The Reign of Romulus Augustus
- Thread starter Romulus Augustus
- Start date
I'm glad you're back to finally finish your wonderful ATL, RA!!! 
I look forward to reading epilogue very soon. It's a pity Emperor Romulus Augustus didn't do a final bloody purge of his enemies (that still live) as well those seeking to corrupt the Western Roman Empire/government - something along these lines:
Perhaps to be conducted by the next Western Roman Emperor on his ascension to the throne, eh?
Also, looking forward to reading the aftermath of the Slavic/Germanic horde invasion of the Parthian Empire.
Please keep up the good work. Thank you!!!
I look forward to reading epilogue very soon. It's a pity Emperor Romulus Augustus didn't do a final bloody purge of his enemies (that still live) as well those seeking to corrupt the Western Roman Empire/government - something along these lines:Perhaps to be conducted by the next Western Roman Emperor on his ascension to the throne, eh?
Also, looking forward to reading the aftermath of the Slavic/Germanic horde invasion of the Parthian Empire.
Please keep up the good work. Thank you!!!
Abhakhazia
Banned
From his last words, looks like Romulus Augustus was the old prophet of doom in Attila: Total War
Excellent ending to the life an excellent man.
Excellent ending to the life an excellent man.
Donald Reaver: Thank you. I appreciate what you said. This isn’t Age of Miracles, but even knowing that maybe one or two people out there consider this their favorite “what if” Roman timeline is really good to know so again, thank you.
OwenM: Thank you very much! I should have gotten around to posting it sooner, but better late than never.
HonestAbe1809: I didn’t think about it, but I see no reason not to. I’ll add an “AD 537” map as soon as it’s ready. Thanks for the idea.
Silver: Thanks, man! It’s funny you should mention a purge (or lack thereof) because in my initial draft that’s what was going to happen. Then I thought about it some more and wondered about its probability at this stage in Romulus Augustus’s reign. Overall, I came to the conclusion that he wouldn’t resort to killing on a massive scale at this point because it would be counter-productive. It would be like Augustus ordering a massive purge of the Senatorial aristocracy, not unlike what he did during his civil war with Caesar’s assassins. There was no need or justification for such slaughter by the end of his reign. He had brought the Roman world to heel, the people loved him and even the Senate was finally marching to his beat. Romulus has managed the same, more or less, so he wouldn’t see the need to resort to another bloody purge. He’d still have enemies within the Empire, but not on the scale to make it a purge.
That’s not to say that the Empire will always remain stable enough to avoid the need to purge certain segments of the population, so yes it is more than probable that at some point a Western Roman Emperor will resort to brutal methods on a macro scale. Then again, it is also possible for something like a purge to happen under an Emperor who kills simply because he likes it.
Abhakhazia, Alpha Trion, and casval: Thanks for the feedback!
OwenM: Thank you very much! I should have gotten around to posting it sooner, but better late than never.
HonestAbe1809: I didn’t think about it, but I see no reason not to. I’ll add an “AD 537” map as soon as it’s ready. Thanks for the idea.
Silver: Thanks, man! It’s funny you should mention a purge (or lack thereof) because in my initial draft that’s what was going to happen. Then I thought about it some more and wondered about its probability at this stage in Romulus Augustus’s reign. Overall, I came to the conclusion that he wouldn’t resort to killing on a massive scale at this point because it would be counter-productive. It would be like Augustus ordering a massive purge of the Senatorial aristocracy, not unlike what he did during his civil war with Caesar’s assassins. There was no need or justification for such slaughter by the end of his reign. He had brought the Roman world to heel, the people loved him and even the Senate was finally marching to his beat. Romulus has managed the same, more or less, so he wouldn’t see the need to resort to another bloody purge. He’d still have enemies within the Empire, but not on the scale to make it a purge.
That’s not to say that the Empire will always remain stable enough to avoid the need to purge certain segments of the population, so yes it is more than probable that at some point a Western Roman Emperor will resort to brutal methods on a macro scale. Then again, it is also possible for something like a purge to happen under an Emperor who kills simply because he likes it.
Abhakhazia, Alpha Trion, and casval: Thanks for the feedback!
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You sell yourself too short, this is one of the greats by damn near everyone's acclaim. I'm just happy that it came to a definite conclusion, and I'm sure everyone congratulates you on bringing this to an appropriate and meaningful close.
Thank you! I really do appreciate that. It's been a good experience, not only as a writer but also as an historian. Before I started this timeline, my knowledge on Roman history in the Late Antiquity period was considerably less than what it is today. Putting so much attention into historical detail forced me to do a lot of research, which wasn't an issue because Rome is a particular favorite of mine. I wouldn't go so far as to claim that I'm an expert, but working on this timeline has helped me to understand this time period in Roman history and how it differs from, say, the Pax Romana era.
I'm also glad that I was able to bring this timeline's main subject to a conclusion. It was something I struggled with for awhile so I decided to leave the issue in abeyance by moving onto other things, but I was always going to revisit and complete this project...just wasn't sure when that would happen.
You're right that I do sell myself too short in this case. It's the problem with being the author, at least for me anyway. As the one who created this timeline, I am my own worst critic. I do realize that a lot of people on this board enjoy this timeline, or at least enough to get it voted "Best New Medieval Period" in the 2014 Turtledove Awards. That was a good moment, even humbling, so thank you again to everyone who voted for this timeline. I began this as an interesting thought experiment. At that time I didn't know how far it would go, but it seemed to just take on a life of its own. So yes, I am very proud of it and thankful to everyone who took an interest in my work.
I also want to take this time to say that although I like the new design for the board, I'm aware that it has unfortunately messed up the font size for every update I made to the timeline. I could go through each post and correct the problem, but at 60 pages that would be a little "time consuming" to say the least. Maybe I can manage it at a few day so I don't get too frustrated with the problem.
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I finished reading this, and I must say, a fabulous job well done.
Perhaps the only thing that I think was missing, at least in terms of Romulus Augustus' life, was perhaps an intimate look as to how Romulus personally evolved from a scared boy seeing the imminent end of his regime, to the ruthless man who took over for Orestes and led the Western Roman Empire to an improbable victory.
I'm thinking that his wife must have had a lot to do with that change; perhaps encouraging him to make something of himself? She seemed to be the only person in life that Romulus truly loved and respected, perhaps precisely because she had known Romulus back when he was still a vulnerable and fearful boy?
Perhaps the only thing that I think was missing, at least in terms of Romulus Augustus' life, was perhaps an intimate look as to how Romulus personally evolved from a scared boy seeing the imminent end of his regime, to the ruthless man who took over for Orestes and led the Western Roman Empire to an improbable victory.
I'm thinking that his wife must have had a lot to do with that change; perhaps encouraging him to make something of himself? She seemed to be the only person in life that Romulus truly loved and respected, perhaps precisely because she had known Romulus back when he was still a vulnerable and fearful boy?
