The club's other members had a complex hierachy of modulated grunts and hellos, which depended on what degree of intimacy they had with Menzies and how many times they had seen him a week. The whole system was entirely incomprehensible to foreigners, and as a matter of fact to most Britons themselves, but it was the beat that rythmed the social life of the upper echelons of the British society. And it was Menzies' job to make sure such a society would never be the forgotten relic of a bygone era.

As he entered the dining room, Admiral Sinclair rose to greet him, a forced smile on his face. He had picked up a table by a window to get what meager light that bleak March day would give London.

Good God, he doesn't look well at all thought Menzies, alarmed to see how emaciated his boss looked. But he knew the Admiral was not one to like self-pity, or any form of pity in fact, as long as he was on the receiving end of it. He wanted to look brave, Menzies knew how brave he indeed was, and that meant for the junior SIS director to be efficient and businesslike even if his heart was heavy to see his old mentor gradually brought down.

The two men sat down and ordered food as if it was a somewhat unpleasant formality to be done with as quickly as possible. The choice of the wine required more time, as this would sweeten the tedious and bitter issues they had to discuss. In one of his cunning ways of making oblique references, Admiral Sinclair settled for a sweet, late harvest Gewürtz-Traminer.

Both men used the time that passed before they were served their first course to deal with the personal news. Of course, sensitive topics were carefully sidestepped. Neither Sinclair's health nor Menzies' divorce were discussed, as both men thought some things were best left unsaid. Polite enquiries were made about children, relatives, acquaintances and colleagues. Small talk was traded about the weather and the cricket season. Around them, by some sort of tacit agreement, the other dining members had given their table a wide berth, so that they could talk more freely. Even though no one would ever admit to, everyone had more than an inkling as to what the two men's job was. In other countries, their meeting would have been the cause of many hushed and frantic conversations, but here in England it was considered an entirely private matter, and thus not a suitable topic for gossip. If the British high society desired gossip anyway, they had the Prince of Wales and his paramour Mrs Simpson to provide them with an ample portion thereof.

With dessert being served, it was time to switch to more serious conversation.

"Isn't Gewürtz-Traminer a remarkable wine ?" asked Sinclair, rhetorically. "How curiously ironic that such a problematic region as the Rhine can produce such sweet and delectable wines, on both banks. I sometimes wonder if there is a link. If there is, I'm afraid we are in for remarkable vintage in years to come, don't you think, Stewart ?"

"I'd say things certainly look like it, Sir. France and Germany both seem to have been on the warpath lately - again"

"And it's not going to stop, mark my word, Stewart. The French have pushed Ribbentrop in the ropes now, and I'm not sure they will stop before the man and his master are down. Not that I'd regret it too much if that was to happen, mind you. I remember that upstart Champagne dealer all too well, when he was the Reich's disastrous ambassador to the Court of St James". At the thought of the pompous Ribbentrop being sacked, Sinclair couldn't help but smirk.

Ah, but do we want to bet on France instead of Germany now ? he wondered.

As often, as always, Great Britain had ambivalent feelings about its closest continental neighbor. It was seen as both the junior partner and the dangerous rogue, a nation weakened by the Great War bloodshed and at the same time aspiring to acquire immense power at England's expense. Except that this time, it may be at Germany's. And while it had always been Britain's position to side with the weaker side in every diplomatic dispute on the Continent, Sinclair found it harder to recommend it this time.

It's Nazi Germany, by Jove, not the almost likeable Imperial Reich ! That frightening little corporal certainly isn't Willy the Kaiser thought Sinclair.

Whoever thought it would do England any good to have her Majesty's government side with the likes of Hitler, Ribbentrop or Goebbels was, in Sinclair's quite informed opinion, the happy owner of a completely superfluous brain. Unfortunately, Her Majesty's current government seemed to fit that description lately, and he could do precious little about it. As news about his deteriorating health was now official, Prime Minister Baldwin and his cronies had begun to cut Sinclair off the loop, out of feigned concern for the distinguished admiral's health, of course. The government wanted younger men, like the Oxford and Cambridge young dons Menzies had recruited lately. Bright lads, sharp minds, of course, but not exactly the kind Sinclair felt comfortable running the country's intelligence service with.

So these days the Cabinet summoned for Menzies whenever they needed SIS input, which allowed them to get the same amount of information while keeping the intelligence service under the heel. Not that Sinclair blamed Menzies, of course. Stewart Menzies had all the qualities of a future great SIS director - just not quite yet. He still needed that kind of trial to learn the hardest lesson of all, which was that while you were supposed to help the government protect the country, sometimes in the intelligence business you also had to protect the country from the government - or at the very least you had to be aware Her Majesty's government wasn't always worth two bob.



Interior and Industry Minister Sir John Simon keeps an eye on the SIS


"So, Stewart, tell me. Tell this terrible old man what these terrible old men at Whitehall are up to these days ?" he asked, with a sly smile.

"The Prime Minister asked for a general intelligence briefing this morning" answered Menzies. "Going through every item across the threatboard, basically. Naturally the Franco-Italo-German conundrum has been at the core of my briefing - and of their preoccupations"

"Naturally" encouraged Sinclair. One week before, taking every diplomat by surprise, Austria had declared it wanted to form a military alliance with Italy. Italy being allied to France, that meant Vienna was now ready to dance to Paris' tune.

Well, at least to hum the opening bars of the Marseillaise with them, corrected Sinclair.

"You'll be interested to know the government has ordered another series of discreet 'probes' near French ports, like the ones we did with HMS Torque last summer, to see what the French and Italian navies are preparing in the Med"

"I see. Well, stands to reason, doesn't it ? See into it, Stewart, the lads did a smashing job last time. And do you think the Italians are actually preparing something ?"

"The Italian navy has undergone a lot of reorganization. Our contacts say they're weeding the Fascist hardliners out. Same for the wop air force. Same for the Army, even more so since Field Marshal Badoglio has never been a friend of Fascism and has taken direct control of the reorganization. The Blackshirts, of course, are livid - but leaderless, as there are too many high-level Fascists pulling ranks. They have been running around like so many headless chicken, causing all kind of trouble in Italian cities. They don't realize that's exactly what de Gasperi wants for the coming elections. And his French protectors agree, of course."

"Protectors, yes. Among other things, I guess. What about them, precisely ? I only get sanitized memos these days, Stewart. Simon and Whitehall go over my head and yours and tell middle-management they should not 'burden' me with too much work. I swear, 'burden' me ! Do I look a man who should not be 'burdened' ?"

Yes thought Menzies, who felt immensely saddened. But he couldn't say that of course. Instead he dutifully laughed at the assertion and side-stepped the isue to focus on the Admiral's first question.

"The French navy has redeployed to La Rochelle, Brest and Cherbourg. They clearly leave Mediterranean operations to the Italians, like we did with them in 1914. Their army and air force are still concentrated along the Rhine, fielding new tanks, and new planes. I had our own people take a look at some blueprints we managed to get hold of from the Bréguet and Bloch offices"

"Good initiative, that. And ?". Even if technical proficiency wasn't exactly his forte, Sinclair liked to learn about foreign weapons - especially new ones. One could say he collected such reports as others collected stamps or butterflies, as a simple pastime between more arduous tasks.

"The Bloch crates are basically on par with our Hurricanes, and will be inferior to the new planes the Supermarine chaps are designing. The French Air Force visibly expects more from Dewoitine's new batch of fighters. The Potez and Bréguet planes worry me more. You see, they were initially designed to be long-range escort fighters, but they have now been adapted to a much, much more preocuppying role." said Menzies, wincing. "Assault bombers."

"I see. Gearing their air force for offensive operations, eh ? What about their army ?"

"Things are going much more slowly there, but we're getting intriguing and equally worrisome signals. Better tanks roll out of the SOMUA and Atelier des Moulineaux production lines. Their infantry is being issued rapid-fire rifles, and submachine guns begin to replace rifles. There have been quiet inquiries to carmakers Renault and Citroën to issue standardized trucks to the French Army. And they're rocking the boat at the Ecole de Guerre, getting rid of the deadwood"

"Increasing their offensive capacities all over the board, then. What about Germany ?"

"I am afraid they have the opposite problem. Their army and air force have always been geared towards offensive operations, and now they find themselves strategically on the defensive. They lack fighter squadrons to protect their borders, they have more tanks divisions than anti-tank regiments, and their navy is ill-equipped to face a strong French-Italian presence in the North Sea. To add icing to the cake, their High Command is in deep turmoil after the firing of not one but two of their highest-ranking Field Marshals - over sexual scandals, no less."

