Cessa o Nevoeiro: O Surgir do Quinto Império - A Portuguese Timeline

Lusitania

Donor
Once again, a great post. I really like the intrigue and in reading all that come away with the realization the Portuguese were in many ways lucky to be at the edge of Europe instead of being in the middle of such much anarchy and war. But when we look at these regions, we see them developing and growing in such ways that Portugal never did iOTL. So other than the continued loss of lives all the wars and political intrigue spurred growth even as some were as "pious" and religious as the Portuguese. For right in the middle of the Italian Peninsula were some of the richest and wealthiest nations. Where commerce and Banking flourished while the Portuguese seemed to shun the very idea of commerce and banking associating it with evil.

Therefore, it is a pleasure to see how economic growth, commerce and banking are being encourage and prospering in Portugal. The Portuguese are in an envious position with commerce and funds to invest in their endeavors. The question is, will the Portuguese like the Spanish use that wealth to buy from foreign countries what they need or try to foster manufacturing? When we read Portuguese history, we see that from the very start we valued land ownership and production from land as noble and good while other means of gaining wealth such as commerce, banking and manufacturing as something to avoid like the plague.

In closing great post.
 
Once again, a great post. I really like the intrigue and in reading all that come away with the realization the Portuguese were in many ways lucky to be at the edge of Europe instead of being in the middle of such much anarchy and war. But when we look at these regions, we see them developing and growing in such ways that Portugal never did iOTL. So other than the continued loss of lives all the wars and political intrigue spurred growth even as some were as "pious" and religious as the Portuguese. For right in the middle of the Italian Peninsula were some of the richest and wealthiest nations. Where commerce and Banking flourished while the Portuguese seemed to shun the very idea of commerce and banking associating it with evil.

Therefore, it is a pleasure to see how economic growth, commerce and banking are being encourage and prospering in Portugal. The Portuguese are in an envious position with commerce and funds to invest in their endeavors. The question is, will the Portuguese like the Spanish use that wealth to buy from foreign countries what they need or try to foster manufacturing? When we read Portuguese history, we see that from the very start we valued land ownership and production from land as noble and good while other means of gaining wealth such as commerce, banking and manufacturing as something to avoid like the plague.

In closing great post.
Some people do believe that war and crisis promote innovation and I do tend to agree with it although I also believe that "golden ages" promote innovation. I guess that Portugal being at the edge of Europe also promotes the idea that the country is more than just Europe but this is very debatable.

But the Italian Peninsula is not doing so well, OTL their wealth and power waned after the Italian Wars and here the war between the Habsburgs and their enemies will exacerbate this further with the plague of 1630s being considerably more lethal due to the war lasting longer and going all over the place. Only the Papal States and Tuscany seem to be going against this grim situation and even they are not exactly doing well. Perhaps this will push for an Italian League? The Medici seemed quite in favor of it OTL...no Spain in it, of course.

Portugal has currently two major gold sources, the Gold Coast and Monotapa, then we have to consider that they are expanding in Brazil, South Africa and Australia which happen to be sites of major gold deposits and this is bound to generate a lot of capital which can be invested wisely or not so much. OTL it wasn't as well invested as it could have been for example. I would say there is a high chance manufacturies can be promoted, there is Ericeira and there will definitely be more people with similar thoughts around, especially petty nobles or third-born sons but things like food and timber are likely to be brought aboard as the country does not have the productivity needed to be self-sufficient in this commodity, this is important to justify Portugal messing in the Baltic. Land owning is still the basis of nobility power but proper investments in commerce and loaning could be advantageous as well and these are starting.

As always thank you for the comments and support.

Polls are open, I've already voted for this TL.
I was waiting until for tomorrow to thank you and Torbald for the nomination. I don't expect to win, as this story is not about the Tudors or England, but it's always good to be nominated and I'm looking forward to seeing how the story does and hoping it does better than 2 years ago. As always thank you for the support and tomorrow, Part 2 of the Italian Front will be published as promised.
 
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The Great Religious War: The Italian and Alpine Front 1625-1628 (Part 2 of 2)
The Great Religious War: The Italian and Alpine Front 1625-1628 (Part 2 of 2)

1627 brought changes in the leadership of the French Forces, the deceased Lesdiguières was replaced by the somewhat disgraced Louis de La-Châtre, who the King wanted to give another chance after his failure at French-Comte. Additionally, to support Bois-Dauphin, Louis XIII nominated Duke Henry II of Montmorency, the Grand-Admiral, who was a young man with considerable military experience but more importantly, one of France’s most powerful nobles.

The Habsburgs did not change the leadership of their armies but they did change their overall strategy due to the catastrophic military situation they were facing in the Netherlands. The lack of men crossing the Spanish Road had weakened the Spanish position in the area and by 1627 it was nearly unsustainable if they could not bring more men there so the Spanish Habsburgs made it a priority to recover Valtellina and re-open the Spanish Road. As stated before, the Habsburgs were willing to get a status quo. Córdoba was aware of the grim situation in the Netherlands but with so many areas to defend it was hard to spare men especially when something else began worrying both sides...the succession of the Duchy of Mantua.

Having been ruled by the House of Gonzaga since 1308, Mantua and the other fiefdom of the family, the Duchy of Montferrat, were both parts of the Holy Roman Empire and were crucial for the defensive and offensive diplomacy of the Habsburgs, the Bourbons and the Savoys and so it’s destiny was in the minds of everyone involved in the war in the Italian Peninsula.

Vincent I of Mantua and Montferrat died on February 9, 1612, and was succeeded by his eldest son Francis IV but he died on December 22 of that same year, creating a problem because he only had a daughter, Maria Gonzaga, as his heir but while Montferrat allowed for female succession, Mantua did not so Maria became Maria I of Montferrat and Mantua went to her uncle Ferdinand I of Mantua who abandoned his clerical vows. This led to a minor conflict between Savoy and Mantua that was resolved by the Habsburgs and the French agreeing on the partition of the Gonzaga territories.

Ferdinand, however, failed to produce a legitimate heir on October 29 of 1626 and was succeeded by his younger brother, Vincent II. Vincent had also been a Cardinal but like his older brother, he abandoned his vows to marry an older cousin named Isabella Gonzaga who due to her age was unable to produce children so when Vincent became the Duke of Mantua, he was sick and childless and there was uncertainty on who should inherit Mantua. The country was also deeply in-debt by this time and the Dukes were trying to find funds by selling their numerous art pieces.

The sick Vincent tried to resolve the succession crisis, his favored heir was Charles Gonzaga, Duke of Nevers, a French-born Gonzaga descending from Frederick II of Mantua, Vincent’s great-grandfather and legally the heir but for the Habsburgs, this was unacceptable because Charles was a vassal of the King of France and if he was to inherit Mantua, he would likely align it with France and the battlefield situation would get even worse for them. For this reason, they preferred Ferrante II Gonzaga, Duke of Guastalla, a Spanish vassal who was descended from Frederick II of Mantua’s younger brother Ferrante (1507-1557) and thus his claim was weaker than Charles’.

Despite having a weaker claim, Ferrante’s fief bordered Mantua, had the military support of Philip IV and the legal support of Ferdinand II, who as Emperor and suzerain of both Mantua and Montferrat could influence the succession of the duchies. Córdoba began discussions with Madrid and Vienna on a potential military action to either force Vincent II to nominate Ferrante as his heir or to simply install him as Duke and was instructed to prevent Charles from reaching Mantua at all costs.

Vincent sought to measure the international opinion on the matter, the Anti-Habsburgs powers such as England, the United Provinces, Denmark and Venice supported Charles, a position shared by the neutral countries of Portugal and the Papal States but Genoa, Tuscany together with many other Habsburg allies supported Ferrante. Unsure of what to do, Vincent decided to hold on to his decision a while longer.

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The two claimants: Charles of Nevers and Ferrante of Gaustalla

In the meantime, the Spanish sought to reduce their burden by starting secret negotiations with Savoy regarding a potential partition of the Gonzaga inheritance. Spain offered Charles Emmanuel the Duchy of Montferrat except for Casale Montferrato, its capital, and some Spanish lands on the western side of the River Sesia in exchange for peace as well as recognizing Ferrante as Duke of Mantua. If Savoy accepted, then the French would be isolated, Mantua would remain in the Habsburg sphere of influence, Genoa and Milan would be mostly secured, Valtellina could be recovered, Venice defeated and while Savoy would bear the cost of changing sides, Spain could very well help them keep the French away while keeping their enemy away from their borders. It was precisely this that worried Charles Emmanuel. While the ambitious Duke fancied the terms and the territorial expansion they would provide him, he was worried about having the war reach and devastate his lands so he tried to get more out of the deal which in turn stalled conversations.

He did however have reasons to secure a separate peace, the French were annoyed with Charles Emmanuel’s irrational intent to conquer Alessandria which he could not fully encircle and thus not take it. Montmorency met with the Duke and expressed Louis XIII’s disapproval of his actions to which the Duke replied annoyed that his army was his to command and was now at odds with the French Duke. But the French were not the only ones annoyed with Charles Emmanuel’s obsession with Alessandria, the Savoyards were growing increasingly dissatisfied with their Duke’s conduct, including the heir Victor Amadeus who gained more supporters but still tried to convince his father to change the objective.

The Prince would have not succeeded save except for the brutal outbreak of plague that started on the previous November and hit not only the Savoyards but also the defending armies of Alessandria and spread around quickly when February arrived. With his army severely weaken and with much pressure on top of him, the headstrong Duke lifted the Second Siege of Alessandria which lasted a full year and cost the lives of as many as 10 000 Savoyards.

Savoy was weakened and retreated to the banks of the Tanaro once more as they tried to isolate the sick troops through different villages. Taking advantage of this but much against his will, Victor Amadeus with the support of the Savoyard nobility forced Charles Emmanuel to relinquish the command of the troops in favor of Victor and the Prince, once he stabilized the epidemic situation, led 8 000 men to join Montmorency’s 3 000 men to take Novara in the Duchy of Milan.

Securing the Savoyard Army allowed the French to attack from two directions, from the west led by Victor Amadeus and Montmorency and from the north led by Bois-Dauphin. Each had roughly 10 000 men so they hoped this would allow them to overpower the numerically inferior Spanish troops. In March, the northern offensive pined the bulk of the Spanish troops to the defensive line and taking advantage of this, the western offensive started with the crossing of the Sesia near Vercelli on March 22.

The Franco-Savoyard Army moved northeastwards towards their goal taking many settlements in the way with little opposition and reached the shores of the River Agogna that separated them from Novara in early April. Córdoba moved most of his troops to the mentioned city but another outbreak of plague left his army heavily depleted to the point he could only sabotage the enemy’s supply lines. Victor Amadeus and Montmorency were also facing a similar outbreak.

As they moved northwards to secure their position by the river, Montmorency crossed the Agogna to measure the defenses and lay the siege. Córdoba moved part of his troops from the immediacies of Alessandria northwards towards Novara to block the Franco-Savoyard Army but due to the plague, his smaller army was severely weakened and could not engage its opponents. Eventually, the Franco-Savoyard had control of the field and was able to lay siege from the western and northern sides while their cavalry was used to make sure the city could not be supplied through the eastern and southern sides. Conditions grew grim as the plague made its way inside and Novara could not be relieved. With Bois-Dauphin making slow and small gains to the north, things were getting rough for the Spanish on the western side of the Duchy of Milan.

In June, Novara sent envoys to Victor Amadeus and Montmorency pleading that their elderly, women and children be allowed to leave without harassment, a plead that was promptly accepted by the commanders who felt confident the siege would end soon in their favor but without these people inside, Novara was able to contain the spread of the plague and conserve more resources. Despite the heavy bombardments against the city, its modern walls resisted but once autumn arrived, things got harsher inside as a new outbreak of plague weakened the defenders of the city beyond repair.

Envoys had been sent by Montmorency every month but suddenly, on November 11, 1627, the envoy returned with news that the city had finally surrendered. There was no triumphal march into the city due to the plague and the dead were given proper burials. Losing Novara was problematic for Spain but not the end of the world, Cordóba had to give explanations to Madrid but neither the King nor Olivares had the will to replace him, but they made it clear, they would not tolerate many more failures. Aside from the conquest of Novara and the incremental gains made by Bois-Dauphin, there were no other big victories for France and Savoy on the western border of the Duchy of Milan but there was progress that Louis XIII and Luynes could boast of.

In the Alps, Louis de La-Châtre found himself commanding as many as 12 000 men which was almost twice the amount Tilly had. This made him take the initiative and crossed the mountainous passes and appeared between Sondalo and Grosio on March 13, both towns under the Habsburg control and he intended to cut the area’s supply lines and take the Spanish garrisons to the west. Having anticipated a French attack on the area, even though he was surprised by the path La-Châtre took to get there, Tilly had evacuated the towns his opponent intended to take. This combined with rain made La-Châtre unable to press on and he took refuge in Grosio which barely had any population and supplies to sustain his army.

Franco-Venetian scouts warned La-Châtre that Sondalo’s garrison had 2 000 men and dozens of artillery pieces so the French commander decided to give up on his plan and moved to the west towards Sondrio. By April, following the directives sent by Madrid, 6 000 men under Antonio Luiz de Heredia, second son of the Count of Fuentes, made their way to the border of Valtellina through Milan and occupied a couple of border towns. La-Châtre moved westwards in hopes to scare them away but they did not leave their gained positions and thus the Frenchman had to decide on whether to face the Spanish, try his luck again with the Austrians or stay put. He chose the third option, returning to Sondrio and asking for more troops from Venice and while some came, so did both opposing armies who moved closer and closer to Sondrio. Without another option, La-Châtre chose to confront Tilly because the Imperial Commander had more troops and so was harder to defeat.

The two forces met halfway between Teglio and Tirano on May 17, with Tilly having taken the latter three days earlier. La-Châtre had 10 000 men and Tilly had 7 000, the battle was fierce and long but the superiority in artillery gave the victory to the Imperial Commander who this time, without fear of being flanked by a different army pressed on. This was one of the bloodiest battles with 7 000 total casualties, weakening both armies but the one who suffered the most was the Franco-Venetian one who was forced to escape to Poschiavo. The victory gave the initiative to the Habsburgs who flanked Sodrio which revolted once more though on a smaller scale than the previous one thanks to Lesdiguières’s previous repression and this time it fell to the Habsburgs on July 17.

Concerned with their ally’s future, the Swiss Confederacy decided unanimously to negotiate with the Habsburgs although the powerful Protestant Cantons of Zurich and Bern had been debating internally a military intervention that was not consensual. Four representatives were sent to Vienna, two representing the Catholic Cantons and two representing the Protestant ones and Emperor Ferdinand negotiated for both Habsburg branches. The representatives agreed to return Valtellina to Spanish but they demanded the return of the other occupied areas in the Three Leagues, the Habsburg renunciation of the Swiss lands, protection to the Protestants in Valtellina as well as recognition of the Swiss Confederacy’s independence.

The demands were tough to digest for the Emperor but he was hard-pressed by Philip IV to be lenient. Protection for Valtellina’s Protestants was immediately agreed upon and formal renunciations from both branches of the Habsburgs of any claim on the Swiss Confederacy were made but Ferdinand and Leopold wanted a land connection to Tarasp and the Confederacy remaining nominally under Imperial control. Negotiations continued and the Habsburgs forces were able to take control over the entirety of Valtellina by September.

When the French and Venetians learned of the negotiations occurring behind their backs they mutinied. La-Châtre wrote to Louis XIII and Luynes denouncing the Swiss as traitors and saying that the Three Leagues also felt betrayed and inquired whether or not he should incite a major revolt in the area. While the King and his right hand were angered by the betrayal they realized there was nothing they could do and decided it was better to evacuate Valtellina and move the troops to other fronts.

Without foreign support, the Swiss had less room to maneuver to secure a favorable agreement. The Treaty of Vienna was sighed on October 28, 1627, and ended the war in the Alps. The Three Leagues had to cede the Municipality of Val Müstair and the valleys and mountain passes from the Austrian border to Tarasp without crossing the River Inn to the north. In return, half of the revenues of the ceded areas would be given to the Three Leagues for ten years and both Habsburg branches would renounce any claim of the area and swear not to attack the Three Leagues which had to swear not to attack the Habsburgs. As for the independence of the Swiss Confederacy, a pressured Ferdinand agreed to give it but the new country, de facto independent since the 15th Century, could not join a war against either of the Habsburg branches, had to allow Spanish troops to travel its territories and pay a hefty sum of 4 000 000 Thalers.

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The borders set by the Treaty of Viena of 1627 represented by the black line

Worried that the Habsburgs could use Valtellina’s La Châtre and Sondalo’s Army were placed on the northern border of the Republic of Venice but neither the Spanish nor the Imperials had invading Venice as a priority. With the Alps secured, most of the Habsburg troops were moved to the border between Milan and Venice to the north of Cremona to push the Venetians away and exert pressure on Vincent II of Mantua while the rest of the troops garrisoned Valtellina and worked as a boogeyman to Venice,

As for the Cremona itself, when the campaign season started, the Venetians found the Spanish defensive lines far better fortified than in the previous year, as expected, and with Córdoba having more troops as well. Sagredo tried to fully cut the Spanish from the rest of Milan, hoping that such a move would convince Parma to reconsider its position. Moving his troops to control the eastern shore of the River Adda, he succeeded in his endeavor by mid-March, however, Margherita Aldobrandini, pressured by her Pro-Habsburg court continued to allow the Spanish troops to pass through the Duchy.

With Cremona getting more under pressure, Córdoba sent a small force of 2 000 men under the Marquis of Santa Cruz to cross the Adda at Spino d’Adda just to disturb the supply lines but Santa Cruz was able to take the settlement with little difficulty when the small garrison, expecting a very large force, surrendered on April 3. Santa Cruz requested more troops and Cordoba gave him an extra 1 000 which unfortunately was not enough to make further advances.

Sagredo committed himself to Cremona and was able to position his troops on the northwest of the city by June after much struggle and heavy losses. These losses sabotaged the potential capture of the city but it did not stop Sagredo from asking for more troops. With the offensive culminating, Córdoba decided to make a larger effort and gave 3 000 more troops to Santa Cruz, depleting Milan’s garrison in the process, and commissioned him with the recovery of the territories lost. His advance was swift but he did not have enough troops to conquer Crema so both sides ended up trying to sabotage each other’s sieges and made little progress.

Returning to Mantua, as Vincent grew weaker and sicker, the pressing need to choose the course of the Duchy of Mantua also grew but the Duke and his counselors did not know what to do. It is said that either Vincent called his niece Maria of Montferrat, then 18 years, or she came to him to give her opinion knowing well that she would have to marry one of the heirs of the two contenders to consolidate their claim and she advised on choosing Ferrante because that option would be the less devastating one for the already bankrupt Mantua. Additionally, the Duke’s sister, Empress Eleanor, begged Vincent to choose Ferrante in multiple letters she sent him when it became clear her husband would not accept the Duke of Nevers.