Commando Howiezter
Banned
I have seen you do this a lot of times on a lot of other threads constantly asking whether someone will make a TL for your enjoyment, and this has also happened on this thread as well. So, why don't you write your own TL instead of constantly bothering people to do it for you?
Bmao: Thank you, not only for sharing your thoughts but also for all the feedback you've provided. I appreciate everyone who has commented on this timeline, but as one of the more frequent commenters you've been very helpful in my efforts to develop this story. So again, thank you for not only taking an interest in this timeline, but also for taking the time to share your thoughts and opinions.
As for the development of Romulus Augustus's character, I chose to keep the details more mysterious because I thought it might make him a little more interesting as a character. That said, I have dropped some hints about how he developed into the man he became, one of which being his relationship to his wife--which I'm glad to see you picked up on. It goes without saying that women were "limited" in virtually everything in life due to political and social norms and what not. Nevertheless, there are examples of women who became quite powerful in their own right. They could be reckless as any man, but also ambitious and clever when it came to amassing power and control. Regarding bravery and resilience in the face of near to certain death and defeat, I like the story about how Theodora basically showed up her own husband during the Nika Riots. Whereas Justinian was ready to abandon his capital to a rebellious mob, his own wife practically told him to get a backbone and stand his ground. Don't get me wrong, of course. There are also women whose ambitions were responsible, more or less, for bringing utter ruin down upon the men they influenced (Antony and Cleopatra being a notable example). To be honest I'm a little fascinated by queen/empress-consorts who were not just there to provide heirs (important as that certainly is to any dynasty), but were also--in some ways, for good or ill--the power behind the throne. As such, examples like Theodora, Clotilde, and so on kind of served as inspiration when it came to Anicia Juliana's character. The fact that we know so little about her OTL history gave me a bit of freedom to develop her alternate history in a way that led her to becoming a worthy and useful consort to Romulus Augustus.
Grouchio: I've given it some thought, but honestly I need a break. I don't want to rule out the possibility so maybe someday--emphasis on the "maybe" as I'm not making any promises because, as I'm sure many of us can agree on--I'm not a fan of leaving timelines unfinished. One of the reasons I came back is because I didn't want to leave this timeline incomplete, especially when it was just one update away from completion. That's why I can't promise to make another timeline as I'm not sure if I'd be willing to put the time and energy into finishing it.
As for the development of Romulus Augustus's character, I chose to keep the details more mysterious because I thought it might make him a little more interesting as a character. That said, I have dropped some hints about how he developed into the man he became, one of which being his relationship to his wife--which I'm glad to see you picked up on. It goes without saying that women were "limited" in virtually everything in life due to political and social norms and what not. Nevertheless, there are examples of women who became quite powerful in their own right. They could be reckless as any man, but also ambitious and clever when it came to amassing power and control. Regarding bravery and resilience in the face of near to certain death and defeat, I like the story about how Theodora basically showed up her own husband during the Nika Riots. Whereas Justinian was ready to abandon his capital to a rebellious mob, his own wife practically told him to get a backbone and stand his ground. Don't get me wrong, of course. There are also women whose ambitions were responsible, more or less, for bringing utter ruin down upon the men they influenced (Antony and Cleopatra being a notable example). To be honest I'm a little fascinated by queen/empress-consorts who were not just there to provide heirs (important as that certainly is to any dynasty), but were also--in some ways, for good or ill--the power behind the throne. As such, examples like Theodora, Clotilde, and so on kind of served as inspiration when it came to Anicia Juliana's character. The fact that we know so little about her OTL history gave me a bit of freedom to develop her alternate history in a way that led her to becoming a worthy and useful consort to Romulus Augustus.
Grouchio: I've given it some thought, but honestly I need a break. I don't want to rule out the possibility so maybe someday--emphasis on the "maybe" as I'm not making any promises because, as I'm sure many of us can agree on--I'm not a fan of leaving timelines unfinished. One of the reasons I came back is because I didn't want to leave this timeline incomplete, especially when it was just one update away from completion. That's why I can't promise to make another timeline as I'm not sure if I'd be willing to put the time and energy into finishing it.
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A/N: Per HonestAbe1809's request, here is a map of the state of Europe (including Africa and Asia as relating to the Romans) at the time of Romulus Augustus's death.
AD 537: The Known World
Nations
· Roman Nations (Red)
· Germanic Nations (Blue)
· Slavic Nations (Green)
· Iranian Nations (Brown)
· Arabic Nations (Teal)
· African Nations (Orange)
· Other Peoples (Black)
· Keep in mind that these nations are not strictly confined to the lands where they are dominant. For instance, beyond the Empire’s reach there are Romans who live in the Germanic kingdoms (i.e. Frankish, Visigothic, etc). Likewise, there are barbarians of various Germanic ethnicities who reside in the Empire—the West in particular, but the East as well.
· Also note that in some places (particularly the Roman Empire or the Romanized Germanic kingdoms) the ethnic division between, for example, the increasingly Romanized Visigoths and the Hispano-Roman population has gradually disappeared at this point. This is not to say that Romanized barbarians are “Roman” per se, but for all intents and purposes they may as well be Roman in all but name.
· Likewise, while the Romans retain their political and cultural identity, they are also becoming, more or less, especially in the West, “Germanized” (for lack of a better word) as this gradual process of integration works both ways—albeit with Roman culture having the greater effect on the barbarians than vice versa.
Notable Developments (Over the last decade)
· Anti-Roman sentiment and the fear of greater Imperial oversight, ironically combined with the limited influence of Imperial authority in Mauretania, leads many Mauri (“Moors”) to openly revolt against the Western Empire. As a result, Mauretania becomes fractured between hostile Moors and the Romano-Moorish Kingdom of Altava. In addition to Altava, the city of Tingis remains loyal to the Roman West. Aside from these loyalist holdouts, the Moors gain control over the remaining settlements and most of the countryside.
· Due to their shared Roman-esque culture and the need for greater security, the lands of the Cantabrians and Vascones are annexed by the Praetorian Prefecture of Hispania—a Hispano-Roman domain with nominal ties to the Western Empire.
· The Visigothic Civil War ends with the ascension of the Evora warlord Recimir as the first undisputed king of the Visigoths since the fall of the Balti dynasty. As a result, the Visigoths’ surviving holdouts in Spain are reunited under one leadership. In addition to political unity, Recimir’s renunciation of Arianism and subsequent conversion to Catholicism is well-received by the Hispano-Roman population. Although this event causes unrest among some of his Germanic subjects, especially those who adhered to the heretical teachings of Arius, many Arian nobles and clerics choose to follow in the king’s example. As the influence of the Catholic Church spreads in Visigothic Spain, the Arians are gradually reduced to the status and treatment they imposed on Catholics—becoming politically isolated and socially ostracized.
· After years of serving in the ranks of the Western Empire’s Foederati (Federate Forces) in exchange for political asylum in Italy, the Rugians form a new kingdom (“Rugia”) in Noricum with the support of the Romans, who sought to remove a portion of Italy’s Germanic population while simultaneously forging a buffer zone between the Alps frontier and the barbarians in the north.