"So to sum it up if things go awry we could see an essentially defensive army attack an essentially offensive one, both in the process of deep reorganization ? That could be messy, Stewart. What about Germany, politically ?"

"As I said, Ribbentrop is in disgrace after having lost Italy and Austria on his watch, in just one week."

"How terrible" said Sinclair, his voice dripping with polite hypocrisy while he tried unsuccessfully to contain a smile.

"It is said that one of his senior aides, name's Martin Luther of all things, has his eyes upon von R's job. You can imagine the cloak and dagger atmosphere in their Ministry, with other Nazi bigwigs watching. In other but closely related news, the SD and the Abwehr are blaming each other for France's diplomatic coup. Canaris and Heydrich are jumping up and down at the Reich Chancellery, each of them telling Hitler he should disband the other's outfit."

"I trust you're still lending the Abwehr a helping hand with that. We Admirals have to stick together" said Sinclair with a wry smile.

"I have been instructed...to hedge our bets on this matter" said Menzies, cautiously. He knew he should have kept quiet about that, but in his years of service he had always felt he couldn't lie to Quex, not even ny omission.

Of course thought Sinclair, somberly digesting the news. Let's ditch both senile Admirals overboard to make room for the young, bright and oh-so malleable minds

"Stewart my lad, listen up, and listen good. Baldwin and Company might think they're smart enough to juggle with all these balls, but I know better. And so do you, Stewart. You have to play the Abwehr against the SD no matter what they say. You. Have. To"

"Admiral, ours not to question why, ours but to...." said Menzies, trying to elude the subject with the Tennyson quote that for some reason kept popping up in his mind.

"Not to me, please, Stewart !" interrupted Sinclair, raising his hand to silence his deputy. He was showing irritation for the first time. "Ours IS to question why ! Why, who, how, where, and what for, and Lord Alfred Tennyson be damned. Else, some of our lads get stuck with the 'do or die' part, and we won't have done the damn job the damn government pays us for !"

Duly chastised, Menzies lowered his head. He didn't like feeling trapped between loyalty to the government and loyalty to the country - particularly when loyalty to his boss also was a factor. But despite of his embarrassment, his mind focused to a small signal that had been begging to be picked up for a few minutes.



Sir Stewart Menzies, deputy Director, about to learn about 'Voltaire'


"Admiral, sir", he began. "You said something about the French being more than de Gasperi's protectors"

"Of course. Stands to reason they're also his accomplices in at least one murder case, wouldn't you say ?" asked Sinclair, pursing his lips.

"They certainly benefitted the most from Mussolini's death, Admiral, but..."

"My dear boy" interrupted Sinclair, amused. "The government may keep me in the dark, but I still command a great deal of loyalty among our officers - among others. I hear rumors. Some say all kinds of people have been waltzing around the French Consulate, before and, what's even more interesting, after the assassination."

"Still, our Italian sources are adamant in saying the investigation's results are genuine" pointed out Menzies.

"Of course they are. But look, Stewart, the investigation, as far as we know, has been led by a rather junior officer with no real experience in criminal cases - not of this magnitude, in any case. They picked a honest country constable to investigate a political murder. And, look, there may be something you should know now, I think"

Sinclair paused, weighing the pros and the cons of what he was about to disclose. But he liked Menzies, and what even more importantly he trusted him. So he went on.

"It happens, Stewart, that I have a source within the French Foreign Ministry itself, a source I have run alone over the past few years, as it happens between close friends who share mutual respect and similar ideals. That friend , let's call him 'Voltaire', made a quiet allusion that maybe a small group of low-level consulate employees arrived shortly before the bombing. That maybe they never left Venice officially, and that maybe the French embassy is saying they were among their dead. Suffice to say that maybe I have serious doubts about that last part"

For Heaven's sake, how does he do that ? wondered Menzies. The revelation had knocked him flat, and he couldn't say if that was because his boss had for years run a high-level source he had never mentioned to anyone or because he of the implications of the assertion that agent had made.

"Admiral, this information you have, we have to pass it onto the Cabinet ! If we have serious indications that the French government possibly assassinated a foreign head of government, it's something the Cabinet can use in their dealings with other European countries !"

Yes thought Sinclair. He's right, of course. That's what we should do, to play Berlin against Paris and ensure another decade of European stability. Stability. Ha ! Stability is essentially wars where it doesn't bother us and perpetually festering crisis where it does not itch. Stability is kissing Himmler and Heydrich on both cheeks and invite them for tea, and pretend they're decent people..

Looking at the golden glow of the Alsatian wine which reflected the club's lights, Admiral Sinclair decided it was high time stability took a powder and got lost. Now that stability had led the Empire into an impasse, maybe decency could have a go at it. He took a deep breath and made another important decision.

"Keep your voice down, Stewart. I may be old and sick, and these fools may think they've declawed the old lion, but I am still the head of the SIS and you,my bright lad, still report to me. So here are my instructions, and you are to consider them as my last will if you wish. Not a word to Baldwin about that source and the possibility it alluded to. Not a word to Chamberlain. Above all, not a word to Simon, you know the damn fool wants us under his control and would use that against us. My friend 'Voltaire', remains a secret between you and me. And when I'm gone, it will be yours only. Yours to protect, yours to run. You see, 'Voltaire' is no ordinary source, Stewart. It's the kind of source that makes and break nations. Or careers"

With a last sip of the Alsatian wine, Sinclair looked deep into Menzies' eyes. After a few seconds, satisfied with what he saw, he signaled the waiter to bring the note. Now, he felt, he was sure he would leave the House in good hands.
 
Last edited:
Can't wait for updates. I wonder if this means an Anglo-German alliance vs. an Franco-Italian one? What will the USSR do? And also, any stuff from the Pacific? Is Japan still up to crazy shenanigans?
 
Can't wait for updates. I wonder if this means an Anglo-German alliance vs. an Franco-Italian one? What will the USSR do? And also, any stuff from the Pacific? Is Japan still up to crazy shenanigans?

I'll just say that Germany is particularly dynamic when it comes to clinching deals. And that Japan is definitely on the move in the Pacific.

One bloc has coalesced : a Southern Europe block, led by France, and relying on a recovering Spain and a dazzled Italy. The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, an independent Euskadi and a slightly reluctant Austria complete this alliance.
 
CHAPTER 32 : KOLYMA-12

Kolyma-12, a prison in the frozen Siberian steppes, March the 18th, 1938, around noon
As the hatch closed down with a sinister creak, Bodenko walked cautiously toward the steaming pot that had been pushed inside, making sure he stayed close to the barrack's walls. While most of the other inmates knew better than to mess with him, that new guy, Rezenski, apparently refused to learn through example. He too had jumped to his feet, eyeing Bodenko, moving step by step toward the food that the barrack leader had to distribute - the part that was left of it. Contrary to Bodenko, he stayed in the middle of the crude barrack.

Of course, thought Bodenko, if it still could be called a thought. He's the challenger, everybody roots for him already. The faggots would stab me in the back if given half a chance, but not him, oh no, not him.

One year before, Bodenko would have sworn he'd never see the inside of a prison, except to lead an interrogation there. He was a skilled KNVD officer, he was on the rise, he was in Spain making History happen. No one knew his name but a few men, and those who did were living in fear of displeasing the towering Colonel whose appetite for power was only matched by his lack of restraints as to how to obtain it. "Operation Castillo" had been his masterpiece, and he wanted to make sure it would be a springboard for even greater achievements - and rewards. He lived for rewards.

But that was then, thought Bodenko, sizing up his opponent. Now I live for a pot of stew and every minute of Siberian air I can breathe.




The barren and merciless Siberian steppe

When the SSR was established, Bodenko had reigned supreme, playing power behind the throne. His masters in Moscow hadn't trusted General Lister completely - in fact they had never trusted anyone completely. Trust had never come easy to men who knew they owed everything to back-stabbing and almost animal cunning. Trust had never come easy to men who knew ambitious aides were ready to jump into their enemies' beds, sometimes quite literally, to bring them down. The diminutive but deadly Iejov, head of the NKVD and the Soviet Union's most feared man after Stalin himself, knew trust was rarer than gold, and he had found in Bodenko a man who shared that conviction. As Iejov's point man in Spain, Bodenko's job had been to bring the Spanish military to heel, and to weed out every last smudgeon of Anarchism from the peninsula. Only then could Spain be used as a dagger to strike English and French Capitalists.