As word of Vincent’s imminent death spread, both claimants sought to make a move and get him to nominate them. Despite being barren from crossing Habsburg territories or their allies, the Duke of Nevers and his son Charles, Duke of Nethel took a ship at Toulon and sailed to Venice from where they would travel to Mantua, however, the Duke of Gaustalla and his many sons were closer and entered the Duchy on November 1627, long before Nevers. Ferrante and his eldest son Cesar promised Vincent that they would keep Mantua out of the Habsburg wars, not allow foreign troops to enter the Duchy and keep all of the inheritance together, which likely meant that they were hoping to get Maria to marry into their side of the family.

Vincent refused to nominate them as heirs and wanted to wait for Charles to arrive so he could hear his terms personally as it was clear he wanted him as heir. While Ferrante left the Duchy to his fief, his son Cesar remained to raise support for his father, especially with the nobility who was mostly leaning towards the Guastalla branch as they were still Italians and would increase the Duchy’s size by adding Guastalla which bordered Mantua.

As Christmas came, Vincent’s health got even worse and he died without a legitimate child, as expected. While officially he did not nominate an heir, plenty of people claimed he nominated Charles of Nevers on his testament before giving his final breath, however, a palace coup was made by Gianni Alboresi and his followers in favor of Ferrante which aside from modifying Vincent’s will, as others claimed, also acclaimed the Duke of Guastalla, who on January 1, 1628, was crowned Ferdinand II of Mantua and his son Cesar was nominated his heir.

The following day Maria Gonzaga married Cesar’s only son with Caterina Lesa Aldobrandini, the 13 years old Ferrante Gonzaga, to cement the new order and re-unite Mantua and Montferrat and add Gaustalla to it. The population accepted this move as like many of the nobles they considered Charles, Duke of Nevers a foreigner, but there were legalists and pro-French nobles led by Paolo Bianchi who refused to accept this and rose against Ferrante’s rule. In Venice, Charles refused to accept this development and started to gather troops in the Republic to lay claim to Mantua but he was delayed because Venice was a string away from a civil war.

Ferrante tried to fulfill the promises he made to deceased Vincent and refused to allow Habsburg troops to enter the Duchy and brought his own from Gaustalla to put down Bianchi’s revolt. Apparently, he contracted a loan with the Medici Bank to do so and gave them some economic concessions and art pieces in return.

As explained, the end of hostilities in Valtellina was a breath of fresh air to the Habsburgs because it secured a land route to connect both branches of the family, allowed for a longer alternative to the Spanish Road and freed a considerable number of troops. The French were concerned with this and planned to attack Valtellina from the south through Venice but the Republic had overextended itself by then.

Doge Giovanni I Corner had been elected against his wishes on January 4, 1625. He did not want the position because his family had been accumulating offices in the Republic and while being a Doge brought prestige and honor to a family, it also forced said family to respect a set of strict rules to prevent the Republic from being controlled by a family. Nevertheless, Giovanni was able to have the Signoria confirm all of his kin’s positions and one of his sons, Federico was created a Cardinal by Pope Clement IX and when he was eventually nominated for the position of Bishop of Vicenza, the Signoria blocked it, fearing the family had become too powerful.

But the damage had been done...the Corners had now formed a powerful faction within Venice and began demanding more titles, offices, privileges and honors. A nephew of the Doge, Giorgio Corner began smuggling goods with absolute impunity, especially during the period of war where Spanish goods were not allowed into the Republic without respecting the embargos.

By late 1627, the patrician Renier Zen, President of the Council of Ten and a political opponent of the Corners began denouncing the abuses that this family committed and demanded the revocation of their offices and privileges as well as the creation of a special commission to investigate the family’s affairs. The Corners, without the support of the Doge, tried to assassinate Zen on December 30, by attacking when he was arriving at his house but he survived by throwing himself into the canal and swimming away to safety.

As soon as the New Year came, Zen’s speeches got more radical and populist as he attacked the Corner faction without mercy. Giorgio Corner, who had been the head of the plot, was banished from the Republic but the conflict between the Corners and Zen did not stop and the harshness of the war, moods got worse with the risk of a civil war being imminent. Both sides seemed to agree on one thing, end the war that was unpopular from the start. The Doge losing power and influence due to quarreling factions and conscious that his death was imminent, sent one of his nephews to Vienna to negotiate with the Habsburgs, despite many in his family wishing to prolong the war as it created a common enemy and made them profit.

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Doge Giovanni Corner

When Charles of Nevers tried to recruit troops in Venice to attack Mantua, he was mostly barren from doing so because the Republic could not spare men so he could only count on 2 000 men for his attempt to fight Ferdinand II of Mantua. He was forced to mortgage his estates in France to hire a private army but even that was not enough because not only were these troops far away, in France, and had to travel a long distance to Mantua, but they were also conflicting with the French’s mobilization which desperately needed men to fight.

In contrast, Ferdinand II of Mantua managed to raise 7 000 troops with which he managed to pacify the situation in the Duchy by April-May, 1628, forcing his opposition to flee to Venice and check-mating Nevers who tried to invade on February 17 but was defeated, starting the first of many attempts to take control of the Duchy without success.

Santa Cruz was further reinforced by the arrival of the Spanish troops that had been in Valtellina, his army was now 10 000 men strong and with them, he was ordered by Córdoba to destroy the Venetian Army besieging Cremona. Crema fell on March 8 and after that, the Spanish advance gained momentum as many towns were either conquered or liberated through Spring threatening the Venetian’s supply lines and thus Sagredo was forced to evacuate back to Venice with the bulk of his army intact.

His troops were moved to the border between Milan and Venice, where he was supposed to make a stand at Sergnano. The battle opposed 8 000 Spanish soldiers against 8 000 Venetians and was bloody and with casualties but the Spanish won it, cementing the low quality that the Venetians’ troops had fallen to. The battle left the Venetians in a precarious position as the important city of Bergamo was now seriously threatened to the north and the south. The defeat at Sergnano gave Zen a huge boost while the Corners were at an all-time low, some radicals affected to Zen were arming themselves and the Doge worried for his family was now fully convinced in getting a favorable peace term with the Habsburgs. He also tried to negotiate with Zen to secure his support for peace for the sake of the city, which he received to some extent.

As stated before, neither branch of the Habsburgs wanted to prolong the war with Venice more than necessary even conquering Bergamo seemed tempting, but they did wish to make small border adjustments. The Spanish wanted the border in the southwest to reflect more or less their advances and thus nullified the Venetian spearhead into Cremona and gave towns like Crema while the Imperials wanted the area of Monfalcone by the mouth of the River Sotxa in Istria. Besides this, both wanted the Venetians to recognize Ferdinand II of Mantua as the Duke, kick Charles of Nevers and pay 4 000 000 Thalers, half to each branch.

While Giovanni Corner was willing to accept all the terms, he refused to pay the sum demanded, Zen backed this and by doing so, the negotiations became public which placed Venice at odds with France and Savoy. Negotiations continued and so did the French troops in the Republic as this was a last resort by Luynes to save face there, however so did the fighting with the Habsburgs preparing a large offensive towards Bergamo for 1629.

On the western side, French reinforcements were sent to help Nevers take over the Duchy of the Montferrat rather than further help Montmorency and Victor Amadeus at Novara. Command of roughly 8 000 men recruited by the Duke of Nevers as well as some freshly recruited French troops were placed under him and his sons but Charles Emmanuel after laying quiet for a couple of months was now trying to secure part of Montferrat for himself, something that for Nevers and France was out of the question. For them, the entirety of the Duchy was to go to Nevers and the Duke of Savoy was furious with this and refused to support the French telling his son to remain at Novara and make gains there.

Nevers was able to take most of the northern part of Montferrat, he claimed that Maria Gonzaga lost the right the rule it when she married the Gaustalla branch of the family, a group of usurpers. His swift advance stopped completely when he reached the capital of the Duchy, Casale Montferrato, one of Europe’s best-fortified cities. Having hoped the city would declare for him, his hopes were shattered when the city refused and continued supporting Maria, this forced him to lay siege to the city on April 22.

As Charles Emmanuel refused to help unless he got something out of the deal, the siege thus was sabotaged from the very beginning. Montmorency was called to support the siege, thus any advances from Novara were halted, only Bois-Dauphin made gains and he and his troops were exhausted from the slow campaign they were making. The Spanish took advantage of this to reinforce their defensive positions, Genoese troops were sent to the unoccupied southern half of Montferrat with Maria Gonzaga’s permission and Córdoba was permitted to enter the northern part of Montferrat to support Casale Montferrato with supplies.

Troops were now making their way to the Netherlands through the normal Spanish Road or the new one opened at Valtellina and few stayed behind to help in the Italian Front as Olivares considered the Netherlands to be now the paramount front, a question of honor for Spain where there could be no concessions, in the Italian Peninsula, however, the Spanish were willing to make some. This limited the capabilities of the Spanish forces in the area and thus there were few more movements on the Italian Front during 1628.

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The Italian Front at the end of 1628
Yellow: The Duchy of Milan and Parma tied to Spain
Gold: The Republic of Genoa
Light Blue: The Duchy of Savoy
Light Green: The Republic of Venice
Magenta: House Gonzaga's Lands

Working on the next part already, it will be the Netherlands front. I will not promise anything about when it will come because it will only disappoint people including myself. Anyway, thank you for sparing time reading and I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
 

Lusitania

Donor
This was a great 2 posts. The only downfall was that in the end nothing really changed. Italy still mess. But that has nothing to do with TL but history of the region.
 
This was a great 2 posts. The only downfall was that in the end nothing really changed. Italy still mess. But that has nothing to do with TL but history of the region.
Modern Age is a mess of wars, plagues, food shortages and all the perils one can think.

I will take the opportunity to thank everyone who voted on TL. As expected it did not win but it got a better result than two years ago and last year it didn't even get nominated so it could only get better than that. I will continue to write and try to improve it; maybe next year it will be even better. Any suggestions for improvement are welcome. Thank you to everyone who read the story.
 
The Great Religious War: The Netherlands and the Americas
The Great Religious War: The Netherlands and the Americas

Aside from France, England-Scotland and Savoy declaring war against Spain, 1625, brought a new development to the United Provinces, the death of Stadholder Maurice of Nassau on April 23. Maurice had dominated the United Provinces since 1618 with the help of the local aristocrats and Counter-Remonstrants (staunch Calvinists) although because this was a small oligarchy, it was unable to rule effectively at the local level, a necessary must in a very decentralized country such as the United Provinces.

Frederick Henry, Maurice’s half-brother, succeeded him as Prince of Orange and Captain-General of the United Provinces but was unable to immediately replace him as Stadholder in the various Provinces. Since 1620, when William Louis of Nassau-Dillenburg died, the Provinces of the United Provinces were administrated either by Maurice (Drenthe, Groningen, Guelders, Overijssel, Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht) or Ernest Casimir of Nassau-Dietz (Frisia).

Thus, Frederick Henry was elected Stadholder of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Guelders and Overijssel and Ernest Casimir was elected to Drenthe and Groningen. Thus, the northeast of the country, less populous and less rich, was under Ernest Casimir while the rest of the country was under Frederick Henry. Both had to make concessions to the Provinces and swear to not try to control them as Maurice did.

The Spanish Netherlands were also suffering from a lack of political leadership as the Duke of Osuna died on November 16, 1624, and Madrid was unsure of who to send and such Ambrogio Spinola became an Interim Governor. Philip IV again considered nominating his aunt Isabella Clara Eugenia, Queen of Portugal, to the position as a mediator or a way to drag the Portuguese into the conflict, but after thanking the consideration given to her, the Queen refused yet again and her husband did not need to say a thing though his opinion was implicitly known.

After much consideration, Philip chose to nominate one of his younger brothers Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand who was still young and inexperienced and so Olivares advised him to choose Francisco III de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque until Ferdinand was sixteen. The arrangement would allow the young Cardinal to acquire experience as an apprentice of the Duke and get used to the Netherlands. As with Osuna, Spinola remained the Supreme Commander of the Army of Flanders but his power, influence and prestige were waning.

Maurice’s death allowed for the moderate Calvinists (the Remonstrants) who had been persecuted by him to return to the scene and the Booteigenarens’s (those who preferred investing in Portugal’s mercantile companies and cooperating with the country) strength increased, especially in the wealthiest Province of Holland. Frederick Henry preferred to take a fully neutral stance in the disputes between religious and economic factions and act as a mediator. This provided him with power and influence but also ensured tolerance and political stability which was much needed.

With the help they received from France and England, the United Provinces were able to increase their army without straining their economy too much. 10 000 French soldiers under the Marquis of Souvré and the Viscount of Aubeterre invaded the County of Artois on May 7, 1625, distracting the Army of Flanders though not for long because Spinola sent his deputy, Carlos Coloma with almost 20 000 soldiers to push the French away and he did so without a fight. While the French Marshals intended on making another push, Louis XIII replaced them with Charles de Créquy and Gaspard de Coligny.

By July, the two Marshals had mustered 15 000 soldiers to fight and the Dutch had received 10 000 English and Scottish troops, with more promised to arrive in the following years, and the Dutch States Army under Frederick Henry was thus able to match the Army of Flanders in numbers. Deeply concerned, Spinola asked for more support from Spain but the Crown was unable to meet his pleads because of the blockade of the Spanish Road in the Alps.

At this point, Spinola realized the miscalculation that his investment in the conquest of Breda that finished on June 5, 1625, brought. If the Anti-Habsburg Alliance did not declare war on the Habsburgs, it was likely that Breda could have been the start of a sizable offensive, however, with two armies pressuring the Spanish positions from north and south, the best they could do was to go on the defensive. They succeeded in foiling a second French attempt to conquer Artois by defeating them at Bapaume, on August 23, which cost the French many men and forced them to retreat. On September 18, Albuquerque and Prince Ferdinand of Spain arrived to take control of the situation but the men and funds they brought were nearly insignificant.

The Dutch, however, were unsure of where to attack. The majority of the Dutch wanted the focus to be on the east, where the Spanish had made significant gains in the previous years and were able to raid the Republic’s poorer eastern provinces but because the French were attacking Artois and would focus their forces there, the option of recovering the wealthier Flanders was very tempting. Negotiations were made between the Nassaus and their commanders and in the end, the Dutch agreed to split the army in two, Ernest Casimir, Stadholder of the eastern Provinces would focus on the east and kick the Spanish away from the important positions of Oldenzaal and Groenlo while Frederick Henry would focus on Flanders and try to put an end to the Dunkirk pirates that plagued the Dutch coast.

Contributing to this outcome was the fear that the French could obtain too many territorial gains if not checked and thus the Spanish “oppressors” would be replaced by the French which would have a far easier time defending the territory. After all, the sentiment of freeing all of the Seventeen Provinces from the Habsburgs was still the final goal, although Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir were willing to give France the Provinces that had joined the Union of Arras/Artois namely Artois, Hainaut, the cities of Lille, Douai and Orchies as well as the Provinces of Namur and Luxemburg but not more.

At the start of 1626, Ernest Casimir laid siege to Oldenzaal in the Province of Overijssel which had been taken by Spinola in 1605. It was a good target for the Dutch because it was isolated from the main Spanish possessions in the Netherlands and could not be easily relieved. It started officially on May 14 with Dutch pioneers digging siege lines with trenches and placing their artillery pieces in position. After the English troops took control of the nearby castle of Broeckhuise, Ernest Casimir ordered the bombardment of the sluice gates that controlled the city’s canals and drained them and leaving them even more vulnerable. It took only twelve more days for the city to surrender to Ernest Casimir who then made a triumphal entrance into the city.

In the southwest, the French made a renewed attempt at Artois this time focusing on the town of Gravelines with some naval support from England and the United Provinces. After cutting the town’s supply lines, it surrendered on August 4 granting Coligny and Créquy a much-needed victory. However, their advance was checked by Spinola who laid siege to the town to recover it but was not able to cut the supply lines entirely because of English and Dutch naval superiority.

Without the Spanish in sight, Ernest Casimir turned to Groenlo which like Oldenzaal had been conquered by Spinola before the Twelve Years’ Truce. Despite the attack being so easy to predict, as it was the last Spanish garrison in the Northern Netherlands, the Spanish garrison received no help since the start of the siege on September 10, the only thing that helped them was the Autumn weather which only delayed the inevitable outcome. The Spanish commander, Hendrik van den Bergh, a first cousin to Frederick Henry, and one of the Spanish’s highest native officers could do little except conduct night raids until he was forced to surrender on December 18 when the difficult weather proved too much to bare to his soldiers.

Frederick William left with as many as 30 000 men from Sluis in Dutch-held Flanders intending to take Bruges which was very close to the front lines. While the city was no longer in its golden age, it was still a valuable asset on the Dutch side and a question of prestige for both sides. The siege started on April 22 with the Dutch building a circumvallation around the walls, anticipating a Spanish relief force. Spinola and Albuquerque were placed in a precarious position and were forced to ease the pressure on Gravellines to send their army northwards.

The Dutch were concerned about losing the battle and having their planned offensive go to waste and many of Frederick Henry’s deputies pressured him to call it off but he refused much to their dismay. In Paris, Luynes was pressured by Louis XIII for more results and his wish to replace the Marshals yet again, so he sent Duke Henry II of Rohan with 6 000 troops to relieve the French at Gravelines and exert more pressure on the Spanish. His nomination was also done to keep him as far away as possible from the Huguenots which were getting more active again.

Rohan and the other French Marshals succeeded in relieving Gravelines and pushed to occupy Artois once more taking advantage of the Spanish moving northwards. Spinola had hoped that Frederick Henry’s huge army would not be willing to engage, his basis being the conduct of the deceased Maurice who was far more aggressive than Frederick but when the new Captain-General of the Dutch Army refused to leave, Spinola was forced to engage and in bad terms because although he had a slight numerical superiority, the Dutch had chosen the field and mounted defenses against a relief force.

The Battle of Bruges of May 7 lasted nearly a week with the Spanish trying to overrun the Dutch positions in a series of skirmishes. They broke through two positions but were unable to force a capitulation of the Dutch, moreover, their casualties were building and without means to replenish them, Spinola gave the victory to Dutch after he lost as many as 5 000 men, against 7 000 Dutch, deciding it best to fight for another day and drain the Dutch away.

Spinola stayed on the outskirts of Bruges, more specifically between the city and Ostend which he judged to be the next destination for the Dutch. He intended to either force the Dutch to face him on better terms or make them take a different path which could allow him to try and recover Bruges. Because the siege lasted for quite a while, Spinola was able to perform various raids against the Dutch that were efficient in weakening them further and preventing them from continuing their offensive even if they took Bruges.

The French pushed further into Flanders by laying siege to Dunkirk on June 4, their objective was to link with the Dutch further north. Albuquerque demanded troops from Spinola and with 15 000 men he defeated the French at Dunkirk on June 23, a battle where young Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, proved his worth by leading a Terço. Albuquerque sought to pressure the French but was defeated by Rohan and Coligny at the Second Battle of Gravelines on July 3.