· In an attempt to strengthen the security along the vulnerable border of Dalmatia, the Romans form an alliance with the Lombards in Pannonia, offering them financial and military subsidies in order to solidify the Langobardi presence in the former Roman province. Despite years of enduring small-scale skirmishes with the Lombards, as well as the raiding of several local villages along the Dalmatian-Pannonian frontier, the Romans hope to neutralize a potential Lombard invasion of Dalmatia by enabling them to fully claim Pannonia as their own. As a result, the Lombards establish a Pannonian kingdom (“Langobardia”) which, in turn, becomes a foederatus of the Western Empire. North of the Upper Danube, however, the Lombards do not recognize their southern brethren’s alliance with the Romans, nor do they welcome the increasing missionary work in Pannonia as the Church moves to step up their initiative to evangelize the Lombard people. The Lombards are consequently divided between the “north” where the people cling to the “old ways” whereas the “south” gradually becomes evermore Romanized and evangelized.
· The Roman-Sassanid War had devastating effects on both of its main participants. On one hand, it left the Eastern Empire a drained power; its military and economic resources stretched to near breaking point. Although the Romans ultimately emerged victorious, mass redeployment of troops to the eastern front left the lower Danube border all but completely defenseless. Numerous barbarians, most notably the Sclaveni (“Slavic peoples”), poured across the Danube River, raiding settlements for plunder and slaves. At first, they were content with conducting small-scale raiding operations, but as the Eastern Empire’s vulnerability became all the more clear, many Sclaveni began to permanently settle in the undefended lands south of the Lower Danube.
· With the conclusion of the war with the Sassanians and the suppression of various insurrectionists, the Eastern Empire turned its attention back to its European front, where several key cities and military forts were reinforced with troops and supplies in order to halt the southern advance of the barbarian interlopers.
· The Sclaveni were not the only people to seize advantage of the Eastern Empire’s vulnerable Danubian frontier. Shortly before the end of the Roman-Sassanid War, the Pannonian Lombards began expanding their realm into the Dacia Diocese. Officially, they claimed to be acting on behalf of the Empire, restoring the rule of law to the lands they occupied in the name of Rome. The Eastern Empire was not convinced, much less amused by this blatant pretense to what was actually an occupation of Roman territory. It has also placed the Western Empire in an awkward position, not only for providing the Lombards with means to dominate Pannonia, but also due to the fact that the West could sustain damage in its relations with either the Lombards or the Eastern Romans depending on which side they take.
· As devastating as the Roman-Sassanid War was to the Eastern Empire, the consequences were far more severe for its nemesis the Sassanian Empire. The all-out conflict with the Romans resulted in a massive drain on Sassanian resources. Making matters even worse was the alliance between the Hephthalite Khanate and Khosrau, the last Sassanid King of Kings. Although the Sassanians gained a great advantage over the Romans through their king’s affiliation with the so-called “White Huns,” this did not prevent many Sassanian nobles from resenting the true state of the Sassanian-Hephthalite “alliance.” In reality, the Sassanians had become an occupied territory; a vassal state beholden to a foreign dominion, and a former enemy no less, unrest ultimately paved the way to several insurrections. This internal crisis, combined with the renewed Roman offensive—supported by waves of Germanic and Slavic migrants from Eastern Europe—led to the fracturing of Persia into several breakaway states, the lands that remained under Hephthalite occupation, and a Sassanian rump state.
· With the Sassanian Empire all but completely shattered, its western regions were swarmed by the Romans’ barbarian allies as compensation for their service to the Eastern Empire. By AD 537, multiple Germanic kingdoms rose to fill the vacuum of power created by the loss of Sassanian and Hephthalite authority in Armenia and western Khvarvaran (Mesopotamia). As the more numerous Foederati in the East’s service, the result of the Roman-Sassanid War clearly favored the Romans’ Germanic mercenaries at the expense of its Slavic troops, many of whom agreed to serve the Empire in return for the same rewards that were promised to their Germanic counterparts. Though some of the Sclaveni chose to reside in the newly-formed “Middle-Eastern” Germanic kingdoms as minority communities, other Slavs chose to make their own home in the Empire’s eastern territory. With Imperial authority and security weakened by war and rebellion, thousands of former Slavic mercenaries seized a large portion of Syria, stopping just short of taking Antioch.
· The Isaurians, an Anatolia-based people of the Eastern Empire, described by Ammianus Marcellinus as the scourge of the neighboring provinces of Asia Minor, rise in revolt against Imperial authority. The Empire’s diminished and overextended military is ultimately unable to immediately suppress this latest rebellion.
· The deteriorated state of Imperial security leaves many local communities to look after their own defenses while the Roman Military concentrates most of its troops in vital regions such as Thrace and Egypt. As such, Imperial authority diminishes along the provinces of the Oriens Diocese, including the three Palaestinas, Arabia and Phoenice Libanensis.
· Without Sassanian support, the eastern half of Iberia is forcefully annexed by its western pro-Roman counterpart. Later, the Iberians form an alliance with the Lazicans for the sake of mutual security, knowing that the Romans will not likely support either of them militarily due to the state of disorder within the Eastern Empire. There is also the matter that the Iberians and Lazicans both abandoned the Romans when the Hephthalites entered the war on the side of the Sassanians. Both kingdoms have made efforts to re-stabilize their relationship with Constantinople, only for Justinian I to send back the heads of their envoys, thereby making it blatantly clear that the Eastern Emperor is loathe to forgive betrayal.
· The civil war in the Kingdom of the Franks draws to an indecisive conclusion, causing Francia to fracture, more or less, between Austrasia and Neustria. The vassal regions of Alamannia and Burgundia are claimed by the Austrasians (“western” Franks) while Aquitania and Septimania go to the Neustrians (“eastern Franks”). Although the Western Empire officially took a neutral position on the conflict, in truth Romulus Augustus commissioned a clandestine operation in Francia with the intent of ensuring that neither side gained a decisive advantage, thereby prolonging the war and weakening the Franks’ military strength to a degree. Using Francia’s Gallo-Roman population to his advantage, the Emperor possessed a number of pro-Roman assets in both Frankish courts, including spies, informants and assassins.
· The success rate of Roman espionage and intelligence gathering was limited due to the small number of assets available; the smaller the spy ring, the easier it was to protect its secrecy. Nevertheless, it was effective enough for the Emperor to manipulate the Frankish conflict from the shadows. As necessary as an alliance with the Franks was to the Western Empire’s security, Romulus and his inner circle did not believe that this relationship could last indefinitely. A strong Francia with limited unity served to protect the Empire from its more hostile Germanic neighbors. However, a far stronger and more united Frankish realm was theoretically an even greater threat than several smaller and weaker kingdoms. At the same time, a weak and utterly broken Francia was also of no use to the Empire. Maintaining a sufficient balance between the two extremes was a laborious task, fraught with extreme risk and deception, though ultimately necessary to Roman security in the eyes of the Emperor.