No one could say Colonel Bodenko and his officers had ever been found lacking in energy in the accomplishment of that mission. They had spent every night reviewing personnel files and reassessing loyamlties, and every day dispatching special teams to arrest, question, and interrogate suspects. Usually the arrest orders had precised interrogations were to be led "with harsh measures", the kind of which left dark blood stains on their shirts while their victims were dragged away and one of the officers typed the confession on an old machine. Anarchy and disloyalty had to be extirpated from Spain's sick body, and Colonel Bodenko was nothing if not an inspired surgeon when it came to political orthodoxy.

Now the two men were facing each other, at equal distance from the pot of meager but precious stew whose smell was filling up the barracks, torturing what was left of the wretched inmates' souls. Rezenski had opened up his shirt, to give his still muscular arms a greater freedom of movement. He was taller than Bodenko, and while the Colonel's body was nothing but nerves and stone-hard muscles, he reckoned Rezenski had little to envy him. He had arrived only a few days before, and that meant his body was not yet affected by the undernourishment that was the mark of Kolyma-12. Bodenko, for his part, already knew in his bones that Hell existed after all, despite what the Political Commissars said. Hell existed, he lived there, and his shriveled body was there to prove it.

Could just as easily have died there thought Bodenko, cracking his knuckles as he moved slowly towards the door, inch by inch. He had no intention of turning his back to the other inmates who, transfixed, watched the first moves of the mortal fight. They had suffered Bodenko's daily tyranny for much too long to pass up on a chance to kill him.

Indeed, for a NKVD Colonel to survive Kolyma-12 had been nothing short of miraculous, if one believed in such foolishness. Every single inmate had been arrested by the NKVD, and not all of them were feeble deviationnist poets. The prison's strict regime of hard work and low food had made sure these weren't around anymore. No, the most dangerous inmates for the like of Bodenko had been the ex-soldiers, the workers, the petty criminals, the so-called "rich peasants". These guys knew how to slaughter a pig or fell a bull, they knew how to wield a sledgehammer or to stab a man during roll-call.

Last August, as the French army had trapped the surviving SSR forces in central Spain, Bodenko had received instructions to return to Moscow to brief Iejov about the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Iberic peninsula. Fearing difficult questions may be asked, Bodenko had ordered NKVD Major Alexsandr Morowitz, who had been handling the SSR Cabinet, to go with him. It had been a complicated and perilous trip, as the usual need for secrecy had been made all the more crucial by the fact the French Deuxième Bureau and Service de Documentation Extérieure would have been all too happy to have them both shot as spies.

For the first leg of the trip, Bodenko had been "Carl Jungmann", a Swede industrialist travelling with his interpreter. That had completely mystified the Portuguese customs, even though they had double-checked every passport. In Lisbon, the two men had gone to one of the safehouses they had set up when "Operation Castillo" was still underway. The Portuguese agent there had a radio which the two Russians had used to send Moscow a coded message demanding to be picked up.

Rezenski, a big smirk on his face, made a sudden jump on the left, his arm making a wide arc that would have found Bodenko's throat if the NKVD Colonel hadn't pirouetted away. Despite of the speed of the attack hadn't Bodenko spotted a quick glitter between Rezenski's fingers.

A goddamn razor blade, Victor ! Where did he find a razor blade here ? thought Bodenko in alarm. Somehow Rezenski had made some form of cleaver, crudely assembling a razor blade and a small metallic rod he had probably stolen at the workshop. One good swing and he could slit Bodenko's throat. Or he could just slash Bodenko until he bled white.

Two days after the radio message, the Portuguese Komintern agent had received an answer from Moscow. Bodenko and Morowitz were to be picked up by a Soviet cargo inbound for Königsberg. The cargo's captain had been instructed to add them to the ship's registers as simple seamen. So Bodenko had embarked on a creaking rustbucket that had probably been built when he was still sucking his mom's tits, and for seven days he and Morowitz had been "Pyotr" and "Boris", making sure none of the sailors became either too friendly or too curious.

In Königsberg, a car had been sent to pick them up as soon as they stepped out of the ship. While the car itself had been anonymous, with private german plates, the driver had been a Consulate aide, with orders to get them to a Hotel where the still seasick officers could take a shower, eat and wait for further instructions. Buying German newspapers, they had learned the first French vanguards had entered Madrid, and that the SSR government had fled the city. As they had read the rest of the article, it had dawned on them they had now moved way beyond "serious questions" territory and into an uncharted jungle where tigers indeed laid. That evening, a shaken Morowitz had gone to a nearby convenience store to buy two bottles of Schnapps, and they had did their best to drink themselves into oblivion.




(Left to right) : Major Kretschkin, Major Morowitz and Colonel Bodenko in Madrid, in the heady days of 1937

With a snarl, Bodenko swung his fists forward, first trying a feint to the right, immediately followed by a powerful jab to the left. His clenched fist collided full force with his opponent's stomach, and sent Rezenski staggering a few steps back, his arms flailing wildly. He regained his stability, panting but still looking at Bodenko with an excited smirk. It took a few seconds for the Colonel to realize the warm feeling on his cheek was blood. As he absent-mindedly brushed it away, a fiery line of pain blazed its way across all his left cheek. The blade had cut him from the temple to his jaw, and even though it was a flesh wound it worried Bodenko that it bled so much.

He and Morowitz had hoped to find oblivion in the Schnapps bottles, and their prayers had been speedily answered. In the middle of the night, the door to their room had burst open and four solidly built men had stormed into the room. The newcomers had stopped and chuckled at the sight of the two half-naked men, utterly drunk, who were looking at them wide-eyed and expectant, like kids at the circus waiting to see a magic trick.

"I don't particularly like to do that, you know ?" had said their leader, a muscular man, in a low voice that was almost a whisper. Bodenko had nodded vigorously, flashing an appreciative smile as if this had been a most excellent trick indeed.

The smile of the man had grown wider, and, nodding encouragingly, Bodenko had started to laugh, soon imitated by Morowitz. The large man had roared up in laughter, firsts clenched on his hips, and the others had followed. For a second the hotel room was nothing but cascading peels of laughter, sheer joy. And then, all of a sudden, but still laughing, the newcomers had beaten the living daylights out of the two hapless men. Morowitz tried to shield his superior, but a deluge of blows quickly sent them both into merciful darkness.

"Oo, Oo" mocked Rezenski, "has the barrack leader cut himself ?". In the background somebody laughed, which told Bodenko all he had to know about what would happen if he lost that fight. Shaking his head violently, he crouched a little, ready to pounce on his foe. All he had to do was to catch Rezenski's right arm into a firm grip while he'd thrust his knee to the other man's groin. And then he'd kill him.

In the Moscow Lubyanka, where his former colleagues had beaten him and Morowitz into a pulp for three days in a row, Bodenko had learned that Iejov was no longer head of anything. He was in what the NKVD called "permanent disgrace", as their little in-joke. The gnomish sociopath had been shot in a nearby cell in front of his former aides, ot at least in front of those who'd be allowed to stay alive and work for the security of the Soviet Union. Some of his tormenters had even told Bodenko that Proskurov, the new head of the NKVD, had allowed some of Iejov's former colleagues break his arms and legs with an iron bar, until what was left of Iejov had been nothing but a squashed body they had to shoot in his bunk because he could not even be attached to a chair to be executed.

As soon as he and Morowitz had arrived to the Kolyma-12, still puffy from the beatings, Bodenko had to put on yet another identity. Prison inmates had no name anymore, just a number. He and Morowitz had thus become inmates 854-5698 and 854-5701. a few days after, the rumor had spread throughout Kolyma-12 like a brushfire : somewhere in the prison, among the newly arrived prisoners, there was a NKVD Colonel in disgrace, a not-so innocent lamb to be slaughtered. Revenge, even served cold, appealed to the flesh-hungry Kolymans. Morowitz, whom for some reason nobody had pregged as a secret police officer, had run to warn Bodenko as soon as he heard the inmates talking about that. Upon hearing the news, Bodenko had blanched. Had he survived French arrest and NKVD interrogation only to be killed at the hands of social misfits and political deviants ? In a few days, as soon as they found out who he was, the inmates would kill him. Maybe they'd bribe the guards. Maybe they'd make it look like an accident. It was awfully easy to die in Kolyma-12, and it was not uncommon for men present at roll-call one morning to be missing the next day.