With Spinola weakened by having to supply Albuquerque with more men, Frederick Henry chose a different approach and sent an emissary to the defenders of Bruges promising that they could keep their Catholic faith if they surrendered and no extra taxes would be forced upon them. The garrison refused the terms but the city itself, worried, decided after much deliberation to open the gates to Frederick Henry on July 9. True to his word, the Stadholder did not sack the city and confirmed his promises but still had to face the Spanish garrison which only surrendered on August 20.

The loss of the city was a major blow to the Spanish, as expected, and a huge boost to the Dutch who could not continue the offensive due to the casualties Spinola inflicted on them. The Spanish were in no better position with 20 000-25 000 being the number of troops they could use in fighting as the bulk of the Army of Flanders was in garrison duty. Still, despite facing three enemies they were holding their own in the County of Flanders which served to save face after they lost the Northern Provinces for good.

Throughout the winter period of 1626-1627, the Dutch were progressively getting into a better position. With the entirety of the Northern Provinces under their control, Ernest Casimir was able to move his sizable army to the south to reinforce Frederick Henry’s weakened one. Thus the Dutch Army had 40 000 troops ready to resume the Flanders Offensive while the Spanish were still praying that the Spanish Road opened again.

Outnumbered, Spinola could do little but concentrate his efforts on a guerilla campaign. To make matters worse, the French Northern Army had increased to as many as 20 000 men and were ready to resume their own offensive. The administration in Brussels did not know what to do but plead for Philip IV to send more resources which the King did not have even if he wanted to help. Furthermore, the nobility in the Spanish Netherlands, like many of its other counterparts in the Spanish Empire grew increasingly disappointed with Madrid.

This last aspect was caught by the Dutch spies who transmitted it to Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir who despite their grievances with Catholicism, as they both were banned by the Emperor from their ancestral lands, saw the pragmatic need to guarantee the rights of the Southern Dutch Catholics, as they did with Bruges so that their war effort would be eased. Despite the opposition from the Counter-Remonstrants, the Stadholders wanted to focus on promoting a Dutch culture versus a non-Dutch culture as opposed to Calvinists versus Catholics and for this, they enjoyed the support from the Remonstrants and Booteigenarens to carry this intent forward.

With favorable weather conditions and favorable numbers, the Stadholders made their way towards Ostend in coordination with a French attack against Dunkirk. The Spanish recognized that they had to do a very hard choice between both settlements and in the end, they decided to focus on defending Ostend. There were many reasons for it, peer amongst them was that Ostend had cost so many men and resources to the Spanish that losing it would be a very severe blow to the country’s prestige and honor not to mention one of the best harbors the Spanish had in the region.

First, Spinola weaken the Dutch with his guerilla tactics and then forced a fight on his terms in the outskirts of the town. The Dutch faltered and debated whether or not to give battle since there was a high risk of losing and badly but the members of the House of Nassau decided to go through it after coming up with a plan that would combine the strengths of the Army and Navy.

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Frederick Henry of Orange and Ambrogio Spinola


Battle of Ostend/Second Siege of Ostend
After much hesitation and much scouting the Dutch chose to attack the northeastern corner of the town close to the sea where their Navy started bombing the town without stopping on March 13. Spinola was quick to recognize the Dutch’s plan: they were trying to nullify his advantages by starting a siege and building their own defensive positions to withstand his attack. In other words, the Dutch were trying to take the town without fighting the Spanish or fighting them in their own conditions which included naval support. They also had numerical superiority.

The Genoese commander was thus forced to attack the Dutch positions but under heavy fire from both the Dutch Navy and Army which caused many casualties in his ranks. Nevertheless, after more than a month of fighting the Spanish were close to taking two Dutch trenches though on the night of April 14, the Dutch finally broke the town’s defenses and assaulted the city during the night.

After almost an hour, Spinola learned of the event and sent part of his army inside the town. April 15 was such a bloody day that it till nowadays it’s still remembered as such, as the Spanish unwilling to let the town fall decided to fight to the death which caused a brutal engagement in the streets of Ostend and also in the trenches. The civilian population that remained tried their best to leave but many were caught in the line of fire and died.

Despite the sacrifice of dozens of Spanish Companies, many others who had not gotten their pay started retreating once it was clear just how bloody the battle was being so that when the night came and the battles finally stopped when it was impossible to see and everyone was utterly exhausted, Spinola reformed his army and saw that he had lost as some historians say 10 000 soldiers while the Dutch had lost 13 000.

After analyzing the situation, he concluded that the Dutch controlled most of the town and most of his men were unwilling to fight, especially without payment. Judging that the Dutch were unable to continue their campaign if their losses were as big as his, Spinola, angrily decided to abandon Ostend and resume his strategy to harass the Dutch.

Adding the two sieges of Ostend, as many as 60 000 Dutch and 80 000 Spanish troops lost their lives in the engagements making it one of the deadliest battles in human history. The town is known today as “Bloedig Oostend” in Dutch and “Ostenda Sangrienta” in Castilian both meaning Bloody Ostend. There is also the very famous Castilian slang “Vete a la P*ta de Ostenda” used to send unwanted people to “death”.

As expected, Madrid was not happy with the results, it is known that Olivares was both jealous and worried about Spinola and the fall of Ostend gave him a reason to try getting rid of the Genoese but Philip IV refused thanks to the writings of his brother Ferdinand, who knowing well the catastrophic situation in the Netherlands, advised on keeping Spinola in the command at least for some more time until they could be sure they could work without him.

The King’s decision proved fruitful because Spinola defeated the French at the Third Battle of Dunkirk on May 9, 1627, and with it, stumped their projects once more. No further worthy military engagements occurred aside from the Dutch occupying, with great cost, positions around Ostend and Bruges to expand the bridgehead in Flanders while preparing for a larger campaign against Nieuwpoort and Dunkirk for the following year as they still had more men than the Spanish.

Mutinies grew in number as the Spanish soldiers still had not received monthly wages for a long time. Albuquerque was deeply concerned with an army coup of unpaid troops so he turned to different sources of credit without the official authorization of Madrid to pay the wages. These sources included loans from New Christians and even German Jews and although the results were way below the expected, they eased the tensions a bit.

As it was only a temporary solution, Albuquerque was forced to convene the States General of the Spanish Netherlands with the intent of increasing taxes to pay the expenses but doing so increased the States General’s influence at the expense of his own. Despite the disapproval from most of the representatives of the people, the situation was so dire that the Duke secured loans from the merchants and cities as well as an increase in taxes that allowed the mutinous troops to be paid nearly everything they were due.

As the frontlines were mostly stabilized, Frederick Henry received secret envoys from his cousin Hendrik van den Bergh, a Spanish Commander who proposed to him an interesting plan: a union between the United Provinces and the Southern Netherlands under the condition that the Catholic Provinces were allowed to keep their creed unmolested. He also spoke of fusion between both Estates General, armies and navies as necessary outcomes of such union.

The Nassaus were interested as this was their intent as explained earlier, however, both they and Van den Bergh recognized that it was nearly impossible to execute this plan in the short term so Van den Bergh was tasked with facilitating it in the medium or long term though he wasn’t in a hurry to do it. The application of the Treaty of Vienna of 1627 brought peace to the Alps, re-opened the Spanish Road and 6 000 soldiers arrived in Brussels by April 1628, it was such a letdown that the cheering that Albuquerque wanted to give the upcoming troops to boost his propaganda was canceled.

It seemed like things were not going to improve for Spain but they and the Dutch were surprised when the French invaded the Prince-Bishopric of Cambrai swiftly and occupied the territory, except for Cambrai, with minimum opposition. The city however forced them to lay a three-month siege that began on March 18 and ended on June 21. Albuquerque tried to relieve the siege multiple times but was unable due to the lack of troops.

While Créquy wanted to consolidate the gains and support the Dutch on the coast, Rohan managed to convince Coligny in pushing to Douai. They took control of the western part of the Province of Hainaut and entered Flanders from the southeast laying siege to Douai on July 24. Again, the Spanish were beaten by Rohan’s aggressive cavalry charges once they tried to relieve the city and the siege continued for months as the town was well garrisoned and the French campaign stalled much to their dismay.

The Dutch, irritated by the change in French plans kept their going as they planned. 25 000 men left Ostend and made their way to Nieuwport where they arrived on March 22. The Spanish kept raiding their positions but the Dutch were adapting by not only having their troops always expecting a raid but also moving most of the supplies through the sea rather than land.

The Spanish had strengthened the defenses by increasing the garrison to 1 500 troops so the siege continued for months until on May 17, the guards made a mistake in their patrolling patterns and the Dutch were able to sneak into the walls thanks to the use of ladders. By the time the Spanish found the problem, the Dutch were already pouring into the town. There was an engagement, however, the garrison was completely outnumbered and most were forced to surrender.

Things couldn’t have gone better for Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir. They had expected a lengthy siege and to an extent, it was lengthy, however, because they captured the town in May and they suffered fewer casualties than anticipated they pushed towards Dunkirk before the Spanish could further fortify the city. Spinola was furious with how Nieuwport fell but immediately tried to counter the problem by continuing his raids.

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The Second Siege of Ostend


Siege and Fourth Battle of Dunkirk
On May 28, the Dutch laid siege to Dunkirk with almost 20 000 men and although the town was heavily fortified after the many attempts made by the French to take it. The Dutch and English Navy blocked the harbor and started bombing the town from the sea just as they had done with Nieuwport to soften the garrison. Both Spinola and Albuquerque decided to meet the Dutch in a pitched battle as they both had decided to resign from their positions after the battle.

On June 17, 1628, the two armies met and exchanged blows for two hours as the Spanish positioned themselves in the field to surround the Dutch and press them against the sea just as they attempted at Bruges. A Dutch cavalry charge commanded by Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who had left Danish service after Christian IV’s multiple failures, surprisingly left the Spanish right flank in jeopardy and the Stadholders decided to press on it.

After two hours, the Spanish right flank collapsed and the Dutch were able to start enveloping the Spanish center from that side of the battlefield. Nevertheless, the Spanish Tercios in the center kept holding on as Albuquerque went around to reorganize the routed Spanish Tercios of the right flank.

At sunset, the Spanish were exhausted and the Dutch were barely better than them when hostilities paused for the day. During the night multiple raids were made with the Dutch suffering the bulk of their effect but the Dutch did not give up and kept going. At sunrise, the Spanish attempted to push the Dutch back out of their right flank and were succeeding in doing so until the Dutch cavalry engaged them enough for the Dutch to compose themselves and launch another attack. The battle raged on for hours until the Dutch finally enveloped the center of the Spanish forces on all sides but their left. Rather than risk being surrounded, Albuquerque ordered a retreat with the sanction of Spinola.

The Dutch were victorious but as in all their campaigns in Flanders, they had many casualties, and this made the siege much harder. The French did not provide them reinforcements immediately, some say Louis XIII was bitter that the Dutch were close to capturing a town he had failed multiple times to take and so hoping they would fail and give him another try, he didn’t send reinforcements but this claim is mostly dismissed because the French garrison at Gravelines sent 250 men, arguably not much, to support the Dutch in their attempt to take Dunkirk.

At this point, the Dutch were committed to taking the town and were recruiting men in their provinces and outside, using even political refugees from the defeated Protestants of the Empire like Bernard of Saxe-Weimar and the Spanish kept conducting raids against the supply chains while making raids against Nieuwport and Ostend to try and make the Dutch retreat but they were committed to taking Dunkirk. Meanwhile, both Spinola and Albuquerque resigned their positions, the former being particularly slandered by Olivares and his faction.

The Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand was installed as Governor and Supreme Commander of the Army Flanders and kept the strategies of his predecessors, preferring to not make any large battles before his army was reformed. At this point, the number of soldiers coming through the Spanish Road was slowly increasing though not at the levels before France and England declared war on Spain.

He was thus unable to prevent the inevitable fall of Dunkirk that happened during the night of September 9 when the Dutch forces were finally able to breach the walls and take control of the streets leaving only Fort Leon on the western half of the town resisting for almost two more months before they were finally allowed to surrender by the Cardinal Ferdinand.

The Dutch rejoiced as they finally captured the final and main base of the famous Dunkirkers who after the fall of Dunkirk had to flee to Spain or surrender and thus their menace ended at last. At the end of 1628 the Spanish had lost the entirety of the Flemish Coast which was a huge blow to them though because of guerilla strategy, Cardinal Ferdinand seemed to have shifted the flow of the battle in his favor as the Dutch were pretty much spent and incapable of going into the offensive for a long time unless they coordinated one with the French.

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The Netherlands in 1628

The Dutch-Spanish Conflict Overseas:
At the beginning of 1625, the Dutch controlled nearly all of the Spanish Province of New Andalusia all the way to Surinam with roughly 6 000 troops but many of these did not want to stay in such a hostile environment as they were not used to it and wanted to return home at the first opportunity. The Spanish were determined to recover their lost territory and Olivares approved the transfer of the Provinces of Venezuela, New Andalusia and Margarita from the Real Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the Real Audiencia of Santa Fé de Bogotá and thus to the authority of the Viceroyalty of Peru.

The measure was aimed to simplify the administration as well as provide better defenses to the Provinces and thus discourage foreigners from trying their luck at conquering them. Olivares also imposed the Ordenança system of the Portuguese in the entire Real Audiencia of Santa Fé, thus making it the guinea pig for a wider military reformation that he wanted to reproduce throughout all of Spain in the upcoming years. As such, all men between 16 and 60 in the Audiencia were required to have military training for two full days a week.

Fadrique de Toledo Osorio, a scion of the powerful Álvares de Toledo family was commissioned with the recovery of the lost territories and granted a force of 3 000 soldiers and 15 ships for the task. Fadrique sailed to the Araya Peninsula which he reached by May 12, 1625, and promptly blocked the city of Cumaná before sending word to the Spanish Governors to attack the town by land. The President of the Royal Audience of Santa Fé, Juan de Borja y Armendia, led 7 000 men organized in the Terço system and besieged Cumaná not long after.

The Dutch had made preparations for the eventual siege and were able to keep the supply lines open as the Spanish forces were a little too small to prevent it. The Dutch ships anchored at Cumaná improved the firepower of the town by adding their own but the main problem was in the land. Admiral Jacob Willekens mustered his forces and made a night raid against the Spanish which was so successful it turned into a full-out battle that ended with the rout of the Spanish at the expense of many Dutch casualties.

The victory allowed Cumaná to be supplied by land and Willekens finally renamed the city Mauritsstad in honor of Maurice of Nassau who had died nearly two months earlier and he hoped to boost the Dutch morale to defend it. The WIC sent Lodewijk Lint with 20 ships and 3 000 soldiers with orders to establish a Dutch administration in the occupied area and help its defense, he arrived by May 23 but was unable to land at Cumaná/Mauritsstad due to Fadrique’s fleet still being around the area and a storm.

Lint decided to sail eastwards and establish a provisionary seat elsewhere. He chose an isthmus to the east of the Araya Peninsula and founded New Sluis (OTL Chacopata), ordering the creation of a fort and a warehouse and that the ships were used as a provisionary fort. Then with 2 000, he left for Cumaná/Mauritsstad. Their arrival was much cheered by the Dutch garrison.

The problem was that after the failure of the land assault and the defeat in the seas, Toledo Osorio disembark his troops to the west of the town and took personal control over the Spanish forces. On June 28, with 9 000 troops he laid another siege on Cumaná and drilled the troops while doing so. The Dutch did not give up, taking advantage of the inverted seasons in their favor while keeping the land supply chains working thanks to night raids against Spanish positions, however, when the days began getting hot with the arrival of September, the Dutch started struggling.

Elsewhere, on September 24, 17 Dutch ships led by Boudewijn Hendricksz arrived at San Juan on the island of Puerto Rico whose Captain-General, Juan de Haro y Sanvitores had been in office for less than a month, hence why the attack was made there, the first against Spanish holdings in the Caribbean showcasing that the Dutch were getting bolder.

Haro y Sanvitores and his predecessor, Juan de Vargas, who was still at San Juan, hastily prepared the defenses of the island and while they did it, Hendricksz came up with a bold plan of attack, using the cover of the night, his fleet forced their way through the harbor and passed the Spanish defensive fort of El Morro with insignificant casualties, however, the shoals prevented an immediate disembark of troops which allowed the Spanish to adjust to the situation and evacuate San Juan.

On September 26, Hendricksz led 800 men ashore and occupied the town without resistance. The problem came when he needed to take El Morro to allow more ships to enter the town as de Haro y Sanvitores had barricaded inside the fort with 330 men. A twenty-one-day artillery duel began between the Dutch and Spanish while the Militias managed to negate most of the Dutch victories.

The siege of El Morro continued for almost a month and the Dutch grew impatient and started burning San Juan but the Spanish did not give in and in one of the many sorties, they were able to drive the Dutch away from their trenches back to their ships. On November 2, the attackers finally left Puerto Rico in defeat and some of them went to South America to help the war effort there.

As for the Dutch garrison at Cumaná, when November arrived, water was getting harder to find inside the town walls and the Spanish blockade kept improving its efficiency making it harder to resupply nevertheless, the Spanish despite many attempts were unable to fully breach the walls as disease also did its toll on them. Eventually, however, the Dutch commanders decided their conditions were unbearable and on November 18, they evacuated Cumaná during nighttime.

Upon learning this, Toledo Osorio entered Cumaná in victory, being well received by the few Spanish peasants that had been under Dutch rule since the previous year. He sought to pursue the Dutch to New Sluis but two things prevented him, one was the fever epidemic on his troops and the other was that his vanguard was soundly beaten by the Dutch.

By 1626, neither army was in condition to resume offensives, tropical diseases were taking a heavy toll, especially on the Spanish but the Dutch were not much better and a great deal of them wanted to return home. Lint was left with only 2 000 soldiers to defend a huge portion of the territory that the Dutch West Indies Company was claiming so he wrote to the Company’s Board to supply him more means either with men or something else worthy.

The board however had difficulty in recruiting people given the war and the better prospects that the East had when compared to an area that was barely populated and whose economic prospects were dim despite the rumors of the El Dorado still lingering around. The board decided to create land grants similar to the English and Portuguese models dividing the area into two Captaincies, New Zeeland (from the Araya Peninsula to the mouth of the River Waini/Guaini and from there to the mouth of the Suriname River was the Captaincy of New Holland.

While New Zeeland remained under the administration of de Lint as a Director, New Holland was granted to Jan van Peere and his son Abraham van Peere who were subordinates to Lint. They founded New Vlissingen on April 28, 1626, at the mouth of the River Demerara and benefit from the lack of Spanish and Portuguese presence to start sugar plantations in peace. Some Dutch settlers were brought and by 1630 the colony had 68 Europeans and at least the same number of Black slaves working in the plantations.