Recent Events (Within the year)
· January 1: Following in the example of Leo I, the first Emperor to undergo a coronation overseen by a high-ranking ecclesiastical official—the Patriarch of Constantinople in this case—Romulus Augustus receives his diadem from the Pope in order to symbolize the close alliance he formed between the Imperial throne and the Christian faith. It is mostly a symbolic gesture, having no bearing on Romulus’s Imperial status prior to the coronation, but it does strengthen the Emperor’s authority with the force of faith behind it. Likewise, the Catholic Church’s influence continues to grow through the Emperor’s support of the Pope.
· January 16: After decades of laboring to overhaul and better organize the Empire’s complex legal system, Romulus Augustus and his junior colleagues—Olybrius II and Justinian I—officially put the Codex Romanus (Roman Code) into empire-wide effect. The new system is not only meant to provide more clarity in Rome’s judiciary system, but also to reinvigorate a sense of Roman unity throughout the western and eastern halves of the Empire, between each other, and with the numerous Roman nations that continued to exist outside of the Empire’s present extent.
· February 1: Mihirakula, the Hephthalite king who forged an alliance with Khosrau—only to use said alliance as a means to vassalize Sassanid Persia—is found in a pool of blood by his slaves. Many conflicting accounts spread soon afterward, but it is strongly suspected that the late king’s brother-in-law had the most motive to commit regicide, especially given that Mihirakula lacked a male heir at the time of his death. However, in addition to other rumors, word spreads that one slave was responsible for the deed; a slave who killed his master, a king, but also succumbed to a fatal injury during the struggle. The identity of this mysterious slave is unknown, save for the claim that it was a man of Roman descent. Some people come to believe that this enslaved Roman, who was possibly captured and sold into slavery after the Battle of Theodosiopolis, was actually Flavius Heraclius—the renowned Roman general who led the Empire’s war effort until his defeat at Theodosiopolis. The fact that his body was never found among the dead causes the rumor to spread far and grow in popularity. Whatever the truth, the assassination destabilizes the Khanate long enough for the Hephthalites to lose a substantial amount of territory in the former Sassanian Empire. Their Indian subjects also use this event as an opportunity to rebel against the Khanate.
· March: With order and security largely restored in the dioceses of Macedonia and Aegyptus, Justinian I directs the Roman Military’s efforts to rooting out the insurgents and Slavic interlopers in Asia Minor. One army, augmented by Ghassanid levies and barbarian mercenaries, is dispatched to Syria with orders to restore Roman power in the regions that the Sclaveni now control. A second army, led by Solomon—the general who replaced Heraclius and led the Roman forces to a decisive victory, albeit with highly exaggerated effectiveness on his part—is ordered to suppress the Isaurian insurrection.
· March 16: Solomon’s incompetence as a military officer is brought to light when he foolishly marches his army into an ambush, leaving thousands of Imperial troops dead or captured in the process. Solomon himself is taken prisoner by the victorious Isaurians, who parade him through the streets of Seleucea much to his personal embarrassment and that of the Eastern Emperor. When the Isaurians dispatch a message to Constantinople, informing the Emperor that Solomon would either be ransomed or executed, an infuriated Justinian’s only reply was that the general should die a failure’s death. Solomon’s failure and consequent capture by the enemy causes his two primary allies in the capital, Imperial Chamberlain Narses and Patriarch Callinicus, to lose a considerable amount of favor with Justinian. Both went to great lengths to downplay Solomon’s ineffectiveness in order to promote his career in return for his support. As such, both were also responsible for convincing Justinian that Solomon was the perfect officer to lead the Empire’s forces—and now both Narses and Callinicus are in the precarious situation of having to bear the Emperor’s wrath.
· April: With the Empire’s eastern frontier in a state of chaos, even the Romans’ former barbarian allies, who settled in Armenia and western Mesopotamia, have begun taking advantage of the situation by sending sorties into Roman territory for the purpose of gathering plunder and slaves. Much to the Emperor’s chagrin, he orders his forces in Syria to postpone their campaign in order to reinforce the border with the “Armenian” and “Mesopotamian” Germani.
· May: While the Isaurians have managed to repel the Romans on land, at least so far, their attempt at naval warfare ends in failure. The powerful Eastern Navy obliterates an Isaurian fleet off the coast of Cyprus. As a result, the Isaurians abandon their plan to expand their influence into the eastern Mediterranean Sea.
· June 5: Recimir, king of the Visigoths, moves to strengthen his ties with the Western Empire through a marriage-based alliance. Upon consideration of his appeal for an annulment, the Papacy acquiesces his request. However, his next request to marry into the House of Romulus Augustus is rejected by its patriarch, who wishes to avoid antagonizing his Frankish allies who, in turn, harbor much hatred for the Visigoths.
· June 30: Failing to regain the good graces of the Eastern Emperor, Narses is sentenced to death by Justinian on the grounds that the chamberlain overstepped his place by advising him to put so much trust in Solomon. He spares Callinicus due to the latter’s position as Patriarch of Constantinople, however. Nevertheless, as Callinicus no longer possesses the Emperor’s trust, he becomes a virtual persona non grata in the Imperial Court.
· July: An aging Romulus Augustus retires from the public’s eye, opting to spend his remaining days in the seclusion of his southern resort, the Castellum Lucullanum. Though still the sole-senior Emperor until his death, his decision to step aside allows Olybrius II to gain more control over the reins of government in his father’s absence from Ravenna. It also allows the powerful aristocratic and clerical members of the Imperial Court to gather greater sway over the Empire’s administration.
· August 28: Death of Romulus Augustus; Olybrius II and Justinian I attain full power as Emperors in the West and East, respectively.
· September 19: With the death of Romulus Augustus, Recimir renews his effort to gain a place in the late Emperor’s family. This time his request is granted by Olybrius II, who allows the Visigothic monarch to marry his eldest granddaughter Serena, a Roman princess and daughter of the Western Emperor’s firstborn son Theodosius. The marriage creates a new Romano-Visigothic union, much to the vexation of the Franks.
· September 25: At Olybrius’s request, the Pope crowns the Emperor’s firstborn son Theodosius as junior Augustus (Co-Emperor) of the West. This action is praised by the faction in the Imperial Court which seeks to gain control over the Western Empire through Theodosius. It also causes concern among their opponents, many of whom wish to see Olybrius’s second son Valentinian on the throne.
· October 20: Olybrius departs Italy with an army to retake the lost regions of Mauretania from the hostile Moors, providing much-needed military support for the beleaguered Romano-Moorish kingdoms of Altava and Tingis. With Olybrius away from the capital, Theodosius’s “supporters” in the government gain exactly what they want—near absolute authority over the Imperial Court through a controllable Emperor. As head of the “Theodosian” faction, the Imperial chamberlain Herodianus becomes the power behind the throne and de facto ruler of the Western Empire. Naturally, his enemies begin to plot his downfall, to which Herodianus is both aware of and prepared to deal with. He soon initiates a process of eliminating members of the "Valentinian" faction, either through imprisonment or execution, even to the point of fabricating evidence of treason against some of them.