Good ol'Morowitz, Bodenko found himself thinking, Without him I'd be dead. Well, without him and my brains, that is.

That day, Bodenko had spent hours agonizing about his coming death, and whispering to Morowitz, as both men had been fearing their identity would be discovered rapidly. Came the evening, Bodenko had finally fallen into sleep as he would have into a bottomless pit. Yet, the next morning, during the roll call, Bodenko had felt transformed. He had known what he had to do. He had thought up a plan.

Without so much as a warning, Bodenko jumped on Rezenski, in a desperate lunge. His right arm seized Rezenski's wrist and twisted it savagely away, while his knee surged forward. Even though he had been surprised by Bodenko's snake-like agility, Rezenski had the good sense to turn sideways, and the Colonel's knee crashed into his hip instead of the groin. Tears of pain swelling in his eyes, Rezenski headbutted Bodenko's with all the energy he could muster, crushing his nose.

Blinded by pain and tears, Bodenko staggered backwards and fell, his head hitting the heavy stew pot. Immediately Rezenski kicked him in the belly, laughing wildly. He fell on his knees, raising his makeshift weapon as his left hand pushed Bodenko's head backwards, exposing the dirty and fragile throat. Bodenko, fully conscient it was to be his last one, tried to take one good, deep breath. Behind the men the inmates were clenching their fists in expectation, yelling "Kill him ! Kill the bastard !"

The day after that roll call, Bodenko had managed to steal a doorknob at the workshop where the inmates made furniture for the neighboring agricultural combines. Fumbling with the tools in front of him, he had popped it in his pocket before anyone could see what he had done. The rest of the day had passed without incident, and Bodenko had actually felt relaxed. Everything had been clear in his mind. At nightfall, while others had fallen on their bunks trying to get some respite from the hungry Moloch that was Kolyma-12, Bodenko had put out the knob and had begun, slowly, laboriously, to sharpen the steel screw that stuck out at its end against the superposed bunks's metallic frame. It had taken him almost all night to turn the screw into a vague nail, and if it hadn't been made of inferior steel, his plans could never have worked.

Shortly before the prison's reveille, he had decided it was time to enlist Morowitz's help. He had climbed down from his bunk and had walked silently to the place Morowitz had been assigned, at ground level. Kneeling close to Morowitz, he had picked up the man's folded shirt from the bed and had gently tapped him on the shoulder.

"Shhh, Alex" he had said, as Morowitz had opened his eyes wide "It's me. Listen, I have a plan."

"You do ?" had whispered Morowitz, hope welling up in his sleepy eyes. He had always been impressed by Bodenko's ability to think on his feet.

"Yes. And I'm sorry" had said Bodenko. Before Morowitz could even start to register surprise, he had suddenly stuffed the shirt into Morowitz's mouth and had stabbed him through the heart with the screw, pressing the knob all the way down to his friend's chest. After the fourth stab, Morowitz's body had stopped jerking. The following morning, the inmates had learned that 854-5701, a tough guy whose name was Alex, had found out who the KNVD Colonel was, and had killed him. And once again Victor Bodenko had become somebody else.

"Die, you little shit" Rezenski spat, as his hand descended for the lethal blow.

The next few seconds happened so fast the inmates never could agree about the exact chain of events.

The door opened violently as a man and three guards stormed into the barracks. None of the barracks inmates had heard the footsteps, and even the watchout whose task was to alert the others in case of an inspection had looked at the fight. At that point, Rezenski was about to slit Bodenko's throat, and he stupidly froze in that position, his raised hand still holding his makeshift knife.

The plain-clothed man who entered first had his handgun drawn, and without hesitation he pumped two bullets into Rezenski's chest, sending him tumbling backwards. The three guards who had deployed around him kicked away the stew pot and used their truncheons to beat the first rank spectators, who fell back and huddled in the back of the barrack.

"That's him ?" asked the man, pointing his Makarov gun at Bodenko, who was still panting on the floor.

As the senior guard nodded affirmatively, the man knelt down, to the point his face was only a few inches to Bodenko's.

"Colonel Bodenko ?" he asked, almost politely.

Bodenko, too shocked to talk, too afraid to breathe, was looking at him with wild eyes.

"You're ordered back to Moscow, Colonel" he said, as if it was perfectly normal news.

"Mos...Moscow ?" asked Bodenko, completely lost.

"Moscow. Immediately. You're going places, Colonel, or so I'm told"
 
Last edited:
CHAPTER 33 : KREMLIN

Moscow, a conference room inside the Kremlin, April the 2nd, 1938




The Kremlin, capital city of world revolution

"So tell me, Proskurov", said the white-clad man as he filled his pipe with Georgian tobacco, "What songs have your little birds tweeted in your ears lately?"

Proskurov, eh ? thought the new head of the NKVD, taking maps and documents out of his briefcase and placing them face-up on the large table. Good. As long it's not "my dear comrade", I should be on safe ground.

Lieutenant General Ivan Proskurov's rise to power had been the result a very complicated intrigue. The banishment of Leon Trostky, former creator and first head of the Red Army, and his denunciation as an enemy of the State twelve years earlier had sent powerful shock waves throughout the Soviet military chain of command, which had found itself increasingly suspected of political deviationism. Even after Trostky's closest aides had been purged out of the army, suspicion had not abated, fueled by the NKVD upper echelons which could smell the general officers' blood - and more importantly the delicate scent of greater power and rewards for their own outfit. For the Red Army officers, it was more like a stench that lingered on wherever they went or were. All across the immense territory of the Soviet Union, in the STAVKA headquarters, in regimental barracks, in far-away border outposts, officers had begun to realize they had somehow embarked on a collision course with General Secretary Stalin.

As could be expected from men who had fought almost every army in the world in almost 10 years of constant warfare, not all of the officers who could see the clouds accumulating over their heads were ready to wait passively and just hope things would turn out all right in the end. A small group of very high-ranking officers, all Field-Marshals, Great War and Civil War veterans to a man, gathered around Marshal Tukhatchevsky. Tukhatchevsky felt that a time would come when only direct action would save their hides, and under his authority the conspirators began in 1935 to plan a move against Moscow. Knowing the NKVD had placed spies among their units, they had taken great care to gather only the most trustworthy officers, people they had fought and bled with against the hated Whites or the European Capitalists. A few months after, all over Soviet Russia, some regiments had begun to increase the rythm of their training. Some junior officers who just hadn't the right credentials had discreetly been moved or promoted to different units, different sectors, or different jobs. Some political officers had died in mortal but apparently genuine accidents. Ammunition and fuel had begun to be accumulated under the guise of improving the Red Army's general readiness. As Iejov's NKVD had kept fueling the fires of the General Secretary's already pathological suspicion, Tukhatchevsky had decided during a secret meeting in Smolensk in October 1936 there was no other choice than to purge Stalin before he purged them. Six divisions had been ready to move as soon as their commanding officers told their junior subordinates what their objective was. For security reasons of course, it had been agreed this part would only be divulged an hour before the operation began, and that it would be presented as a rush to save the Kremlin and Socialist Revolution from a NKVD coup. The green light was to be given by Tukhatchevsky himself, at some point in the coming spring.

In late 1936, the Soviet NKVD hadn't heard any of this, so tight the red Army's security had been. Its middle echelons - which then included Proskurov - felt something was not quite right, and were particularly intrigued by the death of three political officers in military districts neighboring Moscow. But the upper echelons, and Iejov particularly, were too busy with their power plays, and thought the Red Army situation could be dealt with by enough whispering into Stalin's ears, without having to conduct any formal investigation. So, tired of having a bunch of NKVD Majors and Lieutenant-Colonels bothering them about that day in and day out, they had assigned them to counter-espionage duties, which was sufficiently drab and unglamorous to be considered a gentle warning Iejovs' patience was wearing thin.

As one of the most pestering officers, then Lieutenant-Colonel Proskurov had been sent to Leningrad, which since Kirov's assassination in 1934 was seen as a dead-end for an any ambitious officer's career. And there, just as he thought his halcyon NKVD days were officially over, luck had smiled upon Proskurov. As part of his counter-espionage job, he and a NKVD squad had staked out a German cargo's third officer, who seemed to know the city inside and out and had visibly made some acquaintances there. While such things were by themselves entirely natural, Preskurov's suspicion had been aroused by the fact the officer stayed out of bars and always took lodgings in the same seedy hotel off the docks, where other men often came alone. The absence of any whores arriving or leaving with any of the men had confirmed Proskurov something unusual was going on there. The third evening, he had mustered a platoon of policemen to cordon the block off and had ordered his squad to storm the room. After a short firefight during which one of the suspects had been killed, Proskurov had found what he needed to keep his career rolling.