In New Zeeland, things were more difficult as the Spanish under Osorio tried to recover the entirety of their lost territory but were unable to launch anything larger than minor skirmishes. Eventually, by June 1626, Osorio got seriously ill and had to cease the whole operation. He survived and Olivares recalled him to Spain where Philip IV rewarded him for the recovery of Cumaná despite Olivares’ criticism of his inability to recover New Andalusia and Guyana. His abilities as a naval commander were, however, indispensable for Spain.

The new Captain-General of the Province of Venezuela, Juan de Meneses y Padilla, Marquis of Marianela, was also named Captain-General of New Andalusia and Guyana and was tasked with recovering the lost territories. Despite having considerable forces raised from the militias he was unable to recover more than the Araya Peninsula before he was soundly defeated on March 13, 1627, by Lint with Indian allies at New Sluis.

Despite the victory, Lint was convinced that New Sluis was in a dangerous position so while he did not abandon the town to the Spanish, he relocated the administration of the Captaincy to the Paria Peninsula to the east where he founded New Rotterdam. His Indian allies were used to garrison the area. Another Spanish attempt to take New Sluis failed because of a joint Dutch-Indian ambush.

In 1628, Piet Hein who had participated in the Dutch Expedition to New Andalusia led a large Dutch fleet that ambushed part of the Spanish Golden Fleet off the Bay of Matanzas in the island of Cuba which ended up with five Spanish galleons were captured and with it a colossal sum of 11 509 524 Guilders in loot. This was the WIC’s greatest victory so far and not only did it boost the Dutch economy by financing the Dutch Army for eight months but also forced Spain to near bankruptcy in 1629.

I have some good news: I have the War Updates all finished for the reign of John IV, they just need to be polished, meaning that I will likely be able to publish a Chapter every week for three weeks, perhaps four if I finish the European Updates in the meantime. I'm confident about being able to finish with John IV's reign by July and let the man that never existed rest in peace and give his son his time.
Not much else to say, I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
 
The truth is that I am pro-Spanish, but I really want all the Netherlands to lose, in the long run it is the best thing because it weakens the enemies of Spain, since without them in the middle, there will be constant war between the Dutch and the French
 
The Great Religious War: The Netherlands and the Americas

Aside from France, England-Scotland and Savoy declaring war against Spain, 1625, brought a new development to the United Provinces, the death of Stadholder Maurice of Nassau on April 23. Maurice had dominated the United Provinces since 1618 with the help of the local aristocrats and Counter-Remonstrants (staunch Calvinists) although because this was a small oligarchy, it was unable to rule effectively at the local level, a necessary must in a very decentralized country such as the United Provinces.

Frederick Henry, Maurice’s half-brother, succeeded him as Prince of Orange and Captain-General of the United Provinces but was unable to immediately replace him as Stadholder in the various Provinces. Since 1620, when William Louis of Nassau-Dillenburg died, the Provinces of the United Provinces were administrated either by Maurice (Drenthe, Groningen, Guelders, Overijssel, Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht) or Ernest Casimir of Nassau-Dietz (Frisia).

Thus, Frederick Henry was elected Stadholder of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Guelders and Overijssel and Ernest Casimir was elected to Drenthe and Groningen. Thus, the northeast of the country, less populous and less rich, was under Ernest Casimir while the rest of the country was under Frederick Henry. Both had to make concessions to the Provinces and swear to not try to control them as Maurice did.

The Spanish Netherlands were also suffering from a lack of political leadership as the Duke of Osuna died on November 16, 1624, and Madrid was unsure of who to send and such Ambrogio Spinola became an Interim Governor. Philip IV again considered nominating his aunt Isabella Clara Eugenia, Queen of Portugal, to the position as a mediator or a way to drag the Portuguese into the conflict, but after thanking the consideration given to her, the Queen refused yet again and her husband did not need to say a thing though his opinion was implicitly known.

After much consideration, Philip chose to nominate one of his younger brothers Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand who was still young and inexperienced and so Olivares advised him to choose Francisco III de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque until Ferdinand was sixteen. The arrangement would allow the young Cardinal to acquire experience as an apprentice of the Duke and get used to the Netherlands. As with Osuna, Spinola remained the Supreme Commander of the Army of Flanders but his power, influence and prestige were waning.

Maurice’s death allowed for the moderate Calvinists (the Remonstrants) who had been persecuted by him to return to the scene and the Booteigenarens’s (those who preferred investing in Portugal’s mercantile companies and cooperating with the country) strength increased, especially in the wealthiest Province of Holland. Frederick Henry preferred to take a fully neutral stance in the disputes between religious and economic factions and act as a mediator. This provided him with power and influence but also ensured tolerance and political stability which was much needed.

With the help they received from France and England, the United Provinces were able to increase their army without straining their economy too much. 10 000 French soldiers under the Marquis of Souvré and the Viscount of Aubeterre invaded the County of Artois on May 7, 1625, distracting the Army of Flanders though not for long because Spinola sent his deputy, Carlos Coloma with almost 20 000 soldiers to push the French away and he did so without a fight. While the French Marshals intended on making another push, Louis XIII replaced them with Charles de Créquy and Gaspard de Coligny.

By July, the two Marshals had mustered 15 000 soldiers to fight and the Dutch had received 10 000 English and Scottish troops, with more promised to arrive in the following years, and the Dutch States Army under Frederick Henry was thus able to match the Army of Flanders in numbers. Deeply concerned, Spinola asked for more support from Spain but the Crown was unable to meet his pleads because of the blockade of the Spanish Road in the Alps.

At this point, Spinola realized the miscalculation that his investment in the conquest of Breda that finished on June 5, 1625, brought. If the Anti-Habsburg Alliance did not declare war on the Habsburgs, it was likely that Breda could have been the start of a sizable offensive, however, with two armies pressuring the Spanish positions from north and south, the best they could do was to go on the defensive. They succeeded in foiling a second French attempt to conquer Artois by defeating them at Bapaume, on August 23, which cost the French many men and forced them to retreat. On September 18, Albuquerque and Prince Ferdinand of Spain arrived to take control of the situation but the men and funds they brought were nearly insignificant.

The Dutch, however, were unsure of where to attack. The majority of the Dutch wanted the focus to be on the east, where the Spanish had made significant gains in the previous years and were able to raid the Republic’s poorer eastern provinces but because the French were attacking Artois and would focus their forces there, the option of recovering the wealthier Flanders was very tempting. Negotiations were made between the Nassaus and their commanders and in the end, the Dutch agreed to split the army in two, Ernest Casimir, Stadholder of the eastern Provinces would focus on the east and kick the Spanish away from the important positions of Oldenzaal and Groenlo while Frederick Henry would focus on Flanders and try to put an end to the Dunkirk pirates that plagued the Dutch coast.

Contributing to this outcome was the fear that the French could obtain too many territorial gains if not checked and thus the Spanish “oppressors” would be replaced by the French which would have a far easier time defending the territory. After all, the sentiment of freeing all of the Seventeen Provinces from the Habsburgs was still the final goal, although Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir were willing to give France the Provinces that had joined the Union of Arras/Artois namely Artois, Hainaut, the cities of Lille, Douai and Orchies as well as the Provinces of Namur and Luxemburg but not more.

At the start of 1626, Ernest Casimir laid siege to Oldenzaal in the Province of Overijssel which had been taken by Spinola in 1605. It was a good target for the Dutch because it was isolated from the main Spanish possessions in the Netherlands and could not be easily relieved. It started officially on May 14 with Dutch pioneers digging siege lines with trenches and placing their artillery pieces in position. After the English troops took control of the nearby castle of Broeckhuise, Ernest Casimir ordered the bombardment of the sluice gates that controlled the city’s canals and drained them and leaving them even more vulnerable. It took only twelve more days for the city to surrender to Ernest Casimir who then made a triumphal entrance into the city.

In the southwest, the French made a renewed attempt at Artois this time focusing on the town of Gravelines with some naval support from England and the United Provinces. After cutting the town’s supply lines, it surrendered on August 4 granting Coligny and Créquy a much-needed victory. However, their advance was checked by Spinola who laid siege to the town to recover it but was not able to cut the supply lines entirely because of English and Dutch naval superiority.

Without the Spanish in sight, Ernest Casimir turned to Groenlo which like Oldenzaal had been conquered by Spinola before the Twelve Years’ Truce. Despite the attack being so easy to predict, as it was the last Spanish garrison in the Northern Netherlands, the Spanish garrison received no help since the start of the siege on September 10, the only thing that helped them was the Autumn weather which only delayed the inevitable outcome. The Spanish commander, Hendrik van den Bergh, a first cousin to Frederick Henry, and one of the Spanish’s highest native officers could do little except conduct night raids until he was forced to surrender on December 18 when the difficult weather proved too much to bare to his soldiers.

Frederick William left with as many as 30 000 men from Sluis in Dutch-held Flanders intending to take Bruges which was very close to the front lines. While the city was no longer in its golden age, it was still a valuable asset on the Dutch side and a question of prestige for both sides. The siege started on April 22 with the Dutch building a circumvallation around the walls, anticipating a Spanish relief force. Spinola and Albuquerque were placed in a precarious position and were forced to ease the pressure on Gravellines to send their army northwards.

The Dutch were concerned about losing the battle and having their planned offensive go to waste and many of Frederick Henry’s deputies pressured him to call it off but he refused much to their dismay. In Paris, Luynes was pressured by Louis XIII for more results and his wish to replace the Marshals yet again, so he sent Duke Henry II of Rohan with 6 000 troops to relieve the French at Gravelines and exert more pressure on the Spanish. His nomination was also done to keep him as far away as possible from the Huguenots which were getting more active again.

Rohan and the other French Marshals succeeded in relieving Gravelines and pushed to occupy Artois once more taking advantage of the Spanish moving northwards. Spinola had hoped that Frederick Henry’s huge army would not be willing to engage, his basis being the conduct of the deceased Maurice who was far more aggressive than Frederick but when the new Captain-General of the Dutch Army refused to leave, Spinola was forced to engage and in bad terms because although he had a slight numerical superiority, the Dutch had chosen the field and mounted defenses against a relief force.

The Battle of Bruges of May 7 lasted nearly a week with the Spanish trying to overrun the Dutch positions in a series of skirmishes. They broke through two positions but were unable to force a capitulation of the Dutch, moreover, their casualties were building and without means to replenish them, Spinola gave the victory to Dutch after he lost as many as 5 000 men, against 7 000 Dutch, deciding it best to fight for another day and drain the Dutch away.

Spinola stayed on the outskirts of Bruges, more specifically between the city and Ostend which he judged to be the next destination for the Dutch. He intended to either force the Dutch to face him on better terms or make them take a different path which could allow him to try and recover Bruges. Because the siege lasted for quite a while, Spinola was able to perform various raids against the Dutch that were efficient in weakening them further and preventing them from continuing their offensive even if they took Bruges.

The French pushed further into Flanders by laying siege to Dunkirk on June 4, their objective was to link with the Dutch further north. Albuquerque demanded troops from Spinola and with 15 000 men he defeated the French at Dunkirk on June 23, a battle where young Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, proved his worth by leading a Terço. Albuquerque sought to pressure the French but was defeated by Rohan and Coligny at the Second Battle of Gravelines on July 3.

With Spinola weakened by having to supply Albuquerque with more men, Frederick Henry chose a different approach and sent an emissary to the defenders of Bruges promising that they could keep their Catholic faith if they surrendered and no extra taxes would be forced upon them. The garrison refused the terms but the city itself, worried, decided after much deliberation to open the gates to Frederick Henry on July 9. True to his word, the Stadholder did not sack the city and confirmed his promises but still had to face the Spanish garrison which only surrendered on August 20.

The loss of the city was a major blow to the Spanish, as expected, and a huge boost to the Dutch who could not continue the offensive due to the casualties Spinola inflicted on them. The Spanish were in no better position with 20 000-25 000 being the number of troops they could use in fighting as the bulk of the Army of Flanders was in garrison duty. Still, despite facing three enemies they were holding their own in the County of Flanders which served to save face after they lost the Northern Provinces for good.

Throughout the winter period of 1626-1627, the Dutch were progressively getting into a better position. With the entirety of the Northern Provinces under their control, Ernest Casimir was able to move his sizable army to the south to reinforce Frederick Henry’s weakened one. Thus the Dutch Army had 40 000 troops ready to resume the Flanders Offensive while the Spanish were still praying that the Spanish Road opened again.

Outnumbered, Spinola could do little but concentrate his efforts on a guerilla campaign. To make matters worse, the French Northern Army had increased to as many as 20 000 men and were ready to resume their own offensive. The administration in Brussels did not know what to do but plead for Philip IV to send more resources which the King did not have even if he wanted to help. Furthermore, the nobility in the Spanish Netherlands, like many of its other counterparts in the Spanish Empire grew increasingly disappointed with Madrid.

This last aspect was caught by the Dutch spies who transmitted it to Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir who despite their grievances with Catholicism, as they both were banned by the Emperor from their ancestral lands, saw the pragmatic need to guarantee the rights of the Southern Dutch Catholics, as they did with Bruges so that their war effort would be eased. Despite the opposition from the Counter-Remonstrants, the Stadholders wanted to focus on promoting a Dutch culture versus a non-Dutch culture as opposed to Calvinists versus Catholics and for this, they enjoyed the support from the Remonstrants and Booteigenarens to carry this intent forward.

With favorable weather conditions and favorable numbers, the Stadholders made their way towards Ostend in coordination with a French attack against Dunkirk. The Spanish recognized that they had to do a very hard choice between both settlements and in the end, they decided to focus on defending Ostend. There were many reasons for it, peer amongst them was that Ostend had cost so many men and resources to the Spanish that losing it would be a very severe blow to the country’s prestige and honor not to mention one of the best harbors the Spanish had in the region.

First, Spinola weaken the Dutch with his guerilla tactics and then forced a fight on his terms in the outskirts of the town. The Dutch faltered and debated whether or not to give battle since there was a high risk of losing and badly but the members of the House of Nassau decided to go through it after coming up with a plan that would combine the strengths of the Army and Navy.

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Battle of Ostend/Second Siege of Ostend
After much hesitation and much scouting the Dutch chose to attack the northeastern corner of the town close to the sea where their Navy started bombing the town without stopping on March 13. Spinola was quick to recognize the Dutch’s plan: they were trying to nullify his advantages by starting a siege and building their own defensive positions to withstand his attack. In other words, the Dutch were trying to take the town without fighting the Spanish or fighting them in their own conditions which included naval support. They also had numerical superiority.

The Genoese commander was thus forced to attack the Dutch positions but under heavy fire from both the Dutch Navy and Army which caused many casualties in his ranks. Nevertheless, after more than a month of fighting the Spanish were close to taking two Dutch trenches though on the night of April 14, the Dutch finally broke the town’s defenses and assaulted the city during the night.

After almost an hour, Spinola learned of the event and sent part of his army inside the town. April 15 was such a bloody day that it till nowadays it’s still remembered as such, as the Spanish unwilling to let the town fall decided to fight to the death which caused a brutal engagement in the streets of Ostend and also in the trenches. The civilian population that remained tried their best to leave but many were caught in the line of fire and died.

Despite the sacrifice of dozens of Spanish Companies, many others who had not gotten their pay started retreating once it was clear just how bloody the battle was being so that when the night came and the battles finally stopped when it was impossible to see and everyone was utterly exhausted, Spinola reformed his army and saw that he had lost as some historians say 10 000 soldiers while the Dutch had lost 13 000.

After analyzing the situation, he concluded that the Dutch controlled most of the town and most of his men were unwilling to fight, especially without payment. Judging that the Dutch were unable to continue their campaign if their losses were as big as his, Spinola, angrily decided to abandon Ostend and resume his strategy to harass the Dutch.

Adding the two sieges of Ostend, as many as 60 000 Dutch and 80 000 Spanish troops lost their lives in the engagements making it one of the deadliest battles in human history. The town is known today as “Bloedig Oostend” in Dutch and “Ostenda Sangrienta” in Castilian both meaning Bloody Ostend. There is also the very famous Castilian slang “Vete a la P*ta de Ostenda” used to send unwanted people to “death”.

As expected, Madrid was not happy with the results, it is known that Olivares was both jealous and worried about Spinola and the fall of Ostend gave him a reason to try getting rid of the Genoese but Philip IV refused thanks to the writings of his brother Ferdinand, who knowing well the catastrophic situation in the Netherlands, advised on keeping Spinola in the command at least for some more time until they could be sure they could work without him.

The King’s decision proved fruitful because Spinola defeated the French at the Third Battle of Dunkirk on May 9, 1627, and with it, stumped their projects once more. No further worthy military engagements occurred aside from the Dutch occupying, with great cost, positions around Ostend and Bruges to expand the bridgehead in Flanders while preparing for a larger campaign against Nieuwpoort and Dunkirk for the following year as they still had more men than the Spanish.

Mutinies grew in number as the Spanish soldiers still had not received monthly wages for a long time. Albuquerque was deeply concerned with an army coup of unpaid troops so he turned to different sources of credit without the official authorization of Madrid to pay the wages. These sources included loans from New Christians and even German Jews and although the results were way below the expected, they eased the tensions a bit.

As it was only a temporary solution, Albuquerque was forced to convene the States General of the Spanish Netherlands with the intent of increasing taxes to pay the expenses but doing so increased the States General’s influence at the expense of his own. Despite the disapproval from most of the representatives of the people, the situation was so dire that the Duke secured loans from the merchants and cities as well as an increase in taxes that allowed the mutinous troops to be paid nearly everything they were due.

As the frontlines were mostly stabilized, Frederick Henry received secret envoys from his cousin Hendrik van den Bergh, a Spanish Commander who proposed to him an interesting plan: a union between the United Provinces and the Southern Netherlands under the condition that the Catholic Provinces were allowed to keep their creed unmolested. He also spoke of fusion between both Estates General, armies and navies as necessary outcomes of such union.

The Nassaus were interested as this was their intent as explained earlier, however, both they and Van den Bergh recognized that it was nearly impossible to execute this plan in the short term so Van den Bergh was tasked with facilitating it in the medium or long term though he wasn’t in a hurry to do it. The application of the Treaty of Vienna of 1627 brought peace to the Alps, re-opened the Spanish Road and 6 000 soldiers arrived in Brussels by April 1628, it was such a letdown that the cheering that Albuquerque wanted to give the upcoming troops to boost his propaganda was canceled.

It seemed like things were not going to improve for Spain but they and the Dutch were surprised when the French invaded the Prince-Bishopric of Cambrai swiftly and occupied the territory, except for Cambrai, with minimum opposition. The city however forced them to lay a three-month siege that began on March 18 and ended on June 21. Albuquerque tried to relieve the siege multiple times but was unable due to the lack of troops.

While Créquy wanted to consolidate the gains and support the Dutch on the coast, Rohan managed to convince Coligny in pushing to Douai. They took control of the western part of the Province of Hainaut and entered Flanders from the southeast laying siege to Douai on July 24. Again, the Spanish were beaten by Rohan’s aggressive cavalry charges once they tried to relieve the city and the siege continued for months as the town was well garrisoned and the French campaign stalled much to their dismay.