· November: Though support for his claim begins falling due to the machinations of Herodianus, Valentinian himself is untouchable due to his status as the son of one Emperor and brother of another. Nevertheless, the atmosphere in the capital becomes too dangerous even for him. As such, Valentinian convinces his brother to send him to Francia in order to repair Franco-Roman relations, which began to deteriorate due to the improvement in Romano-Visigothic relations following the marriage of Recimir and Serena. While Valentinian is sincere in his offer to restore Frankish approval for the Empire, his real motivation is to escape Herodianus and his allies in the event that his father does not return from Mauretania, or his brother becomes too weak to protect him. Leaving with haste before Herodianus can prevent his flight, Valentinian and his family take refuge in Paris—the capital of the Frankish sub-kingdom of Neustria. As a member of the Merovingian dynasty through his marriage to Clotilde the Younger, daughter of the late King Clovis and Queen Clotilde, Valentinian is welcomed by the Franks as an honored guest in the court of his wife’s royal family.
· November 29: Pope Sixtus IV, successor to Pope Leo II, passes away. A week later, Pope Simplicius II is elected to the Papal throne. Unlike Sixtus, who was a supporter of Herodianus’s faction, Simplicius has made no secret of his disapproval for the chamberlain’s penchant for scheming and treachery. The new supreme pontiff is especially opposed to the corruption and petty place-seeking, which has spread through the Roman political apparatus as a symptom of Herodianus's execution of power as the "power behind the throne." The election of Pope Simplicius is regarded as a setback by Herodianus and his allies, not just for the considerable power and influence of the Papacy, but also because of Theodosius’s reputation as a devout Catholic. His devotion to the Church is seen as a threat by Herodianus, who believes that the Pope would use the junior Emperor’s faith as a means to turn him against the head chamberlain of the Imperial Palace.
· December: As the politics of the Imperial Court continue to spiral out of control, a number of temporal and ecclesiastical officials dispatch messages to Olybrius II, requesting his return in the hope that his presence will restore order in the capital. However, every attempt to reach Olybrius ends in failure due to the renewed Moorish offensive on Altava, which has become surrounded and blockaded by the Moors. The Emperor himself is trapped inside the city, and although Altava is too well defended to be taken by a direct assault, Olybrius is unable to receive any word from Ravenna—much less do anything about the situation in the capital.
ROMVLVS AVGVSTVS
[Bas-relief of Romulus Augustus in the 'Hall of Emperors' chamber of the Imperial Museum of Rome]
AD 537: The Known World
Nations
· Roman Nations (Red)
· Germanic Nations (Blue)
· Slavic Nations (Green)
· Iranian Nations (Brown)
· Arabic Nations (Teal)
· African Nations (Orange)
· Other Peoples (Black)
· Keep in mind that these nations are not strictly confined to the lands where they are dominant. For instance, beyond the Empire’s reach there are Romans who live in the Germanic kingdoms (i.e. Frankish, Visigothic, etc). Likewise, there are barbarians of various Germanic ethnicities who reside in the Empire—the West in particular, but the East as well.
· Also note that in some places (particularly the Roman Empire or the Romanized Germanic kingdoms) the ethnic division between, for example, the increasingly Romanized Visigoths and the Hispano-Roman population has gradually disappeared at this point. This is not to say that Romanized barbarians are “Roman” per se, but for all intents and purposes they may as well be Roman in all but name.
· Likewise, while the Romans retain their political and cultural identity, they are also becoming, more or less, especially in the West, “Germanized” (for lack of a better word) as this gradual process of integration works both ways—albeit with Roman culture having the greater effect on the barbarians than vice versa.
Notable Developments (Over the last decade)
· Anti-Roman sentiment and the fear of greater Imperial oversight, ironically combined with the limited influence of Imperial authority in Mauretania, leads many Mauri (“Moors”) to openly revolt against the Western Empire. As a result, Mauretania becomes fractured between hostile Moors and the Romano-Moorish Kingdom of Altava. In addition to Altava, the city of Tingis remains loyal to the Roman West. Aside from these loyalist holdouts, the Moors gain control over the remaining settlements and most of the countryside.
· Due to their shared Roman-esque culture and the need for greater security, the lands of the Cantabrians and Vascones are annexed by the Praetorian Prefecture of Hispania—a Hispano-Roman domain with nominal ties to the Western Empire.
· The Visigothic Civil War ends with the ascension of the Evora warlord Recimir as the first undisputed king of the Visigoths since the fall of the Balti dynasty. As a result, the Visigoths’ surviving holdouts in Spain are reunited under one leadership. In addition to political unity, Recimir’s renunciation of Arianism and subsequent conversion to Catholicism is well-received by the Hispano-Roman population. Although this event causes unrest among some of his Germanic subjects, especially those who adhered to the heretical teachings of Arius, many Arian nobles and clerics choose to follow in the king’s example. As the influence of the Catholic Church spreads in Visigothic Spain, the Arians are gradually reduced to the status and treatment they imposed on Catholics—becoming politically isolated and socially ostracized.
· After years of serving in the ranks of the Western Empire’s Foederati (Federate Forces) in exchange for political asylum in Italy, the Rugians form a new kingdom (“Rugia”) in Noricum with the support of the Romans, who sought to remove a portion of Italy’s Germanic population while simultaneously forging a buffer zone between the Alps frontier and the barbarians in the north.
· In an attempt to strengthen the security along the vulnerable border of Dalmatia, the Romans form an alliance with the Lombards in Pannonia, offering them financial and military subsidies in order to solidify the Langobardi presence in the former Roman province. Despite years of enduring small-scale skirmishes with the Lombards, as well as the raiding of several local villages along the Dalmatian-Pannonian frontier, the Romans hope to neutralize a potential Lombard invasion of Dalmatia by enabling them to fully claim Pannonia as their own. As a result, the Lombards establish a Pannonian kingdom (“Langobardia”) which, in turn, becomes a foederatus of the Western Empire. North of the Upper Danube, however, the Lombards do not recognize their southern brethren’s alliance with the Romans, nor do they welcome the increasing missionary work in Pannonia as the Church moves to step up their initiative to evangelize the Lombard people. The Lombards are consequently divided between the “north” where the people cling to the “old ways” whereas the “south” gradually becomes evermore Romanized and evangelized.
· The Roman-Sassanid War had devastating effects on both of its main participants. On one hand, it left the Eastern Empire a drained power; its military and economic resources stretched to near breaking point. Although the Romans ultimately emerged victorious, mass redeployment of troops to the eastern front left the lower Danube border all but completely defenseless. Numerous barbarians, most notably the Sclaveni (“Slavic peoples”), poured across the Danube River, raiding settlements for plunder and slaves. At first, they were content with conducting small-scale raiding operations, but as the Eastern Empire’s vulnerability became all the more clear, many Sclaveni began to permanently settle in the undefended lands south of the Lower Danube.