Among the material he and his agents found in the room were documents claiming the Red Army's upper echelons were planning to overthrow the Communist Party and facilitate the establishment of a bourgeois government that would be dominated by White Russians. As Proskurov personally led the interrogation of the German spy and his surviving Russian contact, he soon found out that the documents were complete fabrications, clearly an intoxication operation launched by the German Reich's SD. Still, the documents comforted his own personal impressions that something was going on in STAVKA. Always the cautious chess player, Proskurov had immediately deciced the situation required careful consideration. That night, Proskurov didn't sleep. He sat down on his bed, legs crossed, a bottle of peppered vodka and two packs of Papyrus cigarettes nearby. He thought for hours about what he should now do with the tainted information he had. He thought about Iejov, the murderous midget who was running the NKVD. He thought about Stalin, the absolute ruler of the country. He thought about his own ambitions. Fate had given him what could very well be a winning hand, if he knew how to use it.



Lt-General Ivan Proskurov, playing his career as implacably as he plays chess

In the morning, Proskurov ordered the transfer of the prisoners to Moscow and told his men he'd ride the truck with the two prisoners. He arranged for Konovalov, his loyal and unquestioning adjutant, to be the truck driver. And somewhere in the forest, among the poplar trees, they shot their prisoners and ditched them into a nearby pond. In Moscow, he managed to obtain a short interview with Iejov, and he presented him the information as entirely genuine, adding that the prisoners had died during their interrogation - hardly an uncommon cause of death in NKVD cells. Careful not to gloat or look smug, he quite the contrary made sure Iejov could use the documents as if they had been the result of an investigation he had wisely ordered himself. And so Proskurov, who was made a full Colonel on the spot, came back to Moscow while the enormous purge of the Red Army began.

After that, all it had taken was a little patience. Proskurov was conscious he was not a particularly good man, but he also took pride he was neither an evil one. Iejov, on the contrary, was nothing but a madman, a blood-crazy butcher. All Proskurov had to do was to wait until Iejov's bloody rule of death would begin to tire or frighten even Politburo members. As the Red Army was bled white to the point most of its commanding officers were either standing trial or walking to the gallows, the Politburo members had begun to worry of what might happen if Japan or Poland or the bourgeois regimes attacked the Soviet Union. And then there had been the Spanish disaster, when the newly established SSR regime had crumbled after a mere three months of fighting, showing how skin-deep Communist control over the Spanish population had been. At that point it had been easy for Proskurov to talk to a few carefully selected Politburo members, affecting diffident humility, telling them he had warned Iejov the documents were forged, and that Iejov had decided to use them anyway to get his Spanish failure out of the spotlight. A few months later, in the aftermath of the Spanish fiasco, Stalin had finally sacrificed Iejov as a sop to Politburo members and Soviet citizens alike. Proskurov, that talented NKVD man that reminded Djerzhinksy by his honesty and commitment to Socialist revolution, seemed the natural candidate to replace Iejov and make his dreadful shadow fade away. His first task as newly-promoted Lieutenant-General was to kill Iejov, and he made sure to spread the guilt around on that one, so he and his new aides would be bonded together by the blood of their victim.



Nikolai Iejov, the hated and feared head of the Soviet NKVD, shortly before his downfall in 1938

"Comrade Secretary General" Proskurov began, "the French and Italians have now enlisted the help of Fascist Austria to put the German Reich on the defensive, in what they call the 'Stresa Alliance'. We have been able to use local intelligence - mostly members of the clandestine French, Austrian and Italian Communist Parties to locate the Alliance's main forces."

Walking to the General Secretary under the watchful eyes of a Kremlin Taman Guard, he unfolded the operational map his services had drawn up.



Germany's Southern flank in the spring of 1938

Stalin barely cast a glance at the map, keeping his inscrutable eyes on Proskurov. Puffing smoke from time to time, he listened to his intelligence chief, always weighing him up, always calculating. Proskurov had heard of men who needed to get drunk either before or after metting Stalin, sometimes even both, and he understood them completely. Oh, how he understood them. Stalin was raw power, raw energy. If he touched you, you could die. Even a mere look could kill you.

"The French have begun to reorganize the Italian and Austrian armies" continued Proskurov, feeling pressured by the General Secretary's silence. "They are assembling them into 12-division strong armies along the German border. Interestingly enough, they don't seem to pay much attention to Hungary's fascist regime, even though it is Germany's last natural ally in this part of Europe"

"We shall see about that, Proskurov" said Stalin, cryptically. "Now tell me, Comrade : what about the Far East ?" he asked in a tone always seemed to indicate he was waiting for the moment the person he was speaking to would make a wrong move, say the wrong thing, and cause his own downfall.

No wonder he worries over the Far-east, thought Proskurov, fumbling in his briefcase to fish out the appropriate map.

Over the past months there had been a growing number of border incidents in the oblasts neighboring Japan and Mandchukuo, and Stalin didn't have to be reminded Japan's sudden attack on Russia thirty-three years before. To top it off, there also was the risk an ill-timed Japanese intervention could interfere with "the other matter", as Proskurov and Stalin always referred to the ambitious plans the General Secretary had exposed him one evening, two weeks ago. Ambitious, they certainly were, and Proskurov could still remember the look of diabolical triumph in Stalin's eyes when he had looked up from the papers the General Secretary had given him.

Never think you're more clever than old Comrade Stalin, had said Stalin's eyes that night. Never think Comrade Stalin cannot catch up with you or anyone else.

"Good" grunted Stalin, as he looked at the second map being unfolded. For one brief moment, he sounded like a gruff old uncle rewarding his waywayrd nephew with an unexpected compliment.

"So far things have been very quiet. The Japanese are busy fighting practically every faction in China, with the notable exception of Mao's Communist China. As per your instructions, we have advised Mao's special envoy, comrade Chou-en-Lai, to be patient and instead work on strengthening Communist control in the areas he controls"

"Hmmh" grunted Stalin. His personal preferences leaned towards Chiang Kai Shek's Nationalist China, but he had to admit it was good foir the Soviet Union to have several irons in the fire. Should one fail, the General Secretary would be able to resort to another. And as always in Asia, their knowing there was an alternative actually made both Chiang and Mao easier to deal with.

Like Stalin, Proskurov thought an alliance with Nationalist China made more sense that one with Mao's peasant "army", but had learned early on it was better to stay as neutral as possible until Stalin had clearly revealed his position. Only then was it wise to express a personal opinion - as long as it agreed with the Comrade General Secretary's of course.

"As a result, the situation along our Far-eastern borders is as depicted on this map. All quiet on the Eastern Front" he said, casually tapping on the displayed map with his pen.



Russia's vulnerable Eastern underbelly

"All quiet, eh ?" grumbled Stalin. "So that is your take on Japan, my dear comrade ?" asked Stalin, a hint of a cruel smile on his pock-marked face.

Watch out, Ivan, watch out ! thought Proskurov. He knew he was now was skating on very, very thin ice.

"The reports I've seen seem to indicate there is no particular risk, as Japanese forces are busy battling immense Nationalist armies in central China. But you know how hard it is to predict a sudden action from a foreign power, Comrade General Secretary" began Proskurov. "Particularly when their government has as little control over its army general officers as Japan. We are indeed lucky not to have such a situation there"

Thanks to me, Comrade Secretary General, thanks to me was the implied message.

That answer earned him another grunt, as if Stalin was reluctantly conceding a point.

"Good. So, Proskurov, I think it's time we look into that other matter. The one we discussed two weeks ago. You said you had the team we need ?"

"At your disposal, Comrade Secretary General. They're waiting outside. Should I let them in ?"

On a vague nod from Stalin, Proskurov walked to the door, while the Taman Guard rifleman stepped aside to let two men enter. The first one strode into the room like a machine, saluting and remaining at attention. He had the looks of a famished wolf, with a strange glow in his eyes. A thin scar ran from temple to lower jaw.

"Comrade Secretary General, this is Colonel Bodenko. He is thorough, he is talented, he speaks the language, and of course he is totally loyal".

And he might be a mad bastard of the first order thought Proskurov, who knew better than to share this particular piece of information. Instead, he turned towards the other man. He too spoke the language, of course, and he had local contacts that might be useful in certain officers' circles.