The Dutch, irritated by the change in French plans kept their going as they planned. 25 000 men left Ostend and made their way to Nieuwport where they arrived on March 22. The Spanish kept raiding their positions but the Dutch were adapting by not only having their troops always expecting a raid but also moving most of the supplies through the sea rather than land.

The Spanish had strengthened the defenses by increasing the garrison to 1 500 troops so the siege continued for months until on May 17, the guards made a mistake in their patrolling patterns and the Dutch were able to sneak into the walls thanks to the use of ladders. By the time the Spanish found the problem, the Dutch were already pouring into the town. There was an engagement, however, the garrison was completely outnumbered and most were forced to surrender.

Things couldn’t have gone better for Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir. They had expected a lengthy siege and to an extent, it was lengthy, however, because they captured the town in May and they suffered fewer casualties than anticipated they pushed towards Dunkirk before the Spanish could further fortify the city. Spinola was furious with how Nieuwport fell but immediately tried to counter the problem by continuing his raids.

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Siege and Fourth Battle of Dunkirk
On May 28, the Dutch laid siege to Dunkirk with almost 20 000 men and although the town was heavily fortified after the many attempts made by the French to take it. The Dutch and English Navy blocked the harbor and started bombing the town from the sea just as they had done with Nieuwport to soften the garrison. Both Spinola and Albuquerque decided to meet the Dutch in a pitched battle as they both had decided to resign from their positions after the battle.

On June 17, 1628, the two armies met and exchanged blows for two hours as the Spanish positioned themselves in the field to surround the Dutch and press them against the sea just as they attempted at Bruges. A Dutch cavalry charge commanded by Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who had left Danish service after Christian IV’s multiple failures, surprisingly left the Spanish right flank in jeopardy and the Stadholders decided to press on it.

After two hours, the Spanish right flank collapsed and the Dutch were able to start enveloping the Spanish center from that side of the battlefield. Nevertheless, the Spanish Tercios in the center kept holding on as Albuquerque went around to reorganize the routed Spanish Tercios of the right flank.

At sunset, the Spanish were exhausted and the Dutch were barely better than them when hostilities paused for the day. During the night multiple raids were made with the Dutch suffering the bulk of their effect but the Dutch did not give up and kept going. At sunrise, the Spanish attempted to push the Dutch back out of their right flank and were succeeding in doing so until the Dutch cavalry engaged them enough for the Dutch to compose themselves and launch another attack. The battle raged on for hours until the Dutch finally enveloped the center of the Spanish forces on all sides but their left. Rather than risk being surrounded, Albuquerque ordered a retreat with the sanction of Spinola.

The Dutch were victorious but as in all their campaigns in Flanders, they had many casualties, and this made the siege much harder. The French did not provide them reinforcements immediately, some say Louis XIII was bitter that the Dutch were close to capturing a town he had failed multiple times to take and so hoping they would fail and give him another try, he didn’t send reinforcements but this claim is mostly dismissed because the French garrison at Gravelines sent 250 men, arguably not much, to support the Dutch in their attempt to take Dunkirk.

At this point, the Dutch were committed to taking the town and were recruiting men in their provinces and outside, using even political refugees from the defeated Protestants of the Empire like Bernard of Saxe-Weimar and the Spanish kept conducting raids against the supply chains while making raids against Nieuwport and Ostend to try and make the Dutch retreat but they were committed to taking Dunkirk. Meanwhile, both Spinola and Albuquerque resigned their positions, the former being particularly slandered by Olivares and his faction.

The Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand was installed as Governor and Supreme Commander of the Army Flanders and kept the strategies of his predecessors, preferring to not make any large battles before his army was reformed. At this point, the number of soldiers coming through the Spanish Road was slowly increasing though not at the levels before France and England declared war on Spain.

He was thus unable to prevent the inevitable fall of Dunkirk that happened during the night of September 9 when the Dutch forces were finally able to breach the walls and take control of the streets leaving only Fort Leon on the western half of the town resisting for almost two more months before they were finally allowed to surrender by the Cardinal Ferdinand.

The Dutch rejoiced as they finally captured the final and main base of the famous Dunkirkers who after the fall of Dunkirk had to flee to Spain or surrender and thus their menace ended at last. At the end of 1628 the Spanish had lost the entirety of the Flemish Coast which was a huge blow to them though because of guerilla strategy, Cardinal Ferdinand seemed to have shifted the flow of the battle in his favor as the Dutch were pretty much spent and incapable of going into the offensive for a long time unless they coordinated one with the French.


The Dutch-Spanish Conflict Overseas:
At the beginning of 1625, the Dutch controlled nearly all of the Spanish Province of New Andalusia all the way to Surinam with roughly 6 000 troops but many of these did not want to stay in such a hostile environment as they were not used to it and wanted to return home at the first opportunity. The Spanish were determined to recover their lost territory and Olivares approved the transfer of the Provinces of Venezuela, New Andalusia and Margarita from the Real Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the Real Audiencia of Santa Fé de Bogotá and thus to the authority of the Viceroyalty of Peru.

The measure was aimed to simplify the administration as well as provide better defenses to the Provinces and thus discourage foreigners from trying their luck at conquering them. Olivares also imposed the Ordenança system of the Portuguese in the entire Real Audiencia of Santa Fé, thus making it the guinea pig for a wider military reformation that he wanted to reproduce throughout all of Spain in the upcoming years. As such, all men between 16 and 60 in the Audiencia were required to have military training for two full days a week.

Fadrique de Toledo Osorio, a scion of the powerful Álvares de Toledo family was commissioned with the recovery of the lost territories and granted a force of 3 000 soldiers and 15 ships for the task. Fadrique sailed to the Araya Peninsula which he reached by May 12, 1625, and promptly blocked the city of Cumaná before sending word to the Spanish Governors to attack the town by land. The President of the Royal Audience of Santa Fé, Juan de Borja y Armendia, led 7 000 men organized in the Terço system and besieged Cumaná not long after.

The Dutch had made preparations for the eventual siege and were able to keep the supply lines open as the Spanish forces were a little too small to prevent it. The Dutch ships anchored at Cumaná improved the firepower of the town by adding their own but the main problem was in the land. Admiral Jacob Willekens mustered his forces and made a night raid against the Spanish which was so successful it turned into a full-out battle that ended with the rout of the Spanish at the expense of many Dutch casualties.

The victory allowed Cumaná to be supplied by land and Willekens finally renamed the city Mauritsstad in honor of Maurice of Nassau who had died nearly two months earlier and he hoped to boost the Dutch morale to defend it. The WIC sent Lodewijk Lint with 20 ships and 3 000 soldiers with orders to establish a Dutch administration in the occupied area and help its defense, he arrived by May 23 but was unable to land at Cumaná/Mauritsstad due to Fadrique’s fleet still being around the area and a storm.

Lint decided to sail eastwards and establish a provisionary seat elsewhere. He chose an isthmus to the east of the Araya Peninsula and founded New Sluis (OTL Chacopata), ordering the creation of a fort and a warehouse and that the ships were used as a provisionary fort. Then with 2 000, he left for Cumaná/Mauritsstad. Their arrival was much cheered by the Dutch garrison.

The problem was that after the failure of the land assault and the defeat in the seas, Toledo Osorio disembark his troops to the west of the town and took personal control over the Spanish forces. On June 28, with 9 000 troops he laid another siege on Cumaná and drilled the troops while doing so. The Dutch did not give up, taking advantage of the inverted seasons in their favor while keeping the land supply chains working thanks to night raids against Spanish positions, however, when the days began getting hot with the arrival of September, the Dutch started struggling.

Elsewhere, on September 24, 17 Dutch ships led by Boudewijn Hendricksz arrived at San Juan on the island of Puerto Rico whose Captain-General, Juan de Haro y Sanvitores had been in office for less than a month, hence why the attack was made there, the first against Spanish holdings in the Caribbean showcasing that the Dutch were getting bolder.

Haro y Sanvitores and his predecessor, Juan de Vargas, who was still at San Juan, hastily prepared the defenses of the island and while they did it, Hendricksz came up with a bold plan of attack, using the cover of the night, his fleet forced their way through the harbor and passed the Spanish defensive fort of El Morro with insignificant casualties, however, the shoals prevented an immediate disembark of troops which allowed the Spanish to adjust to the situation and evacuate San Juan.

On September 26, Hendricksz led 800 men ashore and occupied the town without resistance. The problem came when he needed to take El Morro to allow more ships to enter the town as de Haro y Sanvitores had barricaded inside the fort with 330 men. A twenty-one-day artillery duel began between the Dutch and Spanish while the Militias managed to negate most of the Dutch victories.

The siege of El Morro continued for almost a month and the Dutch grew impatient and started burning San Juan but the Spanish did not give in and in one of the many sorties, they were able to drive the Dutch away from their trenches back to their ships. On November 2, the attackers finally left Puerto Rico in defeat and some of them went to South America to help the war effort there.

As for the Dutch garrison at Cumaná, when November arrived, water was getting harder to find inside the town walls and the Spanish blockade kept improving its efficiency making it harder to resupply nevertheless, the Spanish despite many attempts were unable to fully breach the walls as disease also did its toll on them. Eventually, however, the Dutch commanders decided their conditions were unbearable and on November 18, they evacuated Cumaná during nighttime.

Upon learning this, Toledo Osorio entered Cumaná in victory, being well received by the few Spanish peasants that had been under Dutch rule since the previous year. He sought to pursue the Dutch to New Sluis but two things prevented him, one was the fever epidemic on his troops and the other was that his vanguard was soundly beaten by the Dutch.

By 1626, neither army was in condition to resume offensives, tropical diseases were taking a heavy toll, especially on the Spanish but the Dutch were not much better and a great deal of them wanted to return home. Lint was left with only 2 000 soldiers to defend a huge portion of the territory that the Dutch West Indies Company was claiming so he wrote to the Company’s Board to supply him more means either with men or something else worthy.

The board however had difficulty in recruiting people given the war and the better prospects that the East had when compared to an area that was barely populated and whose economic prospects were dim despite the rumors of the El Dorado still lingering around. The board decided to create land grants similar to the English and Portuguese models dividing the area into two Captaincies, New Zeeland (from the Araya Peninsula to the mouth of the River Waini/Guaini and from there to the mouth of the Suriname River was the Captaincy of New Holland.

While New Zeeland remained under the administration of de Lint as a Director, New Holland was granted to Jan van Peere and his son Abraham van Peere who were subordinates to Lint. They founded New Vlissingen on April 28, 1626, at the mouth of the River Demerara and benefit from the lack of Spanish and Portuguese presence to start sugar plantations in peace. Some Dutch settlers were brought and by 1630 the colony had 68 Europeans and at least the same number of Black slaves working in the plantations.

In New Zeeland, things were more difficult as the Spanish under Osorio tried to recover the entirety of their lost territory but were unable to launch anything larger than minor skirmishes. Eventually, by June 1626, Osorio got seriously ill and had to cease the whole operation. He survived and Olivares recalled him to Spain where Philip IV rewarded him for the recovery of Cumaná despite Olivares’ criticism of his inability to recover New Andalusia and Guyana. His abilities as a naval commander were, however, indispensable for Spain.

The new Captain-General of the Province of Venezuela, Juan de Meneses y Padilla, Marquis of Marianela, was also named Captain-General of New Andalusia and Guyana and was tasked with recovering the lost territories. Despite having considerable forces raised from the militias he was unable to recover more than the Araya Peninsula before he was soundly defeated on March 13, 1627, by Lint with Indian allies at New Sluis.

Despite the victory, Lint was convinced that New Sluis was in a dangerous position so while he did not abandon the town to the Spanish, he relocated the administration of the Captaincy to the Paria Peninsula to the east where he founded New Rotterdam. His Indian allies were used to garrison the area. Another Spanish attempt to take New Sluis failed because of a joint Dutch-Indian ambush.

In 1628, Piet Hein who had participated in the Dutch Expedition to New Andalusia led a large Dutch fleet that ambushed part of the Spanish Golden Fleet off the Bay of Matanzas in the island of Cuba which ended up with five Spanish galleons were captured and with it a colossal sum of 11 509 524 Guilders in loot. This was the WIC’s greatest victory so far and not only did it boost the Dutch economy by financing the Dutch Army for eight months but also forced Spain to near bankruptcy in 1629.

I have some good news: I have the War Updates all finished for the reign of John IV, they just need to be polished, meaning that I will likely be able to publish a Chapter every week for three weeks, perhaps four if I finish the European Updates in the meantime. I'm confident about being able to finish with John IV's reign by July and let the man that never existed rest in peace and give his son his time.
Not much else to say, I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
Always happy to see a new chapter 🙂
 
Always a good day when this update, let's hope the Dutch and the French manage to completely conquer the Spanish Netherlands and carve it up between themselves
 
The truth is that I am pro-Spanish, but I really want all the Netherlands to lose, in the long run it is the best thing because it weakens the enemies of Spain, since without them in the middle, there will be constant war between the Dutch and the French
I tried to make clear that Spain is at a clear disadvantage as they are facing too many enemies when their economic condition is far from the best. That said, they are giving their all and are doing better than many would have expected although the only strong opponents they are facing are the Dutch who are battle-hardened, committed, and with a powerful economy on the rise. The French are indeed becoming a powerhouse for the same reasons albeit they are not there yet.

Spain would be better off without the Netherlands, that's a fact in my opinion. The amount of resources they poured there is absurd and could have been invested in other things. I'm not sure they could have avoided wars altogether, Philip II certainly could have tried to face the Ottomans more often without the Netherlands but who knows? At this point, keeping the Netherlands is a question of prestige and honor for Madrid.

I do recall that the Dutch and French were allies and willing to continue like so although if not mistaken the Dutch gave up on recovering the Southern Provinces and were unwilling to have the French have them which placed the two at odds. Diplomatic relations in the Modern Age were prone to shift quickly so both sides could end up fighting countless wars as you proposed.
Always happy to see a new chapter 🙂
Glad you enjoyed it. I'm always happy to update as well.

Great chapter , i am rooting for the dutch
For now, you are...Glad you enjoyed it.
Always a good day when this update, let's hope the Dutch and the French manage to completely conquer the Spanish Netherlands and carve it up between themselves
They will certainly try but the Spanish will not give them an easy life, especially with the Spanish Road reopening. Glad you enjoyed it.
 
The Great Religious War: The Iberian Peninsula
The Great Religious War: The Iberian Peninsula

Much of the war effort of both Spain and France was focused on the border areas between the two around the Pyrenees. From the very beginning, France placed a 20 000 strong army at its southwest border dividing it in two, 10 000 under Nicolas de L’Hospital, Duke of Vitry and Antoine de Roquelaure, Baron of Roquelaure, who were meant to expand into Navarre and another 10 000 under Honoré d’Albert, Duke of Chaulnes and Charles de Choiseul-Praslin, Marquis of Praslin were meant to expand into Catalonia.

Louis XIII of France inherited his father’s title of King of Navarre, although the Bourbons only really ruled Lower Navarre on the northern side of the Pyrenees, they still had a claim to the entire Kingdom and as for Catalonia, the French used medieval Carolingian claims over the area that were mediocre at best with some historians claiming this was the start of France’s practice of this sort of casus belli.

The Spanish on the other hand were more concerned with defending their already controlled areas with only Lower Navarre being considered as a potential expansion area though they knew it would be very difficult to defend it as it was on the northern side of the Pyrenees. The commitments in other areas meant that Spain lacked the men to face the French at the beginning but it also meant that as it was so close to their center of power they could raise troops in bigger numbers and so Philip IV decreed a general mobilization similar to the French one where all men had to present themselves before the Municipal Authorities and if they were part of the unlucky chosen ones, be mobilized for war.

Of course, the fact that Spain was a Composite Monarchy made it very difficult to achieve the desired results. The Kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon, the ones that were more affected by the French invasion were quick to contest the King’s demand even if they recognized the French threat. Estimates claim Spain had as many as 300 000 men mobilized, spread through many theaters of war but only 100 000 were fighting, the rest were in garrison duty which was the norm at the time. Olivares wanted 50 000 to defend Spain’s border with France but he struggled to get that number due to the decentralization of the country.

Despite, Portugal’s assurances of neutrality despite many attempts from both sides to change that, Olivares didn’t trust them and kept garrisons near the border though depleted as most men were sent to the frontlines to face the French which he considered a much more dangerous opponent. Most of the troops that defended Spain were poorly trained militiamen.

L’Hospital and Roquelaure were able to take the village of Irun on the border between the countries near the Atlantic after only four days of siege (March 1 to March 4, 1625). With naval support from the English and Dutch Navy, they laid siege to San Sebastian on March 11 and defeated a Spanish relief army on March 17. On April 14, the town garrison surrendered and gave an important foothold to the French. Luynes tried to gather the support of the Basque people by promising their rights to be kept but they had seen what Louis XIII had been doing in Lower Navarre (abolishing the Parliament of Pau between 1620 to 1624) and were not adamant about supporting him.

The towns around San Sebastian, namely Zarautz and Hernani fell during the rest of April as the French made a push to Azpeitia which they took on May 28. Their next objective was Tolosa but they were unable to take it as the Spanish Army now numbering 15 000 arrived and beat them in the Battle of Tolosa on June 12 which resulted in few casualties but forced the French to retreat to San Sebastian and even abandoned Azpeitia. The French had been building the defenses in the coastal town and they also had naval support that prevented the Spanish from kicking them away as easily as they wanted.

With Catalonia, Luynes tried to do the same as he was doing in Navarra, promising to keep the Catalan privileges in exchange for their support to Louis XIII which was very appellative to some Catalans who believed the Habsburgs to be declining in power and wealth, however, it was not the opinion of all, the majority of the Catalans feared that the French would not keep their word. Adding the fact that the French were trying to force the Catalans to submit to their will by occupying with minimal opposition the County of Roussillon during April, placed the majority of Catalans in favor of Philip IV at least for the time being.

The French crossed the Catalan Pyrenees and took La Jonquera on May 12, Figueres on May 21 and Castelló d’Empúries on June 8. During this time, Olivares dismissed the Viceroy of Catalonia, Joan Sentís y Sunyer, Bishop of Barcelona, because he was a member of the clergy and replaced him with Enrique de Aragón-Cardona y Córdoba, Duke of Segorbe and Cardona, likely the most powerful noble from the Crown of Aragon and tied to the Crown by blood. His nomination aside from providing Catalonia with a military figure was to put down the Pro-French Faction.

By June, the Duke of Segorbe and Cardona and without the help of reinforcements, was able to stop the French advance from progressing further down. This allowed said reinforcements to push the French to the other side of the Pyrenees where they had made a significant line of defense that prevented the Spanish from recovering Roussillon before the end of the year.