· With the conclusion of the war with the Sassanians and the suppression of various insurrectionists, the Eastern Empire turned its attention back to its European front, where several key cities and military forts were reinforced with troops and supplies in order to halt the southern advance of the barbarian interlopers.
· The Sclaveni were not the only people to seize advantage of the Eastern Empire’s vulnerable Danubian frontier. Shortly before the end of the Roman-Sassanid War, the Pannonian Lombards began expanding their realm into the Dacia Diocese. Officially, they claimed to be acting on behalf of the Empire, restoring the rule of law to the lands they occupied in the name of Rome. The Eastern Empire was not convinced, much less amused by this blatant pretense to what was actually an occupation of Roman territory. It has also placed the Western Empire in an awkward position, not only for providing the Lombards with means to dominate Pannonia, but also due to the fact that the West could sustain damage in its relations with either the Lombards or the Eastern Romans depending on which side they take.
· As devastating as the Roman-Sassanid War was to the Eastern Empire, the consequences were far more severe for its nemesis the Sassanian Empire. The all-out conflict with the Romans resulted in a massive drain on Sassanian resources. Making matters even worse was the alliance between the Hephthalite Khanate and Khosrau, the last Sassanid King of Kings. Although the Sassanians gained a great advantage over the Romans through their king’s affiliation with the so-called “White Huns,” this did not prevent many Sassanian nobles from resenting the true state of the Sassanian-Hephthalite “alliance.” In reality, the Sassanians had become an occupied territory; a vassal state beholden to a foreign dominion, and a former enemy no less, unrest ultimately paved the way to several insurrections. This internal crisis, combined with the renewed Roman offensive—supported by waves of Germanic and Slavic migrants from Eastern Europe—led to the fracturing of Persia into several breakaway states, the lands that remained under Hephthalite occupation, and a Sassanian rump state.
· With the Sassanian Empire all but completely shattered, its western regions were swarmed by the Romans’ barbarian allies as compensation for their service to the Eastern Empire. By AD 537, multiple Germanic kingdoms rose to fill the vacuum of power created by the loss of Sassanian and Hephthalite authority in Armenia and western Khvarvaran (Mesopotamia). As the more numerous Foederati in the East’s service, the result of the Roman-Sassanid War clearly favored the Romans’ Germanic mercenaries at the expense of its Slavic troops, many of whom agreed to serve the Empire in return for the same rewards that were promised to their Germanic counterparts. Though some of the Sclaveni chose to reside in the newly-formed “Middle-Eastern” Germanic kingdoms as minority communities, other Slavs chose to make their own home in the Empire’s eastern territory. With Imperial authority and security weakened by war and rebellion, thousands of former Slavic mercenaries seized a large portion of Syria, stopping just short of taking Antioch.
· The Isaurians, an Anatolia-based people of the Eastern Empire, described by Ammianus Marcellinus as the scourge of the neighboring provinces of Asia Minor, rise in revolt against Imperial authority. The Empire’s diminished and overextended military is ultimately unable to immediately suppress this latest rebellion.
· The deteriorated state of Imperial security leaves many local communities to look after their own defenses while the Roman Military concentrates most of its troops in vital regions such as Thrace and Egypt. As such, Imperial authority diminishes along the provinces of the Oriens Diocese, including the three Palaestinas, Arabia and Phoenice Libanensis.
· Without Sassanian support, the eastern half of Iberia is forcefully annexed by its western pro-Roman counterpart. Later, the Iberians form an alliance with the Lazicans for the sake of mutual security, knowing that the Romans will not likely support either of them militarily due to the state of disorder within the Eastern Empire. There is also the matter that the Iberians and Lazicans both abandoned the Romans when the Hephthalites entered the war on the side of the Sassanians. Both kingdoms have made efforts to re-stabilize their relationship with Constantinople, only for Justinian I to send back the heads of their envoys, thereby making it blatantly clear that the Eastern Emperor is loathe to forgive betrayal.
· The civil war in the Kingdom of the Franks draws to an indecisive conclusion, causing Francia to fracture, more or less, between Austrasia and Neustria. The vassal regions of Alamannia and Burgundia are claimed by the Austrasians (“western” Franks) while Aquitania and Septimania go to the Neustrians (“eastern Franks”). Although the Western Empire officially took a neutral position on the conflict, in truth Romulus Augustus commissioned a clandestine operation in Francia with the intent of ensuring that neither side gained a decisive advantage, thereby prolonging the war and weakening the Franks’ military strength to a degree. Using Francia’s Gallo-Roman population to his advantage, the Emperor possessed a number of pro-Roman assets in both Frankish courts, including spies, informants and assassins.
· The success rate of Roman espionage and intelligence gathering was limited due to the small number of assets available; the smaller the spy ring, the easier it was to protect its secrecy. Nevertheless, it was effective enough for the Emperor to manipulate the Frankish conflict from the shadows. As necessary as an alliance with the Franks was to the Western Empire’s security, Romulus and his inner circle did not believe that this relationship could last indefinitely. A strong Francia with limited unity served to protect the Empire from its more hostile Germanic neighbors. However, a far stronger and more united Frankish realm was theoretically an even greater threat than several smaller and weaker kingdoms. At the same time, a weak and utterly broken Francia was also of no use to the Empire. Maintaining a sufficient balance between the two extremes was a laborious task, fraught with extreme risk and deception, though ultimately necessary to Roman security in the eyes of the Emperor.
Recent Events (Within the year)
· January 1: Following in the example of Leo I, the first Emperor to undergo a coronation overseen by a high-ranking ecclesiastical official—the Patriarch of Constantinople in this case—Romulus Augustus receives his diadem from the Pope in order to symbolize the close alliance he formed between the Imperial throne and the Christian faith. It is mostly a symbolic gesture, having no bearing on Romulus’s Imperial status prior to the coronation, but it does strengthen the Emperor’s authority with the force of faith behind it. Likewise, the Catholic Church’s influence continues to grow through the Emperor’s support of the Pope.
· January 16: After decades of laboring to overhaul and better organize the Empire’s complex legal system, Romulus Augustus and his junior colleagues—Olybrius II and Justinian I—officially put the Codex Romanus (Roman Code) into empire-wide effect. The new system is not only meant to provide more clarity in Rome’s judiciary system, but also to reinvigorate a sense of Roman unity throughout the western and eastern halves of the Empire, between each other, and with the numerous Roman nations that continued to exist outside of the Empire’s present extent.
· February 1: Mihirakula, the Hephthalite king who forged an alliance with Khosrau—only to use said alliance as a means to vassalize Sassanid Persia—is found in a pool of blood by his slaves. Many conflicting accounts spread soon afterward, but it is strongly suspected that the late king’s brother-in-law had the most motive to commit regicide, especially given that Mihirakula lacked a male heir at the time of his death. However, in addition to other rumors, word spreads that one slave was responsible for the deed; a slave who killed his master, a king, but also succumbed to a fatal injury during the struggle. The identity of this mysterious slave is unknown, save for the claim that it was a man of Roman descent. Some people come to believe that this enslaved Roman, who was possibly captured and sold into slavery after the Battle of Theodosiopolis, was actually Flavius Heraclius—the renowned Roman general who led the Empire’s war effort until his defeat at Theodosiopolis. The fact that his body was never found among the dead causes the rumor to spread far and grow in popularity. Whatever the truth, the assassination destabilizes the Khanate long enough for the Hephthalites to lose a substantial amount of territory in the former Sassanian Empire. Their Indian subjects also use this event as an opportunity to rebel against the Khanate.