Still, Proskurov harbored a few doubts. Next to Bodenko, the other man reminded him of the White soldiers he had seen at the end of the Civil War. They too had had that broken look, as if something had been taken from them that would never return, as if they were caught into a terrible nightmare that refused to go away. The man stood motionless, in a Soviet uniform that clearly hadn't been cut for him.



The second man

"And of course you know general Lister."

Stalin walked up to the two men, sweet-flavored smoke billowing from his pipe. He looked at both men appreciatively, as he recognized they were the perfect tools for his plans. They had some ravenous hunger within them, and would have killed for a chance to turn back the tables on whatever Fate had betrayed them both in Spain. Turning away, he pointed his pipe at the large map General Proskurov had placed on top of the varnished table.

"Here is where Revolution needs you. Here is where I need you. Here is where you go tomorrow. Succeed, and you'll make history. Fail, and you will be it"


Objective : Latin America
 
Amazing one.
I must say that I'm following it at the Paradox forums, and it's one of the best AAR I have ever seen.
I'm eagerly waiting for the action part...

PS:
Une bonne TL française (bien que rédigée en anglais) ça fait toujours plaisir. :D
 
Amazing one.
I must say that I'm following it at the Paradox forums, and it's one of the best AAR I have ever seen.
I'm eagerly waiting for the action part...

PS:
Une bonne TL française (bien que rédigée en anglais) ça fait toujours plaisir. :D

Merci bien ! IL se pourrait (si je gagne au Loto et que je n'ai plus jamais le besoin de travailler) que je rédige la traduction pour le forum français.

So far I've been posting the updates, but I want to write something more AH-like about the historical - and a-historical - sources and potential might have beens upon which the story is based.
 
CHAPTER 34 : KRIEG

President Lebrun's temporary office

Mon Dieu, thought an astonished Lebrun, staring at the papers scattered before him as if they were an evil curse.

Mon Dieu. Oh my dear God, how could it come to all that, so quickly?

Ever since he had begun to read the military reports that had been prepared for him, Lebrun had been feeling sick to his stomach. Every line only added to his anguish, and it was even more frightening to see that Prime Minister de la Rocque and defense Minister Fabry were equally disheartened. Both men stayed silent, looking away. By the window, they could see a deceptively peaceful nature, oblivious to the destinies of men and political regimes. Outside, Lebrun could hear birds singing, and it struck him as terribly incongruous that birds could sing in such circumstances.

Looking at the papers as if they were poisonous snakes, he forced himself to go through the recapitulation of the events they depicted, sometimes with great and horrendous detail.



President Lebrun re-discovers the terrible price of war


April the 10th, 1938 : Chancellor Schussnig is assassinated by Austrian Nazis who claim his government does not represent the will of the people anymore. Austrian President Miklas announce a referendum on the political union with Germany will take place before the end of the month.

April the 10th, 1938 : Chancellor Hitler rejects the idea of a referendum, and states he’s ready to declare political union with Austria, through military means if necessary.

April the 11th, 1938 : France, Italy, Spain and Luxembourg pledge support to Miklas and warn Hitler that they’ll protect Austrian independence by any necessary means.

April the 12th, 1938 : German forces begin moving towards Austria.
Britain, Belgium, Poland, declare their neutrality.

April the 13th, 1938 : German forces clashes with Austrian border guards.

April the 13th, 1938 : France, Italy, Spain, Luxembourg declare war on Germany. France’s 9th Army moves to Luxembourg. General mobilization is declared.

April the 14th, 1938 : Forts from both the Maginot and the Siegfried lines use their long-range guns to disrupt mobilization centers and industrial capacities. Strasbourg and Metz are particularly hard-hit from artillery fire and bomber raids. The death toll is established around 800 in both cities.

His mouth was feeling dry, as if it had been filled with dust. As he reached for the jug of water that had been brought in this temporary office, Lebrun thought about the Great War. Far from being the war to end all wars, it now seemed its only purpose had been to usher Europe into an era of even greater perils. Many people – including some, Lebrun knew, who were members of the French Cabinet – thought of him as a mere fool, a simpleton unable to act decisively, who favored passivity when the circumstances called for heroic, decisive action.

Heroic deeds. Decisive action, thought Lebrun, ashen-faced. Of course these people are never around when the time comes to pay for their beloved 'heroism'. Talk is dirt cheap, except for those who have to do the heroic dying.

Albert Lebrun knew of his own limitations. He was neither a visionnary idealist like Paul Reynaud, his newly-appointed Foreign Minister, nor a bold politician like de La Rocque and his senior aides. He was not the kind of leader that inflamed the collective soul of the nation and whipped up millions into a frantic march forward. And while some might thing of it as one more proof of his weakness, he did not desire to be such a man. He had been elected after his predecessor had fallen victim to a politcal assassin, in an attempt to reassure and heal a divided nation. He liked to think he had been elected out of his reputation of integrity and humanity, and if these were weaknesses or liabilities, then Lebrun hoped he'd be spared any contrary qualities.

Once again, Civilization had failed to keep Barbary in line, and once again men of every nation would have to die to feed the monstrous beast that had been unleashed. It struck Lebrun as particularly unfair that France, which had bled so much in the Great War, should once again sacrifice so many of its young men because the men at the helm had been unable to steer the nation away from another massacre.

April the 16th, 1938 : German forces isolate Austrian armies from each other and begin to destroy them piecemeal. Italy and Spain begin to ferry troops to France, and the Italian Navy sends a squadron to the Channel. An Italian army moves into Austria through the Brenner Pass.

April the 20th, 1938 : German forces intercept the Italian division on the main road to Vienna.

April the 20th, 1938: The Kriegsmarine sorties in force in the North Sea to force the French Navy’s Atlantic Squadron to commit.

April the 21st, 1938 : After a five-hour naval engagement, France loses three of its four ageing battleships, against the two German modern pocket battleships. Even worse, the Atlantic Squadron loses more than half of its destroyers, leaving almost none for convoy protection duties until the Italian squadron arrives.

April the 29th, 1938 : All of Austria is controlled by Germany. Italy’s forces are pushed back south of the Brenner Pass, making it extremely difficult for an Allied counter-attack in Austria.

May the 10th, 1938 : Germany declares war on Belgium and immediately starts to invade the Low Countries. Britain declares it won’t intervene if Germany pledges to respect Belgian sovereignty after the end of the Franco-German conflict.

May the 11th, 1938 : Belgium calls for French help. The 1er Army Group enters Belgium

May the 14th, 1938 : French and German forces clash east of Brussels.

May the 18th, 1938 : Through superior airpower, mobility and numbers, German forces push the 1er Army Group toward Ghent and Antwerp. French losses estimated over 8,000.

May the 22nd, 1938 : German forces cross the Franco-Belgian border and rush towards Lille and Paris, outflanking the 3ème Army group and isolating the expeditionary forces of the 1er Army Group.

June the 1st, 1938 : 2ème Army Group is pushed beyond the Somme. French losses reach 25,000.

June the 15th, 1938 : 3ème Army group is encircled in the “Alsatian Redoubt”. French losses reach 50,000.

June the 18th, 1938 : German forces break the French frontlines at the Somme.

June the 26th, 1938 : 2ème Army Group is pushed into Paris. The French government is evacuated to Bordeaux, Paris is declared an open city. French losses reach 100,000.

July the 12th, 1938 : The 2ème Army Group launches a series of last-ditch counter-attacks to reestablish a continuous frontline.

July the 20th, 1938 : Failure of the counter-attacks. French losses reach 150,000.

July the 29th, 1938 : The French lines are entirely broken, its Army Groups reduced to individual, tattered divisions that are one by one forced into surrender. French losses reach 200,000.

Lebrun discarded the papers, in a futile attempt to push their content away from his conscience. He felt physically weak, drained of energy. His anxious nature had never led him to uncontrolled bouts of optimism, but he had to admit he had felt elated after his country’s recent diplomatic and military success. To Lebrun, it was as if France had been back after a long lapse, its position in the world stronger than it had ever been since 1918.

And then, de la Rocque and Fabry had come to his temporary office at the Elysée – the one traditionally reserved for the President of the French Republic was being redecorated. They had brought with them the summarized results of the latest series of kriegspiel General de Gaulle, the new commanding officer of the Ecole de Guerre, had ordered since he had been appointed four weeks ago.


General de Gaulle, Commanding Officer of the Ecole de Guerre, must prepare an Army for a war it never planned.