As the French were preparing to resume their offensives in the following year, Spain despite all the struggles, above all their overextension and lack of funds, was determined to keep fighting until they could not continue, especially in the core of the Empire, the Iberian Peninsula. But this will alone was not enough and both Philip IV and Olivares knew radical measures were needed at once. Thus the Valido worked tirelessly to address the lack of funds and men to keep the war going. Throughout 1625 he purposed his ambitious plan of the Union of Arms which immediately got the support of the King, the Counselors of State and many in the nobility. His objective was that each Kingdom that made the Spanish Monarchy fought one for all and all for one, meaning that they supported each other in wars.

Thus the Spanish Army would be composed of 124 000 soldiers in the following manner:
  • The Crown of Castile would provide 44 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Aragon would provide 10 000 soldiers;
  • The Principality of Catalonia would provide 16 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Valencia would provide 6 000 soldiers;
  • The Balearic Islands and Sardinia would provide 6 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Sicily would provide 6 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Naples would provide 16 000 soldiers;
  • The Duchy of Milan would provide 8 000 soldiers;
  • The Spanish Netherlands would provide 12 000 soldiers.
In addition, he wanted to replicate the Portuguese recruitment and training system to maximize the potential of every man for war. The hardest part was convincing the various representatives of each Kingdom...Philip IV called for Cortes to be held in Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia, all part of the Crown of Aragon, in the presence of the King and Olivares with the intent of approving the Union of Arms, the Ordenanças and an increase of taxes.

These Cortes were failures for the most part...The Cortes in Aragon provided only enough to field two Terços for two years while the Cortes of Valencia provided for the same and thus they satisfied Olivares and the King’s wishes there. Catalonia agreed to pay no more than 12 000 soldiers that could only be used in Catalonia and nowhere else. None accepted the Ordenanças due to fears of straining their economies further after the expulsion of the Moriscos (Converted Muslims) at the beginning of the century. Nevertheless, the concessions while not enough did leave Philip IV and Olivares more relieved and thus they left Catalonia as the French’s pressure increased in the northern areas of the Principality and they potentially be in danger.

Meanwhile, in England, Charles I and his favorite the Duke of Buckingham were in tune with the Parliament and Buckingham managed to have a naval expedition against Spain approved. 100 ships and 15 000 men were readied but as no worthy Admiral was available, Buckingham chose Sir Edward Cecil, a battle-hardened veteran of the Dutch Army who while a good commander and soldier had little knowledge of nautical matters.

The planned expedition involved several proceedings: boarding Spanish Treasure Ships returning from America with invaluable treasures and assaulting Spanish towns to weaken the Spanish economy and supply chains and help the French’s offensive. The chosen target was Cádiz, the most important port city in Spain after Seville.

The expedition that started on October 6, and reached its destination on November 1, was doomed to fail from the very beginning. First, it was the stormy weather that delayed them, second John IV of Portugal told Cecil to leave his ports as soon as they could and had his soldiers prevent them from buying military supplies. All these setbacks prevented the English Fleet from engaging the Treasure Fleets and securing its riches for profit.

To make things even worse, once they arrived at their destination, the English forces wasted time in capturing an old fort of little importance near Cadiz which gave the city enough time to mobilize the militia and allow merchant ships to escape. The city’s modernized defenses proved too much for the ill-prepared English forces and another group of English troops that landed further down the coast got drunk, did not complete its task and even got captured.

Without achieving it’s intended goals, the large English Fleet returned home in disgrace and was thus a major prestige blow to the Duke of Buckingham who was deemed the main responsible for the failure by the Parliament. Charles I protected him by not conducting an inquiry into why the expedition was a failure and by dissolving the Parliament to prevent Buckingham’s impeachment much to the institution’s anger. Though the Duke knew he had to prove his worth somehow if he wanted to continue enjoying his King’s favor.

On the return trip to Madrid, by May 1626, Olivares got terribly ill and stayed abed until mid-June leaving his Faction deeply concerned and the King as well. It did seem, however, that the Union of Arms was making progress as the already overburden Italian possessions and Spanish Netherlands accepted it or rather needed to because of the war raging on near them.

Once he recovered, Olivares started to secretly negotiate with French Huguenots in hopes to destabilize France just as the French were destabilizing Catalonia. It went against the values of the Kingdom of Spain but the Huguenots were increasingly more deluded with their King so it was a necessary evil. Unfortunately, the Huguenots were not interested in getting support from whom they perceived to be their worst enemy.

In late 1625, the supreme command of the French forces in the Pyrenees was given to Duke Henry II of Condé, the Third-in-Line to the French Throne, so that the many Marshals could have an easier time conducting the campaign because instead of having to report to Paris, they just needed to find Condé. This also provided them with a wider autonomy of action although any command coming from Paris had priority over all others. Henry decided to focus the French efforts in Catalonia first and then on Navarra as he believed the former to be more economically profitable though the Marshals argued that because Navarra could be supplied by the English and Dutch Navy it was easier to conquer.

Troops kept increasing in size with the French gathering as many as 30 000 troops and the Spanish about 40 000. In a surprise winter offensive, the French relieved San Sebastian but did not make any other attacks because of the cold, instead, they created defensive lines to stall the Spanish’s incoming offensive there and connected the occupied territory with France to make sure San Sebastian could be supplied by land and sea. The mountainous terrain helped them a lot.

On March 3, Condé led 20 000 French soldiers in a swift campaign that occupied the coast of Catalonia until Saint Feliu de Guixols which they took on May 10. The Duke of Segorbe and Cardona came to meet them with 20 000 men of his own on May 23 in between the aforementioned town and the important city of Girona which was the main goal for the French. It was a bitter battle but the French won it thanks to a well-timed cavalry charge that left the Spanish artillery in disarray.

On June 2, Praslin laid siege to Girona which they managed to breach on June 22 with a costly assault. The victory brought a lot of political clout to Condé and to a lesser extent to the Marshals but also left the French unable to make any more progress. The city of Besalú and Banyoles were, however, left venerable to the French and the latter would fall on September 17.

477px-Henri%2C_Prince_of_Cond%C3%A9.jpg

Henri II, Prince of Condé

With its latest bankruptcy, it was getting increasingly more difficult for Spain to secure the much-needed funds to continue fighting with the Madrid Branch of the Medici Bank closing and with the Genoese and Tuscan bankers increasingly wary of investing in the Spanish ventures when their profits in the Portuguese markets were steady if not increasing. Olivares was forced to ask the New Christians for loans with the protection of their rights as collateral as well as increase the taxes even further despite opposition nearly everywhere, including in the loyal Cortes of Castile.

If the elites were getting more discontent, the resentment of the population was clear. While in the Crown of Aragon both in the Peninsula and in Italy the war somewhat contained the discontent, in Castile, the core of Spain and it’s biggest supplier of men and funds, protests were getting more prevalent. An exodus of the population to Spanish America or to Portugal and its North African territories was occurring. Seasonal workers in Portugal especially in agriculture endeavors were quite common, especially to the Galicians and it worked in a sort of symbiosis as it helped the country’s lack of manpower, however, with the tax burden in both countries being so disheveled, many Galicians just decided to stay in Portugal.

The Castilians from near the border regions (called A Raia/La Raya) also did the same but unlike the Galicians, they were not as appreciated as they were seen as the representatives of the United Peninsula and the potential oppressors of Portuguese culture which was fomented by the Guimarães Branch of the House of Avis from which one of its pillars was the Portuguese Nationalism and opposition to a Spanish identity.

Many independence movements were akin to barrels of powder waiting to blow up. Catholic Dutch, Milanese, Neapolitans, Sicilians, Catalans, Basques and Galicians were openly criticizing the Spanish Habsburgs and their war and tax conduct but the movements were still in their infancy though for how long was the question everyone was asking.

On the war front, after the Fall of Banyoles in the previous year, the French laid siege to the important town of Besalú but with the harsh Pyrenees winter, none of the French commanders wanted to risk a costly assault and the town suffered a lot without the necessary supplies and thus half of the population perished in the cold winter. During February, a new wave of French fresh troops arrived and Condé decided to increase the intensity of the siege. Besalú was already on its knees and the Alcaide could do nothing but surrender the town to the French on March 9.

While Condé wanted to make a renewed offensive and take Barcelona, his two Marshals (L’Hospital and d’Albret) opposed him, this time more vehemently, stating the need to reinforce their defensive positions so that their victories could last. Condé protested and threaten to warn the King and Luynes but he knew they would not side with him in the matter if he were to lose his victories so he reluctantly halted any offensive until June.

Philip IV advised by Olivares placed the command of the Spanish forces in Navarra under the Duke of Fería, Gomes IV de Figueroa y Córdoba, deemed one of the best commanders of Spain after his successful defense of Milan. Fería with 20 000 Spanish laid siege to San Sebastian on April 7 but the French under Roquelaure were encroached and well-supplied through the sea, so the Spanish were forced into a prolonged siege despite the walls of the town not being in prim condition.

The Duke of Segorbe and Cardona led another 20 000 Spanish towards Girona on April 13, however, he was defeated by the French Army under Condé and was unable to recover the important city and his competence was now being questioned. The French, however, could also not take Lloret de Mar on the coast because they lacked men to do so and Segorbe was shifting from pitched battles to guerrilla warfare. 5 000 new French soldiers were brought by the new French Marshal François-Annibal d'Estrées, Marquis of Coeuvres, and with them, the French were able to conquer the not so well defended town of Olot, which was to the west of Besalú, on July 17.

Around this time, the stressed Philip IV fell ill and by August 23, he got in such a bad state that many saw his death coming. As he had no living children just like Louis XIII, his brother Charles was his heir and he did not like Olivares at all which meant that if Philip died, Spain’s destinies would change drastically either for the better or for the worse. Olivares was deeply concerned with his situation because nearly every bit of Spain hated him so he feared ending up like the Duke of Lerma or dead.

Fortunately for him, Philip’s situation changed for the better by September meaning that Spain’s situation started to get better. Another person who got ill was Luynes but the French Minister was still trying to gain support against Spain by pushing forward a plan to integrate Navarra, Catalonia, Artois and the French-Comte into France by creating Parliaments or in Navarra’s case recreate them in hopes this would help the French cause. The year would end with the Spanish recovering Saint Feliu de Guixols on October 29 after managing to breach the local defenses.

Despite French attempts to keep San Sebastian, the town, long deprived of its population, surrendered on April 4, 1628, after a year of siege, when the city’s defenses were completely unusable from months of bombardments. The victory boosted Spain’s confidence but the French had created strong defensive lines on the southern side of the Pyrenees that Fería could not take without losing hundreds of men. Nevertheless, he pushed forward, making marginal gains and confining the French to Irún by the end of the year’s campaign.

In Catalonia, the Spanish Army suffered a disaster when Condé led 20 000 French soldiers from Girona and took various towns in quick succession finishing with the conquest of Lloret de Mar on the Catalan Coast on May 11. This left plenty of Spanish troops surrounded in Saint Feliu de Guixols which Segorbe tried to relieve though he failed to breach the French lines.

With the support from the English and Dutch Navy, the small French Navy was able to blockade Saint Feliu de Guixols but the Spanish sent their own to meet them at the Battle of the Balearic Sea on July 4, 1628. Outnumbered, the Anti-Habsburg Alliance was forced to lift the siege after losing 7 ships of their 22-strong fleet and the 2 000 Spanish soldiers were evacuated by sea to Barcelona. Many skirmishes continued and the French were unable to proceed so Condé decided to mount defensive positives for the remainder of the year to keep as many soldiers as possible to make a push for Mataró and Barcelona in the following year.

Meanwhile, Buckingham planned a new attack on Spain and organized a new English Fleet for it. It was slightly smaller than the previous one with just 70 ships and 7 000 men but it was far better prepared and with a plan of action. Buckingham was personally leading the expedition and this time, he chose the Kingdom of Galicia and more specifically Corunha as its target in an attempt to imitate Elizabeth I’s Sea Dogs’ attempt in 1589. He hoped to get the Portuguese in the war but his plans were not reliant on them because he knew the likelihood of them joining was next to none even with the new King.

Unlike Francis Drake’s time, Corunha was better defended with its fortifications improved and a local militia defending it but the English were also substantially better prepared than before. Having encountered no naval opposition, Buckingham disembarked 6 000 men at the Santa Maria de Oza which was to the east of Corunha and the same place the Sea Dogs had done it.

The Spanish attempted to defend the beachhead but unlike last time, the English were able to push through and march westwards towards their goal. Their quality was not the best but they were able to outperform the local militias until they stumbled upon the walls of Corunha and the necessary siege to take them. The Captain-General of Galicia, Juan Fajardo de Guevara Córdoba y Velasco, Marquis of Espinardo was unable to flee the city so he organized the garrison to withstand a siege and was able to call for help.

The Spanish held the siege for months (April 9 to September 17) and the English beat all the relief forces with relative ease though each time they were losing men. Unable to continue defending, Espinardo surrendered to the English. It was a pyrrhic victory for Buckingham, he took a decently important Spanish town and caught a prestigious Spanish official but in the process, he lost many men facing militias and a rather small garrison so not only was he unable to capitalize on his victory but he had to prepare the town for the upcoming Spanish soldiers’ arrival whenever that was.

Victorious, Buckingham returned to England after nominating his good friend Philip Herbert, Earl of Pembroke Captain-General of Galicia, showcasing his intentions of conquering the whole of Galicia. Pembroke was thus the commander of the Corunha garrison. The English Parliament did not cheer him or his victory, instead, as they were worried about Charles I and Buckingham’s attempts to curb their power further with their victory, they criticized the whole conduct of the war.

Buckingham was furious with the Parliament and convinced Charles to keep it dismissed, calling it a clear threat to the King’s rule. The public perception of Buckingham was still bad, especially when many Deputies published inflammatory pamphlets against him but at least his victory at Corunha led him to be more sustainable by the English and he was determined to keep his victories coming, trying to find ways to finance a new army.
1685724668682.png

The Iberian Peninsula at the end of 1628
Shades of Yellow: Spain and Recovered Areas in the Basque Country
Shades of Dark Blue: France and its occupied areas
Magenta: England-Scotland occupied areas
Blue: Portugal
Brick Color: Morocco
Light Green: Ottoman Empire
Gold: Andorra

So here is the second to last of the War Updates of John IV's reign. The last one will be the Polish-Swedish War of 1626 which has been done for a while. I'm trying to finish the last travels to Europe and see if I can indeed finish John IV's reign before July. So without further ado, thank you for sparing time reading and I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
 
Great update, hopefully the French can keep the Spanish under pressure in the peninsula so they can better focus on defeating the army of Flanders
 

Lusitania

Donor
The Great Religious War: The Netherlands and the Americas

Aside from France, England-Scotland and Savoy declaring war against Spain, 1625, brought a new development to the United Provinces, the death of Stadholder Maurice of Nassau on April 23. Maurice had dominated the United Provinces since 1618 with the help of the local aristocrats and Counter-Remonstrants (staunch Calvinists) although because this was a small oligarchy, it was unable to rule effectively at the local level, a necessary must in a very decentralized country such as the United Provinces.

Frederick Henry, Maurice’s half-brother, succeeded him as Prince of Orange and Captain-General of the United Provinces but was unable to immediately replace him as Stadholder in the various Provinces. Since 1620, when William Louis of Nassau-Dillenburg died, the Provinces of the United Provinces were administrated either by Maurice (Drenthe, Groningen, Guelders, Overijssel, Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht) or Ernest Casimir of Nassau-Dietz (Frisia).

Thus, Frederick Henry was elected Stadholder of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Guelders and Overijssel and Ernest Casimir was elected to Drenthe and Groningen. Thus, the northeast of the country, less populous and less rich, was under Ernest Casimir while the rest of the country was under Frederick Henry. Both had to make concessions to the Provinces and swear to not try to control them as Maurice did.

The Spanish Netherlands were also suffering from a lack of political leadership as the Duke of Osuna died on November 16, 1624, and Madrid was unsure of who to send and such Ambrogio Spinola became an Interim Governor. Philip IV again considered nominating his aunt Isabella Clara Eugenia, Queen of Portugal, to the position as a mediator or a way to drag the Portuguese into the conflict, but after thanking the consideration given to her, the Queen refused yet again and her husband did not need to say a thing though his opinion was implicitly known.

After much consideration, Philip chose to nominate one of his younger brothers Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand who was still young and inexperienced and so Olivares advised him to choose Francisco III de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque until Ferdinand was sixteen. The arrangement would allow the young Cardinal to acquire experience as an apprentice of the Duke and get used to the Netherlands. As with Osuna, Spinola remained the Supreme Commander of the Army of Flanders but his power, influence and prestige were waning.

Maurice’s death allowed for the moderate Calvinists (the Remonstrants) who had been persecuted by him to return to the scene and the Booteigenarens’s (those who preferred investing in Portugal’s mercantile companies and cooperating with the country) strength increased, especially in the wealthiest Province of Holland. Frederick Henry preferred to take a fully neutral stance in the disputes between religious and economic factions and act as a mediator. This provided him with power and influence but also ensured tolerance and political stability which was much needed.

With the help they received from France and England, the United Provinces were able to increase their army without straining their economy too much. 10 000 French soldiers under the Marquis of Souvré and the Viscount of Aubeterre invaded the County of Artois on May 7, 1625, distracting the Army of Flanders though not for long because Spinola sent his deputy, Carlos Coloma with almost 20 000 soldiers to push the French away and he did so without a fight. While the French Marshals intended on making another push, Louis XIII replaced them with Charles de Créquy and Gaspard de Coligny.

By July, the two Marshals had mustered 15 000 soldiers to fight and the Dutch had received 10 000 English and Scottish troops, with more promised to arrive in the following years, and the Dutch States Army under Frederick Henry was thus able to match the Army of Flanders in numbers. Deeply concerned, Spinola asked for more support from Spain but the Crown was unable to meet his pleads because of the blockade of the Spanish Road in the Alps.

At this point, Spinola realized the miscalculation that his investment in the conquest of Breda that finished on June 5, 1625, brought. If the Anti-Habsburg Alliance did not declare war on the Habsburgs, it was likely that Breda could have been the start of a sizable offensive, however, with two armies pressuring the Spanish positions from north and south, the best they could do was to go on the defensive. They succeeded in foiling a second French attempt to conquer Artois by defeating them at Bapaume, on August 23, which cost the French many men and forced them to retreat. On September 18, Albuquerque and Prince Ferdinand of Spain arrived to take control of the situation but the men and funds they brought were nearly insignificant.

The Dutch, however, were unsure of where to attack. The majority of the Dutch wanted the focus to be on the east, where the Spanish had made significant gains in the previous years and were able to raid the Republic’s poorer eastern provinces but because the French were attacking Artois and would focus their forces there, the option of recovering the wealthier Flanders was very tempting. Negotiations were made between the Nassaus and their commanders and in the end, the Dutch agreed to split the army in two, Ernest Casimir, Stadholder of the eastern Provinces would focus on the east and kick the Spanish away from the important positions of Oldenzaal and Groenlo while Frederick Henry would focus on Flanders and try to put an end to the Dunkirk pirates that plagued the Dutch coast.