· March: With order and security largely restored in the dioceses of Macedonia and Aegyptus, Justinian I directs the Roman Military’s efforts to rooting out the insurgents and Slavic interlopers in Asia Minor. One army, augmented by Ghassanid levies and barbarian mercenaries, is dispatched to Syria with orders to restore Roman power in the regions that the Sclaveni now control. A second army, led by Solomon—the general who replaced Heraclius and led the Roman forces to a decisive victory, albeit with highly exaggerated effectiveness on his part—is ordered to suppress the Isaurian insurrection.
· March 16: Solomon’s incompetence as a military officer is brought to light when he foolishly marches his army into an ambush, leaving thousands of Imperial troops dead or captured in the process. Solomon himself is taken prisoner by the victorious Isaurians, who parade him through the streets of Seleucea much to his personal embarrassment and that of the Eastern Emperor. When the Isaurians dispatch a message to Constantinople, informing the Emperor that Solomon would either be ransomed or executed, an infuriated Justinian’s only reply was that the general should die a failure’s death. Solomon’s failure and consequent capture by the enemy causes his two primary allies in the capital, Imperial Chamberlain Narses and Patriarch Callinicus, to lose a considerable amount of favor with Justinian. Both went to great lengths to downplay Solomon’s ineffectiveness in order to promote his career in return for his support. As such, both were also responsible for convincing Justinian that Solomon was the perfect officer to lead the Empire’s forces—and now both Narses and Callinicus are in the precarious situation of having to bear the Emperor’s wrath.
· April: With the Empire’s eastern frontier in a state of chaos, even the Romans’ former barbarian allies, who settled in Armenia and western Mesopotamia, have begun taking advantage of the situation by sending sorties into Roman territory for the purpose of gathering plunder and slaves. Much to the Emperor’s chagrin, he orders his forces in Syria to postpone their campaign in order to reinforce the border with the “Armenian” and “Mesopotamian” Germani.
· May: While the Isaurians have managed to repel the Romans on land, at least so far, their attempt at naval warfare ends in failure. The powerful Eastern Navy obliterates an Isaurian fleet off the coast of Cyprus. As a result, the Isaurians abandon their plan to expand their influence into the eastern Mediterranean Sea.
· June 5: Recimir, king of the Visigoths, moves to strengthen his ties with the Western Empire through a marriage-based alliance. Upon consideration of his appeal for an annulment, the Papacy acquiesces his request. However, his next request to marry into the House of Romulus Augustus is rejected by its patriarch, who wishes to avoid antagonizing his Frankish allies who, in turn, harbor much hatred for the Visigoths.
· June 30: Failing to regain the good graces of the Eastern Emperor, Narses is sentenced to death by Justinian on the grounds that the chamberlain overstepped his place by advising him to put so much trust in Solomon. He spares Callinicus due to the latter’s position as Patriarch of Constantinople, however. Nevertheless, as Callinicus no longer possesses the Emperor’s trust, he becomes a virtual persona non grata in the Imperial Court.
· July: An aging Romulus Augustus retires from the public’s eye, opting to spend his remaining days in the seclusion of his southern resort, the Castellum Lucullanum. Though still the sole-senior Emperor until his death, his decision to step aside allows Olybrius II to gain more control over the reins of government in his father’s absence from Ravenna. It also allows the powerful aristocratic and clerical members of the Imperial Court to gather greater sway over the Empire’s administration.
· August 28: Death of Romulus Augustus; Olybrius II and Justinian I attain full power as Emperors in the West and East, respectively.
· September 19: With the death of Romulus Augustus, Recimir renews his effort to gain a place in the late Emperor’s family. This time his request is granted by Olybrius II, who allows the Visigothic monarch to marry his eldest granddaughter Serena, a Roman princess and daughter of the Western Emperor’s firstborn son Theodosius. The marriage creates a new Romano-Visigothic union, much to the vexation of the Franks.
· September 25: At Olybrius’s request, the Pope crowns the Emperor’s firstborn son Theodosius as junior Augustus (Co-Emperor) of the West. This action is praised by the faction in the Imperial Court which seeks to gain control over the Western Empire through Theodosius. It also causes concern among their opponents, many of whom wish to see Olybrius’s second son Valentinian on the throne.
· October 20: Olybrius departs Italy with an army to retake the lost regions of Mauretania from the hostile Moors, providing much-needed military support for the beleaguered Romano-Moorish kingdoms of Altava and Tingis. With Olybrius away from the capital, Theodosius’s “supporters” in the government gain exactly what they want—near absolute authority over the Imperial Court through a controllable Emperor. As head of the “Theodosian” faction, the Imperial chamberlain Herodianus becomes the power behind the throne and de facto ruler of the Western Empire. Naturally, his enemies begin to plot his downfall, to which Herodianus is both aware of and prepared to deal with. He soon initiates a process of eliminating members of the "Valentinian" faction, either through imprisonment or execution, even to the point of fabricating evidence of treason against some of them.
· November: Though support for his claim begins falling due to the machinations of Herodianus, Valentinian himself is untouchable due to his status as the son of one Emperor and brother of another. Nevertheless, the atmosphere in the capital becomes too dangerous even for him. As such, Valentinian convinces his brother to send him to Francia in order to repair Franco-Roman relations, which began to deteriorate due to the improvement in Romano-Visigothic relations following the marriage of Recimir and Serena. While Valentinian is sincere in his offer to restore Frankish approval for the Empire, his real motivation is to escape Herodianus and his allies in the event that his father does not return from Mauretania, or his brother becomes too weak to protect him. Leaving with haste before Herodianus can prevent his flight, Valentinian and his family take refuge in Paris—the capital of the Frankish sub-kingdom of Neustria. As a member of the Merovingian dynasty through his marriage to Clotilde the Younger, daughter of the late King Clovis and Queen Clotilde, Valentinian is welcomed by the Franks as an honored guest in the court of his wife’s royal family.
· November 29: Pope Sixtus IV, successor to Pope Leo II, passes away. A week later, Pope Simplicius II is elected to the Papal throne. Unlike Sixtus, who was a supporter of Herodianus’s faction, Simplicius has made no secret of his disapproval for the chamberlain’s penchant for scheming and treachery. The new supreme pontiff is especially opposed to the corruption and petty place-seeking, which has spread through the Roman political apparatus as a symptom of Herodianus's execution of power as the "power behind the throne." The election of Pope Simplicius is regarded as a setback by Herodianus and his allies, not just for the considerable power and influence of the Papacy, but also because of Theodosius’s reputation as a devout Catholic. His devotion to the Church is seen as a threat by Herodianus, who believes that the Pope would use the junior Emperor’s faith as a means to turn him against the head chamberlain of the Imperial Palace.