“So” said Lebrun, with a heavy sigh, “Five attempts, all failures. I guess that makes it official. There is absolutely no way to win a war with Germany, even with Italy on our side.”

“Not exactly, Monsieur le Président” said de la Rocque, while Fabry fumbled in his briefcase.

“Not exactly, Colonel ?” asked Lebrun, surprised. “I think the results of our military braintrust at the Ecole de Guerre have proven that beyond a doubt.”

“Actually” said de la Rocque, opening the thick, blue folder Fabry was profferring “what General de Gaulle and his officers have proven beyond a doubt is that we can’t win a defensive war. As you will see in this file, the chances of defeating Germany in an offensive war are much, much better”
 
Last edited:
Merci bien ! IL se pourrait (si je gagne au Loto et que je n'ai plus jamais le besoin de travailler) que je rédige la traduction pour le forum français.

So far I've been posting the updates, but I want to write something more AH-like about the historical - and a-historical - sources and potential might have beens upon which the story is based.

Great news!
You got potential there, even from an historical perspective, your description of what the PSF policies could have been, is really interesting.
It's fun to see some sort of "Gaullisme avant la lettre".
 
Great news!
You got potential there, even from an historical perspective, your description of what the PSF policies could have been, is really interesting.
It's fun to see some sort of "Gaullisme avant la lettre".

I found a political program of the PSF for 1938 and it was extremely troubling. There you had, in a nutshell :

- the creation of administrative regions (1972 in OTL)

- voting rights for women (1945 in OTL)

- a semi-presidential regime (1958 in OTL)
 
- voting rights for women (1945 in OTL)

Quite ahead of it's time, but maybe a not so progressive proposal.
Some rightists movements considered that women were more conservative that men and would vote for them
Still the PSF was a very original political formation: nationalist but not antisemitic, conservative but progressive on a social level (De la Rocque said "Le Social d'abord" in contrary to the "La Politique d'abord" of Maurras), opposed to parliamentary system still democratic etc...
Like gaullisme "ni droite ni gauche" but both of it.
A fact that was proven after the defeat of 1940 when some PSF members joined the Vichy regime when some others joined the Resistance.
 
The PSF is a political paradox.

It 's a mass party (the first French Conservative mass party), and yet it's born out of an elitist group.

It's Conservative, but shares the Left's social concerns.

I can't recommend enough Jacques Nobécourt's book "Le Colonel de la Rocque ou les pièges du nationalismes chrétien". A really good read I stumbled upon when I first started reading that historians like Milza and Winoch refused to class the Croix de Feu as one of the Fascist leagues.
 
The PSF is a political paradox.

It 's a mass party (the first French Conservative mass party), and yet it's born out of an elitist group.

It's Conservative, but shares the Left's social concerns.

I can't recommend enough Jacques Nobécourt's book "Le Colonel de la Rocque ou les pièges du nationalismes chrétien". A really good read I stumbled upon when I first started reading that historians like Milza and Winoch refused to class the Croix de Feu as one of the Fascist leagues.

So true.
Too many people confused the Croix de Feu with the other Leagues (as the "Front Populaire" Government did).
All this reminds me my courses in "Sciences Po" on the history of the right in France. Good memories.
 
So true.
Too many people confused the Croix de Feu with the other Leagues (as the "Front Populaire" Government did).

Just as the fact the Communist Party took part in the riots is generally left aside. Joint rioting with French Fascists wanting to bring down a democratic government, that doesn't sound too good I guess. ;)

All this reminds me my courses in "Sciences Po" on the history of the right in France. Good memories.

Ah, Science Po. That would have interested me, in the old days.
 
Just as the fact the Communist Party took part in the riots is generally left aside. Joint rioting with French Fascists wanting to bring down a democratic government, that doesn't sound too good I guess. ;)

Hé hé exactly, but at the time the SFIO and other moderate left wing parties were still seen by the PCF as "Sociaux traitres". Everything was good to bring down the bourgeois order.
A stupid mistake, as the events in germany one year before proved.
 
CHAPTER 35 : ESTADO NOVO



Belo Horizonte, in the Brazilian state of Minas Gerais, in the spring of 1938

A luxury restaurant in Minas Gerais, Brazil, May the 12th, 1938

"So, senhor Miller" said the middle-aged man, "can I depend on you ?"

The tall American took a sip of his Bourbon to gather his thoughts. He had been sent to Brazil by an elite group of fellow industrialists, and he didn't want to give the game away after a mere dozen drinks. It was serious business he and his friends were conducing, the kind of business that made nations - or ruined them. An ordinary day for Miller and the gang he had associated with dealt with oil futures and precision optic devices, with explosives and spare parts, with airplanes licenses and rare metals. As such, they often had to deal with foreign potentates, and to Miller's group, Getulio Vargas, Presidente of Brazil and executive head of Rio de Janeiro's Estado Novo was nothing more than a disenfranchised Liberian general or a rogue German investor. Considerably less than the latter, in fact.


Presidente Vargas' escort enjoys a few hours off when their boss is dining foreign investors.​

"Senhor Presidente, you have to understand what the situation looks like in America", Miller said, feeling that it was time to deliver a self-gratifying analysis about world politics. If nothing else, that would make Vargas understand better what the Grand Game, as his partners called it, was all about these days. And, as an added and pleasant bonus, that would impress the beautiful and demure brunette that was sitting to his left, giggling at every half-witty comment he or Vargas made.

Taking a deep sigh, Miller raised his fork, about to use it to underscore every point he was about to make.

"As you may know, senhor Presidente, all European nations have ended last war owing Uncle Sam large sums of money. Or more exactly, owing me and my friends large sums of money. From ammunition to foodstuff to industrial products, we funded their little war, until it became ours. And when it did, it only meant more of our money was at stake, of course. Naturally, once victory and defeat happened to be both around the corner, our debtors tried to wriggle their way out of reimbursement"

Miller chuckled softly, letting his left hand wander up Amelia's thigh under the table. She shot a seductive glance at him, uncrossing her legs to let him feel more comfortable with his caress.

"Since the end of the war, American industrialists basically belong to one of two groups, each group having taken a different path. You could say there's those who took the beaten path - those who, like my friends, realized in 1918 there was more money to make in Germany than in France or England. And there's those who think they should bet on our former allies in the long run, forgetting we had to bail them out last time they tried to swallow a big bite of juicy steak."

Vargas was looking at him from above his drink, his eyes twinkling with something that Miller couldn't identify. Possibly it was the mere pleasure to chat with a like-minded norteamericano, or whatever they called it in Brazilian Portuguese. Miller had dealt with a lot of Latin American generals and politicians over the past ten years, and while Vargas definitely was a better, more astute and above all more powerful kind of coronel, he was nothing but an upstart spic.

I'll have to think of an appropriate terms for Brazilians, thought Miller, who as one of the few men of his group aware of the incongruity of calling a Brazilian a spic had been promoted as their expert for the subcontinent on the spot.

"My friends and associates believe money is still where it was in 1918, in Germany, and of course in foreign countries ready to invest in Germany, regardless of the political regime. You have to understand we care little about our partners' political affiliation, as long as they have credit and are not Communist."

"In this respect, senhor Miller, I dare say you'll find Estadonovista Brazil is a place with a future for foreign investors" added Vargas, flashing a smile at Amelia while squeezing Karin's hand. Whether it was her luscious eyes or scuptural body, the White Russian girl always had something about her that made him feel on fire.

"Quite" said Miller. "Anyway, my friends have more or less blazed the new ground America has tread on over the last decade. We have resisted our competitors' attempts to have France and England's war debts written off, while securing large access to the German market for ourselves. And while our competitors enjoy their little French honeymoon so far, the change of regime in Berlin has only made our own investment more profitable, to the point we're ready to comfort our German partners' position in Latin America. Speaking of which, I understand you have approached them to build a steel mill in Brazil, in exchange for mining rights here in Minas Gerais"

Vargas nodded, feeling unconcerned and vaguely annoyed by Miller's explanations. It was always like that with politically-minded envoys such as this smug American industrialist. To Vargas, ideologies meant nothing and served no purpose except to clog the political process. He half-thought about opening his guests' eyes as to the complete vacuity of political ideals, but decided against it. While humbling his insufferable guest would be immensely satisfying, it would not serve Vargas' purposes, which were to secure American investment for his country.