Contributing to this outcome was the fear that the French could obtain too many territorial gains if not checked and thus the Spanish “oppressors” would be replaced by the French which would have a far easier time defending the territory. After all, the sentiment of freeing all of the Seventeen Provinces from the Habsburgs was still the final goal, although Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir were willing to give France the Provinces that had joined the Union of Arras/Artois namely Artois, Hainaut, the cities of Lille, Douai and Orchies as well as the Provinces of Namur and Luxemburg but not more.

At the start of 1626, Ernest Casimir laid siege to Oldenzaal in the Province of Overijssel which had been taken by Spinola in 1605. It was a good target for the Dutch because it was isolated from the main Spanish possessions in the Netherlands and could not be easily relieved. It started officially on May 14 with Dutch pioneers digging siege lines with trenches and placing their artillery pieces in position. After the English troops took control of the nearby castle of Broeckhuise, Ernest Casimir ordered the bombardment of the sluice gates that controlled the city’s canals and drained them and leaving them even more vulnerable. It took only twelve more days for the city to surrender to Ernest Casimir who then made a triumphal entrance into the city.

In the southwest, the French made a renewed attempt at Artois this time focusing on the town of Gravelines with some naval support from England and the United Provinces. After cutting the town’s supply lines, it surrendered on August 4 granting Coligny and Créquy a much-needed victory. However, their advance was checked by Spinola who laid siege to the town to recover it but was not able to cut the supply lines entirely because of English and Dutch naval superiority.

Without the Spanish in sight, Ernest Casimir turned to Groenlo which like Oldenzaal had been conquered by Spinola before the Twelve Years’ Truce. Despite the attack being so easy to predict, as it was the last Spanish garrison in the Northern Netherlands, the Spanish garrison received no help since the start of the siege on September 10, the only thing that helped them was the Autumn weather which only delayed the inevitable outcome. The Spanish commander, Hendrik van den Bergh, a first cousin to Frederick Henry, and one of the Spanish’s highest native officers could do little except conduct night raids until he was forced to surrender on December 18 when the difficult weather proved too much to bare to his soldiers.

Frederick William left with as many as 30 000 men from Sluis in Dutch-held Flanders intending to take Bruges which was very close to the front lines. While the city was no longer in its golden age, it was still a valuable asset on the Dutch side and a question of prestige for both sides. The siege started on April 22 with the Dutch building a circumvallation around the walls, anticipating a Spanish relief force. Spinola and Albuquerque were placed in a precarious position and were forced to ease the pressure on Gravellines to send their army northwards.

The Dutch were concerned about losing the battle and having their planned offensive go to waste and many of Frederick Henry’s deputies pressured him to call it off but he refused much to their dismay. In Paris, Luynes was pressured by Louis XIII for more results and his wish to replace the Marshals yet again, so he sent Duke Henry II of Rohan with 6 000 troops to relieve the French at Gravelines and exert more pressure on the Spanish. His nomination was also done to keep him as far away as possible from the Huguenots which were getting more active again.

Rohan and the other French Marshals succeeded in relieving Gravelines and pushed to occupy Artois once more taking advantage of the Spanish moving northwards. Spinola had hoped that Frederick Henry’s huge army would not be willing to engage, his basis being the conduct of the deceased Maurice who was far more aggressive than Frederick but when the new Captain-General of the Dutch Army refused to leave, Spinola was forced to engage and in bad terms because although he had a slight numerical superiority, the Dutch had chosen the field and mounted defenses against a relief force.

The Battle of Bruges of May 7 lasted nearly a week with the Spanish trying to overrun the Dutch positions in a series of skirmishes. They broke through two positions but were unable to force a capitulation of the Dutch, moreover, their casualties were building and without means to replenish them, Spinola gave the victory to Dutch after he lost as many as 5 000 men, against 7 000 Dutch, deciding it best to fight for another day and drain the Dutch away.

Spinola stayed on the outskirts of Bruges, more specifically between the city and Ostend which he judged to be the next destination for the Dutch. He intended to either force the Dutch to face him on better terms or make them take a different path which could allow him to try and recover Bruges. Because the siege lasted for quite a while, Spinola was able to perform various raids against the Dutch that were efficient in weakening them further and preventing them from continuing their offensive even if they took Bruges.

The French pushed further into Flanders by laying siege to Dunkirk on June 4, their objective was to link with the Dutch further north. Albuquerque demanded troops from Spinola and with 15 000 men he defeated the French at Dunkirk on June 23, a battle where young Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, proved his worth by leading a Terço. Albuquerque sought to pressure the French but was defeated by Rohan and Coligny at the Second Battle of Gravelines on July 3.

With Spinola weakened by having to supply Albuquerque with more men, Frederick Henry chose a different approach and sent an emissary to the defenders of Bruges promising that they could keep their Catholic faith if they surrendered and no extra taxes would be forced upon them. The garrison refused the terms but the city itself, worried, decided after much deliberation to open the gates to Frederick Henry on July 9. True to his word, the Stadholder did not sack the city and confirmed his promises but still had to face the Spanish garrison which only surrendered on August 20.

The loss of the city was a major blow to the Spanish, as expected, and a huge boost to the Dutch who could not continue the offensive due to the casualties Spinola inflicted on them. The Spanish were in no better position with 20 000-25 000 being the number of troops they could use in fighting as the bulk of the Army of Flanders was in garrison duty. Still, despite facing three enemies they were holding their own in the County of Flanders which served to save face after they lost the Northern Provinces for good.

Throughout the winter period of 1626-1627, the Dutch were progressively getting into a better position. With the entirety of the Northern Provinces under their control, Ernest Casimir was able to move his sizable army to the south to reinforce Frederick Henry’s weakened one. Thus the Dutch Army had 40 000 troops ready to resume the Flanders Offensive while the Spanish were still praying that the Spanish Road opened again.

Outnumbered, Spinola could do little but concentrate his efforts on a guerilla campaign. To make matters worse, the French Northern Army had increased to as many as 20 000 men and were ready to resume their own offensive. The administration in Brussels did not know what to do but plead for Philip IV to send more resources which the King did not have even if he wanted to help. Furthermore, the nobility in the Spanish Netherlands, like many of its other counterparts in the Spanish Empire grew increasingly disappointed with Madrid.

This last aspect was caught by the Dutch spies who transmitted it to Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir who despite their grievances with Catholicism, as they both were banned by the Emperor from their ancestral lands, saw the pragmatic need to guarantee the rights of the Southern Dutch Catholics, as they did with Bruges so that their war effort would be eased. Despite the opposition from the Counter-Remonstrants, the Stadholders wanted to focus on promoting a Dutch culture versus a non-Dutch culture as opposed to Calvinists versus Catholics and for this, they enjoyed the support from the Remonstrants and Booteigenarens to carry this intent forward.

With favorable weather conditions and favorable numbers, the Stadholders made their way towards Ostend in coordination with a French attack against Dunkirk. The Spanish recognized that they had to do a very hard choice between both settlements and in the end, they decided to focus on defending Ostend. There were many reasons for it, peer amongst them was that Ostend had cost so many men and resources to the Spanish that losing it would be a very severe blow to the country’s prestige and honor not to mention one of the best harbors the Spanish had in the region.

First, Spinola weaken the Dutch with his guerilla tactics and then forced a fight on his terms in the outskirts of the town. The Dutch faltered and debated whether or not to give battle since there was a high risk of losing and badly but the members of the House of Nassau decided to go through it after coming up with a plan that would combine the strengths of the Army and Navy.

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Battle of Ostend/Second Siege of Ostend
After much hesitation and much scouting the Dutch chose to attack the northeastern corner of the town close to the sea where their Navy started bombing the town without stopping on March 13. Spinola was quick to recognize the Dutch’s plan: they were trying to nullify his advantages by starting a siege and building their own defensive positions to withstand his attack. In other words, the Dutch were trying to take the town without fighting the Spanish or fighting them in their own conditions which included naval support. They also had numerical superiority.

The Genoese commander was thus forced to attack the Dutch positions but under heavy fire from both the Dutch Navy and Army which caused many casualties in his ranks. Nevertheless, after more than a month of fighting the Spanish were close to taking two Dutch trenches though on the night of April 14, the Dutch finally broke the town’s defenses and assaulted the city during the night.

After almost an hour, Spinola learned of the event and sent part of his army inside the town. April 15 was such a bloody day that it till nowadays it’s still remembered as such, as the Spanish unwilling to let the town fall decided to fight to the death which caused a brutal engagement in the streets of Ostend and also in the trenches. The civilian population that remained tried their best to leave but many were caught in the line of fire and died.

Despite the sacrifice of dozens of Spanish Companies, many others who had not gotten their pay started retreating once it was clear just how bloody the battle was being so that when the night came and the battles finally stopped when it was impossible to see and everyone was utterly exhausted, Spinola reformed his army and saw that he had lost as some historians say 10 000 soldiers while the Dutch had lost 13 000.

After analyzing the situation, he concluded that the Dutch controlled most of the town and most of his men were unwilling to fight, especially without payment. Judging that the Dutch were unable to continue their campaign if their losses were as big as his, Spinola, angrily decided to abandon Ostend and resume his strategy to harass the Dutch.

Adding the two sieges of Ostend, as many as 60 000 Dutch and 80 000 Spanish troops lost their lives in the engagements making it one of the deadliest battles in human history. The town is known today as “Bloedig Oostend” in Dutch and “Ostenda Sangrienta” in Castilian both meaning Bloody Ostend. There is also the very famous Castilian slang “Vete a la P*ta de Ostenda” used to send unwanted people to “death”.

As expected, Madrid was not happy with the results, it is known that Olivares was both jealous and worried about Spinola and the fall of Ostend gave him a reason to try getting rid of the Genoese but Philip IV refused thanks to the writings of his brother Ferdinand, who knowing well the catastrophic situation in the Netherlands, advised on keeping Spinola in the command at least for some more time until they could be sure they could work without him.

The King’s decision proved fruitful because Spinola defeated the French at the Third Battle of Dunkirk on May 9, 1627, and with it, stumped their projects once more. No further worthy military engagements occurred aside from the Dutch occupying, with great cost, positions around Ostend and Bruges to expand the bridgehead in Flanders while preparing for a larger campaign against Nieuwpoort and Dunkirk for the following year as they still had more men than the Spanish.

Mutinies grew in number as the Spanish soldiers still had not received monthly wages for a long time. Albuquerque was deeply concerned with an army coup of unpaid troops so he turned to different sources of credit without the official authorization of Madrid to pay the wages. These sources included loans from New Christians and even German Jews and although the results were way below the expected, they eased the tensions a bit.

As it was only a temporary solution, Albuquerque was forced to convene the States General of the Spanish Netherlands with the intent of increasing taxes to pay the expenses but doing so increased the States General’s influence at the expense of his own. Despite the disapproval from most of the representatives of the people, the situation was so dire that the Duke secured loans from the merchants and cities as well as an increase in taxes that allowed the mutinous troops to be paid nearly everything they were due.

As the frontlines were mostly stabilized, Frederick Henry received secret envoys from his cousin Hendrik van den Bergh, a Spanish Commander who proposed to him an interesting plan: a union between the United Provinces and the Southern Netherlands under the condition that the Catholic Provinces were allowed to keep their creed unmolested. He also spoke of fusion between both Estates General, armies and navies as necessary outcomes of such union.

The Nassaus were interested as this was their intent as explained earlier, however, both they and Van den Bergh recognized that it was nearly impossible to execute this plan in the short term so Van den Bergh was tasked with facilitating it in the medium or long term though he wasn’t in a hurry to do it. The application of the Treaty of Vienna of 1627 brought peace to the Alps, re-opened the Spanish Road and 6 000 soldiers arrived in Brussels by April 1628, it was such a letdown that the cheering that Albuquerque wanted to give the upcoming troops to boost his propaganda was canceled.

It seemed like things were not going to improve for Spain but they and the Dutch were surprised when the French invaded the Prince-Bishopric of Cambrai swiftly and occupied the territory, except for Cambrai, with minimum opposition. The city however forced them to lay a three-month siege that began on March 18 and ended on June 21. Albuquerque tried to relieve the siege multiple times but was unable due to the lack of troops.

While Créquy wanted to consolidate the gains and support the Dutch on the coast, Rohan managed to convince Coligny in pushing to Douai. They took control of the western part of the Province of Hainaut and entered Flanders from the southeast laying siege to Douai on July 24. Again, the Spanish were beaten by Rohan’s aggressive cavalry charges once they tried to relieve the city and the siege continued for months as the town was well garrisoned and the French campaign stalled much to their dismay.

The Dutch, irritated by the change in French plans kept their going as they planned. 25 000 men left Ostend and made their way to Nieuwport where they arrived on March 22. The Spanish kept raiding their positions but the Dutch were adapting by not only having their troops always expecting a raid but also moving most of the supplies through the sea rather than land.

The Spanish had strengthened the defenses by increasing the garrison to 1 500 troops so the siege continued for months until on May 17, the guards made a mistake in their patrolling patterns and the Dutch were able to sneak into the walls thanks to the use of ladders. By the time the Spanish found the problem, the Dutch were already pouring into the town. There was an engagement, however, the garrison was completely outnumbered and most were forced to surrender.

Things couldn’t have gone better for Frederick Henry and Ernest Casimir. They had expected a lengthy siege and to an extent, it was lengthy, however, because they captured the town in May and they suffered fewer casualties than anticipated they pushed towards Dunkirk before the Spanish could further fortify the city. Spinola was furious with how Nieuwport fell but immediately tried to counter the problem by continuing his raids.

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Siege and Fourth Battle of Dunkirk
On May 28, the Dutch laid siege to Dunkirk with almost 20 000 men and although the town was heavily fortified after the many attempts made by the French to take it. The Dutch and English Navy blocked the harbor and started bombing the town from the sea just as they had done with Nieuwport to soften the garrison. Both Spinola and Albuquerque decided to meet the Dutch in a pitched battle as they both had decided to resign from their positions after the battle.

On June 17, 1628, the two armies met and exchanged blows for two hours as the Spanish positioned themselves in the field to surround the Dutch and press them against the sea just as they attempted at Bruges. A Dutch cavalry charge commanded by Bernard of Saxe-Weimar, who had left Danish service after Christian IV’s multiple failures, surprisingly left the Spanish right flank in jeopardy and the Stadholders decided to press on it.

After two hours, the Spanish right flank collapsed and the Dutch were able to start enveloping the Spanish center from that side of the battlefield. Nevertheless, the Spanish Tercios in the center kept holding on as Albuquerque went around to reorganize the routed Spanish Tercios of the right flank.

At sunset, the Spanish were exhausted and the Dutch were barely better than them when hostilities paused for the day. During the night multiple raids were made with the Dutch suffering the bulk of their effect but the Dutch did not give up and kept going. At sunrise, the Spanish attempted to push the Dutch back out of their right flank and were succeeding in doing so until the Dutch cavalry engaged them enough for the Dutch to compose themselves and launch another attack. The battle raged on for hours until the Dutch finally enveloped the center of the Spanish forces on all sides but their left. Rather than risk being surrounded, Albuquerque ordered a retreat with the sanction of Spinola.

The Dutch were victorious but as in all their campaigns in Flanders, they had many casualties, and this made the siege much harder. The French did not provide them reinforcements immediately, some say Louis XIII was bitter that the Dutch were close to capturing a town he had failed multiple times to take and so hoping they would fail and give him another try, he didn’t send reinforcements but this claim is mostly dismissed because the French garrison at Gravelines sent 250 men, arguably not much, to support the Dutch in their attempt to take Dunkirk.

At this point, the Dutch were committed to taking the town and were recruiting men in their provinces and outside, using even political refugees from the defeated Protestants of the Empire like Bernard of Saxe-Weimar and the Spanish kept conducting raids against the supply chains while making raids against Nieuwport and Ostend to try and make the Dutch retreat but they were committed to taking Dunkirk. Meanwhile, both Spinola and Albuquerque resigned their positions, the former being particularly slandered by Olivares and his faction.

The Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand was installed as Governor and Supreme Commander of the Army Flanders and kept the strategies of his predecessors, preferring to not make any large battles before his army was reformed. At this point, the number of soldiers coming through the Spanish Road was slowly increasing though not at the levels before France and England declared war on Spain.

He was thus unable to prevent the inevitable fall of Dunkirk that happened during the night of September 9 when the Dutch forces were finally able to breach the walls and take control of the streets leaving only Fort Leon on the western half of the town resisting for almost two more months before they were finally allowed to surrender by the Cardinal Ferdinand.

The Dutch rejoiced as they finally captured the final and main base of the famous Dunkirkers who after the fall of Dunkirk had to flee to Spain or surrender and thus their menace ended at last. At the end of 1628 the Spanish had lost the entirety of the Flemish Coast which was a huge blow to them though because of guerilla strategy, Cardinal Ferdinand seemed to have shifted the flow of the battle in his favor as the Dutch were pretty much spent and incapable of going into the offensive for a long time unless they coordinated one with the French.


The Dutch-Spanish Conflict Overseas:
At the beginning of 1625, the Dutch controlled nearly all of the Spanish Province of New Andalusia all the way to Surinam with roughly 6 000 troops but many of these did not want to stay in such a hostile environment as they were not used to it and wanted to return home at the first opportunity. The Spanish were determined to recover their lost territory and Olivares approved the transfer of the Provinces of Venezuela, New Andalusia and Margarita from the Real Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the Real Audiencia of Santa Fé de Bogotá and thus to the authority of the Viceroyalty of Peru.

The measure was aimed to simplify the administration as well as provide better defenses to the Provinces and thus discourage foreigners from trying their luck at conquering them. Olivares also imposed the Ordenança system of the Portuguese in the entire Real Audiencia of Santa Fé, thus making it the guinea pig for a wider military reformation that he wanted to reproduce throughout all of Spain in the upcoming years. As such, all men between 16 and 60 in the Audiencia were required to have military training for two full days a week.

Fadrique de Toledo Osorio, a scion of the powerful Álvares de Toledo family was commissioned with the recovery of the lost territories and granted a force of 3 000 soldiers and 15 ships for the task. Fadrique sailed to the Araya Peninsula which he reached by May 12, 1625, and promptly blocked the city of Cumaná before sending word to the Spanish Governors to attack the town by land. The President of the Royal Audience of Santa Fé, Juan de Borja y Armendia, led 7 000 men organized in the Terço system and besieged Cumaná not long after.

The Dutch had made preparations for the eventual siege and were able to keep the supply lines open as the Spanish forces were a little too small to prevent it. The Dutch ships anchored at Cumaná improved the firepower of the town by adding their own but the main problem was in the land. Admiral Jacob Willekens mustered his forces and made a night raid against the Spanish which was so successful it turned into a full-out battle that ended with the rout of the Spanish at the expense of many Dutch casualties.