· December: As the politics of the Imperial Court continue to spiral out of control, a number of temporal and ecclesiastical officials dispatch messages to Olybrius II, requesting his return in the hope that his presence will restore order in the capital. However, every attempt to reach Olybrius ends in failure due to the renewed Moorish offensive on Altava, which has become surrounded and blockaded by the Moors. The Emperor himself is trapped inside the city, and although Altava is too well defended to be taken by a direct assault, Olybrius is unable to receive any word from Ravenna—much less do anything about the situation in the capital.
ROMVLVS AVGVSTVS
[Bas-relief of Romulus Augustus in the 'Hall of Emperors' chamber of the Imperial Museum of Rome]
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In the short term Justinian is the big loser , after that a balkanized middle east can be in the long term such a good thing . But the east roman better be cleaning this mess if they don't want to lose syria , part of anatolia if not even aegyptia. Just hope doesn't suffer incompetent ruler and civil war for a lot of time.
Wow, Olybrius is in a bad way. I wonder what Olybrius himself thinks of his legacy, of the crushing burden of having to follow his father who was one of the best Emperor's in Roman history and knowing that he would never be able to measure up. Is he even aware of these short comings? Regardless, even if he manages to break the siege, I can't imagine his reign lasting all that long.
By the way, the Justinian Plague is due to hit. I know that this is basically an epilogue, but there are still so many fascinating events that could take place in the post-Romulus era.
Also RA, have you tried connecting with Practical Lobster? He's someone who is very knowledgeable about the period in question and if you ever need any ideas you can always contact him.
By the way, the Justinian Plague is due to hit. I know that this is basically an epilogue, but there are still so many fascinating events that could take place in the post-Romulus era.
Also RA, have you tried connecting with Practical Lobster? He's someone who is very knowledgeable about the period in question and if you ever need any ideas you can always contact him.
It depends on the longevity of the dynasty of Romulus Augustus—which I used to refer to as the Pannonian dynasty, given that Romulus's parents originally came from Pannonia, but have since taken to calling it the House of Romulus Augustus—or rather how long they remain in power. I'm still mulling over this, to be honest. I know where I want the Empire to be by the end of the Epilogue, which will be broken up into multiple parts, but there are still some details I need to work out.
The irony is that in OTL history Justinian was, more or less, the big winner by the end of his reign. Yes, the Italian campaign did not go as smoothly as the African expedition and the Justinian Plague had a lot of repercussions for the Empire, but overall I would say that his military initiatives were successful (notwithstanding the setbacks the Romans endured)—at least in the short term. In TTL the Eastern Empire is (in a word) suffering for his wars, as it did in the OTL but mostly after his death and the later emergence of Islam.
You're right on the money about the "balkanization" of the Middle East being good thing for the Empire in the long run. One of the long term advantages of this would be that the Empire would no longer be threatened by a single, rival empire with the power and means to give the Romans a run for their money (barring the emergence of a new rival empire in the Middle East, which could still happen even if OTL Islam is effectively butterflied ITTL).
For now the Eastern Empire is licking its wounds, which are certainly not as bad as what the Sassanians sustained, but still severe enough that the Empire is now arguably weaker than what it was when the war first started. I wanted to convey that the war of TTL's Justinian has led to some unfortunate consequences for the Empire, not unlike what happened as a direct or indirect result of his OTL counterpart's wars.
I think that somewhere in the back of Olybrius's mind he is aware of his own shortcomings as Emperor in comparison to his father. But that sort of insight is buried under a lifetime of the pride and arrogance that came with his blood and Imperial heritage. He is not only the son of Romulus Augustus, but a direct heir to the House of Theodosius on his mother's side. Through his mother, Olybrius traces his lineage to other Emperors such as Olybrius I, Valentinian III, and Theodosius II—Anicia Juliana's father, maternal grandfather and maternal great-grandfather, respectively. More importantly, through his mother Olybrius is the lineal descendant of the great Emperors Valentinian I and Theodosius I. Additionally he shares blood with the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius.
In a way, you could say that Olybrius is a bit like Kylo Ren when it comes to family history. He is obsessed with the history of his ancestors and fiercely proud of the blood that flows through his veins, just as Ren idolizes his own grandfather Darth Vader. Of course, the Empire doesn't have anything so official as primogeniture or dynastic succession in general, so it's not as though Olybrius's lineage gives him a constitutional right to supreme power. Nevertheless, family and heritage are still very important to the Romans; thus for all intents and purposes Olybrius was "born to rule" and he knows it. That said, none of this guarantees things like effective leadership of good government on the Emperor's part, but it can also give the Empire a sense of continuity, stability and security.
In addition to other challenges to his reign, Olybrius will basically need to adapt to being an Emperor in his own right. Technically, he has been an Emperor since AD 516 when his father bestowed the title of Augustus on him, thereby making Olybrius the junior co-Emperor of the West. But in all that time, from then to AD 537, it was Romulus who ruled the Western Empire while Olybrius was more like a sleeping partner. To quote J.B. Bury (History of the Later Roman Empire):
"The co-regent was a sleeping partner. He enjoyed the Imperial honours, his name appeared in official documents; but he did not share in the actual government, except so far as he might be specially authorised by his older colleague."
In this regard, I see Olybrius as a little bit like Marc Antony during the latter's time as a subordinate to Julius Caesar. Antony was an effective military leader, although his skills as a governor left something to be desired. Nevertheless, he was someone whom Caesar could count on, more or less. Without Caesar's guidance, however, Antony's flaws grew more apparent. He had some successes of course, such as the victory at Philippi, but in the end his shortcomings as a politician and even as a military leader finally caught up to him. Olybrius could face a similar dilemma, now that his father is gone.
Procopius first reported about the plague in AD 541 so it's still a couple years away; but yes, the effects of the Justinian Plague is something I was to explore with regards to how it impacts the Roman Empire, and by extension the Western World in TTL.
No, I wasn't aware of this person but thank you for telling me.
I'm kind of surprised, because he has an excellent Late Antiquity/Middle Ages timeline.
https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/the-rise-of-the-white-huns.353191/
To be fair, he started his timeline in 2015. I just came back a few weeks ago. But again, thanks for letting me know. I glanced at the first page and it does look like the start of a very impressive timeline. If I need help with any ideas I'll know who to ask. Of course, you and anyone else are always free to share your own ideas, thoughts and opinions with me as they really have been helpful in the development of this timeline.
And yes THAT plague , BUT does a plague make more damage with a damaged and quite fragmented area or with two big empire who were iotl in a rather peaceful time at the same period ? Besides without the Islam and some other bully like the avars and the slavs i believe the empire end up fregmented because of the divergeance between the different christian branch. Just put an theodius "the great"-like emperor when the central power was weakened and half the empire will probably tell him to go to hell.