Vargas had been elected in 1934 after a decade of political turmoil between right-wing Integralistas and local Communists. Inspired by Mussolini's success in keeping social unrest under control by instating governmental negociations - to be fair democracies had been using the same trick a few years later - he had transformed his initially bourgeois democratical reform program into a more authoritarian Fascist-inspired regime, the Estado Novo. Since then, the Estado Novo had been the perfect weathercock of the mid-1930s. As strong, militaristic regimes had taken hold almost everywhere in Europe, Brazil had drifted to the Far Right with abandon. Vargas kept going with the flow, and now that the democracies were baring their teeth - and using them like in Spain the previous year - he thought about reaching another kind of political balance. But in the end, it was the United States' position that really mattered to him - as long as his decrees would enjoy Washington's imprimatur, Brazil would be safe. And men like Miller, for all their irritating tendency to think the world was wrapped around their little finger, made sure Vargas' credit remained high in the America that actually mattered.



Getulio Vargas, the ever flexible inflexible dictator

"What about your old alliance with France ? What about your alliance with England ?" asked Vargas, willing to berate his guest a little.

"Bah" said Miller. "They're beggars - or they would be, if it hadn't been for our soldiers, matériel and money. Their 1918 victory, which they so easily squandered away, was paid by Uncle Sam. We own them, and in all justice we should call the shots in Europe. Actually my friends and I think we will, in due time. We have many contacts over there, who tell us England and France are nothing but spent forces. They recognized Germany is on the rise long ago, senhor Presidente, and they sent Hitler a congratulations telegram in 1933. That is the future, senhor Vargas. A German-American partnership. That is the future"

No more 'senhor Presidente', eh, you smug little bastard ? thought Vargas, who half-wondered if he could arrange for some thugs to beat Miller up in a plausibly deniable way.

Instead, Vargas put his spectacles off, taking a few seconds to wipe them clean with the tablecloth, while flashing a knowing smile at Karin as if to ask her to bear witness how many unplesant burdens he had to put up with. Facing him, Amelia seemed to be a little put off too, or maybe she wasn't at ease with the sudden tension between the two men she had been hired to please. That didn't worry Vargas much. As he well knew from sweet experience, Amelia would do her best later tonight for Miller to feel admired and appreciated. He waved away the thought and focused on his own little speech.

"Brazil is also part of this future, senhor Miller, regardless of what your President Landon may think" he replied, keeping a poker face and an even voice. "Estado Novo has more to do with strong, anti-Communist regimes than with weak, left-leaning democracies. We want strong ties with the United States, and we want strong ties with Germany, as we see both nations as essential in the Holy fight against Communism. I want Brazil to stand by these nations in that fight, and for that, you'll understand, I need technical expertise. Germany is ready to invest in a steel mill but having Brazilian factories will always mean more to me than welcoming foreign ones. What I want is to develop our own industrial sector. Tell your friends the Estado Novo doesn't plan to set up protectionnist bareers. But tell them also we'll need to build our industry up so we can contribute more to world economy, at the same time shifting our demands from basic products to high-value, high-technology equipments only a few firms in the world can actually produce. These factories will also increase our ability to help your friends provide German firms with certain products, and even raw material that might come in handy should industrialized countries such as the United States declare an embargo. So with Brazilian help, your friends could circumvent your own country's laws, like they skillfully did in Spain and Italy until very recently, or so I heard. It's what you call a win-win situation, I think. Have I summed eet up correctly, senhor Meeler ?" concluded Vargas, deliberately thickening his accent.

Miller straightened up and blushed, catching the Brazilian President's drift perfectly. He turned to Amelia to gain time and regain composure, and brought her hand to his mouth for an old-fashioned baisemain. His thoughts gathered, his sharp mind focused, he turned to face Vargas and tried to look beyond the Brazilian's amused eyes.

Yes, he fully understands it. No need to pussyfoot anymore thought Miller grudgingly. He felt bizarrely offended that Vargas has put his offer under such a crude light. At least the Dominican and Honduran generals he usually dealth with had the good taste of being complete idiots.

"Senhor Presidente, you have summed it up concisely and precisely. My friends thing Landon's foolish administration in Washington are misjudging the world situation regarding Communism - and Germany. They feel they have a higher duty to the American people, and of course to their shareholders. And they feel strict implementation of American trade regulations might prove a hindrance in the accomplishment of this duty. So...will Brazil help us fight the good fight, senhor Presidente ?"

Not so smug when it comes to call a spade a spade, Mr Miller ? thought vargas, smirking.

"Yes, my dear friend. You can tell your business associates that as long as they keep their end of the bargain with Estado Novo, Estado Novo will keep its. Please tell them also how strongly I believe in reciprocity, senhor Miller. Now" he said, looking at his gold watch, "we should hurry if we want to visit that manganese mine you were so eager to get a look at."

Delicately wiping his mouth with a silk handkerchief, he rose to his feet, flashing an apologetic smile to Karin. At the next table, the bodyguards immediately pushed away their cups of coffee and adjusted their jackets over their shoulder holsters. Florimonte, the head of Vargas' security detail, quickly sent two men outside to check the surroundings. He felt no particular reason to be worried, though - he had six men here, and two armed drivers were watching over the cars. On the whole, Minas Gerais was considered safe ground anyway, since the miners' strikes had ended two years before, their trade unions pledging allegiance to the Estado Novo.

"If my driver steps on it, we should be back in four hours. Just in time to save these beautiful ladies from loneliness - young beauties should never be left alone for too long" added Vargas with a good-natured wink at Amelia, who dutifully giggled as she stood up and headed for the restroom.

Five minutes later, as the presidential motorcade sped on to leave Belo Horizonte, Karin went down the stairs that led to the restroom. She was a little surprised to see Amelia leaning against the wall in one of the phone booths, and the two grils raised their eyebrows in mock tribute to the ego of the two men they'd have to "entertain" later on.

"Sorry, mama, the line is bad" said Amelia into the phone. "Anyway I'll try to come the day after tomorrow, by the 3 o'clock bus. I love you, mama"

"She's till giving you trouble over your job ?" asked an amused Karin. Amelia was like her younger sister, and Karin always made sure she was fine.

"Like you wouldn't believe." said Amelia, visibly upset

"You should have told her you had become a nun !" chuckled Karin, nudging her friend.

************​

In a flat near Minas Gerais, "Mama" hung up and turned to the group of men that had been tensely listening to the conversation with the call-girl.

"What did she say ?" asked their leader, a tall and melancholic man who was looking by the window, sipping water.

"Road number three, one sedan, two escort cars. He has a foreign guest with him" answered the burly man who had taken the call.

"Hmmh" thought the first one. He didn't care too much about what happened to Vargas' guests as long as they were Brazilian, but a foreigner might cause some unexpected problems. Still, they had worked two full weeks, day and night to arrange for this operation, and he knew they would not benefit from circumstances this favorable before months - if ever again. And of course there was Olga, his wife. A few weeks before, in his efforts to make nice with the German Nazis and with the Integralistas hardliners, Vargas had deported his pretty, clever, and pregnant Olga to Germany, on account of her being half-Jewish. The mere thought of her was enough to make any scruple wither.

"To hell with the American" said Luis Carlos Prestes, former Lieutenant in the Brazilian army and leader of the clandestine Communist Party. "Contact our people, and tell them to go along with the plan, as decided. No need to show any kind of mercy to anyone"



Luis Carlos Prestes, Komintern agent.​

Turning back to the window, Prestes wondered what kind of landscape Olga was able to see, if any.

No good deed ever goes unpunished, Getulio. Not one. And no bad deed either.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------​

Writer's notes

Sadly enough, in RL there was a convent of leading US industrialists in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York in 1940, which gathered to celebrate the German troop's entry into Paris. This group really did send a congratulations telegram to Adolf Hitler.

The RL Getulio Vargas was very much a political shapeshifter. Liberal reformist turned Italian-style Fascist, he also flirted with his local Nazis, the Integralistas (and as a sop to them he did deport Prestes' pregnant wife to Nazi Germany, where she gave birth and died in a camp), and let Germany and the US court him with offers of investment and war matériel. In 1942, after Stalingrad, he decided Germany was a lost cause and sided with the US, sending Brazilian troops to fight the regimes he had first wanted to emulate. As often when brave soldiers come back from a foreign war, they carried with them desires of social reforms, and Vargas once again changed his tune.

In RL, he was even astute enough to enlist Prestes' help in democratizing the country. Prestes justified it by saying the good of many should always trump the grief of one. Here Prestes is encouraged to exact revenge by the Komintern's desire to seize the initiative in Latin America]
 
Top