The victory allowed Cumaná to be supplied by land and Willekens finally renamed the city Mauritsstad in honor of Maurice of Nassau who had died nearly two months earlier and he hoped to boost the Dutch morale to defend it. The WIC sent Lodewijk Lint with 20 ships and 3 000 soldiers with orders to establish a Dutch administration in the occupied area and help its defense, he arrived by May 23 but was unable to land at Cumaná/Mauritsstad due to Fadrique’s fleet still being around the area and a storm.

Lint decided to sail eastwards and establish a provisionary seat elsewhere. He chose an isthmus to the east of the Araya Peninsula and founded New Sluis (OTL Chacopata), ordering the creation of a fort and a warehouse and that the ships were used as a provisionary fort. Then with 2 000, he left for Cumaná/Mauritsstad. Their arrival was much cheered by the Dutch garrison.

The problem was that after the failure of the land assault and the defeat in the seas, Toledo Osorio disembark his troops to the west of the town and took personal control over the Spanish forces. On June 28, with 9 000 troops he laid another siege on Cumaná and drilled the troops while doing so. The Dutch did not give up, taking advantage of the inverted seasons in their favor while keeping the land supply chains working thanks to night raids against Spanish positions, however, when the days began getting hot with the arrival of September, the Dutch started struggling.

Elsewhere, on September 24, 17 Dutch ships led by Boudewijn Hendricksz arrived at San Juan on the island of Puerto Rico whose Captain-General, Juan de Haro y Sanvitores had been in office for less than a month, hence why the attack was made there, the first against Spanish holdings in the Caribbean showcasing that the Dutch were getting bolder.

Haro y Sanvitores and his predecessor, Juan de Vargas, who was still at San Juan, hastily prepared the defenses of the island and while they did it, Hendricksz came up with a bold plan of attack, using the cover of the night, his fleet forced their way through the harbor and passed the Spanish defensive fort of El Morro with insignificant casualties, however, the shoals prevented an immediate disembark of troops which allowed the Spanish to adjust to the situation and evacuate San Juan.

On September 26, Hendricksz led 800 men ashore and occupied the town without resistance. The problem came when he needed to take El Morro to allow more ships to enter the town as de Haro y Sanvitores had barricaded inside the fort with 330 men. A twenty-one-day artillery duel began between the Dutch and Spanish while the Militias managed to negate most of the Dutch victories.

The siege of El Morro continued for almost a month and the Dutch grew impatient and started burning San Juan but the Spanish did not give in and in one of the many sorties, they were able to drive the Dutch away from their trenches back to their ships. On November 2, the attackers finally left Puerto Rico in defeat and some of them went to South America to help the war effort there.

As for the Dutch garrison at Cumaná, when November arrived, water was getting harder to find inside the town walls and the Spanish blockade kept improving its efficiency making it harder to resupply nevertheless, the Spanish despite many attempts were unable to fully breach the walls as disease also did its toll on them. Eventually, however, the Dutch commanders decided their conditions were unbearable and on November 18, they evacuated Cumaná during nighttime.

Upon learning this, Toledo Osorio entered Cumaná in victory, being well received by the few Spanish peasants that had been under Dutch rule since the previous year. He sought to pursue the Dutch to New Sluis but two things prevented him, one was the fever epidemic on his troops and the other was that his vanguard was soundly beaten by the Dutch.

By 1626, neither army was in condition to resume offensives, tropical diseases were taking a heavy toll, especially on the Spanish but the Dutch were not much better and a great deal of them wanted to return home. Lint was left with only 2 000 soldiers to defend a huge portion of the territory that the Dutch West Indies Company was claiming so he wrote to the Company’s Board to supply him more means either with men or something else worthy.

The board however had difficulty in recruiting people given the war and the better prospects that the East had when compared to an area that was barely populated and whose economic prospects were dim despite the rumors of the El Dorado still lingering around. The board decided to create land grants similar to the English and Portuguese models dividing the area into two Captaincies, New Zeeland (from the Araya Peninsula to the mouth of the River Waini/Guaini and from there to the mouth of the Suriname River was the Captaincy of New Holland.

While New Zeeland remained under the administration of de Lint as a Director, New Holland was granted to Jan van Peere and his son Abraham van Peere who were subordinates to Lint. They founded New Vlissingen on April 28, 1626, at the mouth of the River Demerara and benefit from the lack of Spanish and Portuguese presence to start sugar plantations in peace. Some Dutch settlers were brought and by 1630 the colony had 68 Europeans and at least the same number of Black slaves working in the plantations.

In New Zeeland, things were more difficult as the Spanish under Osorio tried to recover the entirety of their lost territory but were unable to launch anything larger than minor skirmishes. Eventually, by June 1626, Osorio got seriously ill and had to cease the whole operation. He survived and Olivares recalled him to Spain where Philip IV rewarded him for the recovery of Cumaná despite Olivares’ criticism of his inability to recover New Andalusia and Guyana. His abilities as a naval commander were, however, indispensable for Spain.

The new Captain-General of the Province of Venezuela, Juan de Meneses y Padilla, Marquis of Marianela, was also named Captain-General of New Andalusia and Guyana and was tasked with recovering the lost territories. Despite having considerable forces raised from the militias he was unable to recover more than the Araya Peninsula before he was soundly defeated on March 13, 1627, by Lint with Indian allies at New Sluis.

Despite the victory, Lint was convinced that New Sluis was in a dangerous position so while he did not abandon the town to the Spanish, he relocated the administration of the Captaincy to the Paria Peninsula to the east where he founded New Rotterdam. His Indian allies were used to garrison the area. Another Spanish attempt to take New Sluis failed because of a joint Dutch-Indian ambush.

In 1628, Piet Hein who had participated in the Dutch Expedition to New Andalusia led a large Dutch fleet that ambushed part of the Spanish Golden Fleet off the Bay of Matanzas in the island of Cuba which ended up with five Spanish galleons were captured and with it a colossal sum of 11 509 524 Guilders in loot. This was the WIC’s greatest victory so far and not only did it boost the Dutch economy by financing the Dutch Army for eight months but also forced Spain to near bankruptcy in 1629.

I have some good news: I have the War Updates all finished for the reign of John IV, they just need to be polished, meaning that I will likely be able to publish a Chapter every week for three weeks, perhaps four if I finish the European Updates in the meantime. I'm confident about being able to finish with John IV's reign by July and let the man that never existed rest in peace and give his son his time.
Not much else to say, I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
Well I am not surprised at the Spanish insistence on maintaining their empire. The questions (not need respond) are:
1) are the Spanish in for a greater fall without the Portuguese resources of the Iberian Union?
2) it does not seem that Dutch have suffered due lack ability to take Portuguese Indian/east Asian possessions. It seems though that their trade with Portuguese is equal to or greater than their wealth they gained iotl.
3) while the Dutch and French are allied at moment the one thing the French will not want us a strong Dutch on the border. Could lead to new rivalry.
4) as you mentioned the Spanish would be better off walking away but they can’t. Can they continue to pour unlimited resources into Low Countries? Wonder if they will face similar succession problem and revolt like iotl.

Anyway. Lots of interesting things. Great update as always.
 
It gives me happiness seeing that Tangiers is in Portuguese hands
I can guarantee that it will not be given in a dowry at the very least.
Great update, hopefully the French can keep the Spanish under pressure in the peninsula so they can better focus on defeating the army of Flanders
The French are getting better so who knows maybe they will do just that albeit they did not plan the war as well as they could.
Well I am not surprised at the Spanish insistence on maintaining their empire. The questions (not need respond) are:
1) are the Spanish in for a greater fall without the Portuguese resources of the Iberian Union?
2) it does not seem that Dutch have suffered due lack ability to take Portuguese Indian/east Asian possessions. It seems though that their trade with Portuguese is equal to or greater than their wealth they gained iotl.
3) while the Dutch and French are allied at moment the one thing the French will not want us a strong Dutch on the border. Could lead to new rivalry.
4) as you mentioned the Spanish would be better off walking away but they can’t. Can they continue to pour unlimited resources into Low Countries? Wonder if they will face similar succession problem and revolt like iotl.

Anyway. Lots of interesting things. Great update as always.
1)I don't think so, I think that overall the need to defend fewer territories is proportional to having fewer resources, in other words, while Spain doesn't have the Portuguese resources, it also doesn't have to defend the Portuguese Empire. They do have a potential extra enemy at their borders and are always worried that John IV and later his son Philip I will change their neutral stance.
2)Before the Iberian Union, the Dutch were heavily invested in the Portuguese market namely with sugar and salt so I decided to continue that stance only that Portugal's economy is shifting to one similar to the Dutch and English where the private sector is very strong. The Dutch are getting money from the East and West though by investing in Portuguese companies rather than theirs because these are already engrained in their bases of operation, unlike the Dutch ones. The Nassaus also don't want to alienate Portugal because they have their hands with the Spanish so they discourage attacking the Estado da Índia but the VOC is bold...
3)And the Dutch will not want a stronger power at their border either. For now, they are allies of convenience and they will try to remain like that but who knows what's going to happen there.
4)I mean you can argue that a lot of territories could have been abandoned if not prestige and honor, Portugal suffered the same with North Africa and many of their Overseas territories. Can they continue to pour their resources into the Netherlands? I don't think so, they are struggling already, especially when the Spanish Road was cut in the Alps which was the big reason the Dutch and French were able to gain so much territory. Being a Composite Monarchy with enemies on all sides is bound to cause revolts. I mentioned the Catholic Dutch, in this new Update about the Iberian Peninsula, I was going to address the Galicians and Catalans but scrapped for a different Update. (In short, Spain needs a lasting peace that is unlikely to come any time soon.)
 

Lusitania

Donor
The Great Religious War: The Iberian Peninsula

Much of the war effort of both Spain and France was focused on the border areas between the two around the Pyrenees. From the very beginning, France placed a 20 000 strong army at its southwest border dividing it in two, 10 000 under Nicolas de L’Hospital, Duke of Vitry and Antoine de Roquelaure, Baron of Roquelaure, who were meant to expand into Navarre and another 10 000 under Honoré d’Albert, Duke of Chaulnes and Charles de Choiseul-Praslin, Marquis of Praslin were meant to expand into Catalonia.

Louis XIII of France inherited his father’s title of King of Navarre, although the Bourbons only really ruled Lower Navarre on the northern side of the Pyrenees, they still had a claim to the entire Kingdom and as for Catalonia, the French used medieval Carolingian claims over the area that were mediocre at best with some historians claiming this was the start of France’s practice of this sort of casus belli.

The Spanish on the other hand were more concerned with defending their already controlled areas with only Lower Navarre being considered as a potential expansion area though they knew it would be very difficult to defend it as it was on the northern side of the Pyrenees. The commitments in other areas meant that Spain lacked the men to face the French at the beginning but it also meant that as it was so close to their center of power they could raise troops in bigger numbers and so Philip IV decreed a general mobilization similar to the French one where all men had to present themselves before the Municipal Authorities and if they were part of the unlucky chosen ones, be mobilized for war.

Of course, the fact that Spain was a Composite Monarchy made it very difficult to achieve the desired results. The Kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon, the ones that were more affected by the French invasion were quick to contest the King’s demand even if they recognized the French threat. Estimates claim Spain had as many as 300 000 men mobilized, spread through many theaters of war but only 100 000 were fighting, the rest were in garrison duty which was the norm at the time. Olivares wanted 50 000 to defend Spain’s border with France but he struggled to get that number due to the decentralization of the country.

Despite, Portugal’s assurances of neutrality despite many attempts from both sides to change that, Olivares didn’t trust them and kept garrisons near the border though depleted as most men were sent to the frontlines to face the French which he considered a much more dangerous opponent. Most of the troops that defended Spain were poorly trained militiamen.

L’Hospital and Roquelaure were able to take the village of Irun on the border between the countries near the Atlantic after only four days of siege (March 1 to March 4, 1625). With naval support from the English and Dutch Navy, they laid siege to San Sebastian on March 11 and defeated a Spanish relief army on March 17. On April 14, the town garrison surrendered and gave an important foothold to the French. Luynes tried to gather the support of the Basque people by promising their rights to be kept but they had seen what Louis XIII had been doing in Lower Navarre (abolishing the Parliament of Pau between 1620 to 1624) and were not adamant about supporting him.

The towns around San Sebastian, namely Zarautz and Hernani fell during the rest of April as the French made a push to Azpeitia which they took on May 28. Their next objective was Tolosa but they were unable to take it as the Spanish Army now numbering 15 000 arrived and beat them in the Battle of Tolosa on June 12 which resulted in few casualties but forced the French to retreat to San Sebastian and even abandoned Azpeitia. The French had been building the defenses in the coastal town and they also had naval support that prevented the Spanish from kicking them away as easily as they wanted.

With Catalonia, Luynes tried to do the same as he was doing in Navarra, promising to keep the Catalan privileges in exchange for their support to Louis XIII which was very appellative to some Catalans who believed the Habsburgs to be declining in power and wealth, however, it was not the opinion of all, the majority of the Catalans feared that the French would not keep their word. Adding the fact that the French were trying to force the Catalans to submit to their will by occupying with minimal opposition the County of Roussillon during April, placed the majority of Catalans in favor of Philip IV at least for the time being.

The French crossed the Catalan Pyrenees and took La Jonquera on May 12, Figueres on May 21 and Castelló d’Empúries on June 8. During this time, Olivares dismissed the Viceroy of Catalonia, Joan Sentís y Sunyer, Bishop of Barcelona, because he was a member of the clergy and replaced him with Enrique de Aragón-Cardona y Córdoba, Duke of Segorbe and Cardona, likely the most powerful noble from the Crown of Aragon and tied to the Crown by blood. His nomination aside from providing Catalonia with a military figure was to put down the Pro-French Faction.

By June, the Duke of Segorbe and Cardona and without the help of reinforcements, was able to stop the French advance from progressing further down. This allowed said reinforcements to push the French to the other side of the Pyrenees where they had made a significant line of defense that prevented the Spanish from recovering Roussillon before the end of the year.

As the French were preparing to resume their offensives in the following year, Spain despite all the struggles, above all their overextension and lack of funds, was determined to keep fighting until they could not continue, especially in the core of the Empire, the Iberian Peninsula. But this will alone was not enough and both Philip IV and Olivares knew radical measures were needed at once. Thus the Valido worked tirelessly to address the lack of funds and men to keep the war going. Throughout 1625 he purposed his ambitious plan of the Union of Arms which immediately got the support of the King, the Counselors of State and many in the nobility. His objective was that each Kingdom that made the Spanish Monarchy fought one for all and all for one, meaning that they supported each other in wars.

Thus the Spanish Army would be composed of 124 000 soldiers in the following manner:
  • The Crown of Castile would provide 44 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Aragon would provide 10 000 soldiers;
  • The Principality of Catalonia would provide 16 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Valencia would provide 6 000 soldiers;
  • The Balearic Islands and Sardinia would provide 6 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Sicily would provide 6 000 soldiers;
  • The Kingdom of Naples would provide 16 000 soldiers;
  • The Duchy of Milan would provide 8 000 soldiers;
  • The Spanish Netherlands would provide 12 000 soldiers.
In addition, he wanted to replicate the Portuguese recruitment and training system to maximize the potential of every man for war. The hardest part was convincing the various representatives of each Kingdom...Philip IV called for Cortes to be held in Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia, all part of the Crown of Aragon, in the presence of the King and Olivares with the intent of approving the Union of Arms, the Ordenanças and an increase of taxes.

These Cortes were failures for the most part...The Cortes in Aragon provided only enough to field two Terços for two years while the Cortes of Valencia provided for the same and thus they satisfied Olivares and the King’s wishes there. Catalonia agreed to pay no more than 12 000 soldiers that could only be used in Catalonia and nowhere else. None accepted the Ordenanças due to fears of straining their economies further after the expulsion of the Moriscos (Converted Muslims) at the beginning of the century. Nevertheless, the concessions while not enough did leave Philip IV and Olivares more relieved and thus they left Catalonia as the French’s pressure increased in the northern areas of the Principality and they potentially be in danger.

Meanwhile, in England, Charles I and his favorite the Duke of Buckingham were in tune with the Parliament and Buckingham managed to have a naval expedition against Spain approved. 100 ships and 15 000 men were readied but as no worthy Admiral was available, Buckingham chose Sir Edward Cecil, a battle-hardened veteran of the Dutch Army who while a good commander and soldier had little knowledge of nautical matters.

The planned expedition involved several proceedings: boarding Spanish Treasure Ships returning from America with invaluable treasures and assaulting Spanish towns to weaken the Spanish economy and supply chains and help the French’s offensive. The chosen target was Cádiz, the most important port city in Spain after Seville.

The expedition that started on October 6, and reached its destination on November 1, was doomed to fail from the very beginning. First, it was the stormy weather that delayed them, second John IV of Portugal told Cecil to leave his ports as soon as they could and had his soldiers prevent them from buying military supplies. All these setbacks prevented the English Fleet from engaging the Treasure Fleets and securing its riches for profit.

To make things even worse, once they arrived at their destination, the English forces wasted time in capturing an old fort of little importance near Cadiz which gave the city enough time to mobilize the militia and allow merchant ships to escape. The city’s modernized defenses proved too much for the ill-prepared English forces and another group of English troops that landed further down the coast got drunk, did not complete its task and even got captured.

Without achieving it’s intended goals, the large English Fleet returned home in disgrace and was thus a major prestige blow to the Duke of Buckingham who was deemed the main responsible for the failure by the Parliament. Charles I protected him by not conducting an inquiry into why the expedition was a failure and by dissolving the Parliament to prevent Buckingham’s impeachment much to the institution’s anger. Though the Duke knew he had to prove his worth somehow if he wanted to continue enjoying his King’s favor.

On the return trip to Madrid, by May 1626, Olivares got terribly ill and stayed abed until mid-June leaving his Faction deeply concerned and the King as well. It did seem, however, that the Union of Arms was making progress as the already overburden Italian possessions and Spanish Netherlands accepted it or rather needed to because of the war raging on near them.

Once he recovered, Olivares started to secretly negotiate with French Huguenots in hopes to destabilize France just as the French were destabilizing Catalonia. It went against the values of the Kingdom of Spain but the Huguenots were increasingly more deluded with their King so it was a necessary evil. Unfortunately, the Huguenots were not interested in getting support from whom they perceived to be their worst enemy.

In late 1625, the supreme command of the French forces in the Pyrenees was given to Duke Henry II of Condé, the Third-in-Line to the French Throne, so that the many Marshals could have an easier time conducting the campaign because instead of having to report to Paris, they just needed to find Condé. This also provided them with a wider autonomy of action although any command coming from Paris had priority over all others. Henry decided to focus the French efforts in Catalonia first and then on Navarra as he believed the former to be more economically profitable though the Marshals argued that because Navarra could be supplied by the English and Dutch Navy it was easier to conquer.

Troops kept increasing in size with the French gathering as many as 30 000 troops and the Spanish about 40 000. In a surprise winter offensive, the French relieved San Sebastian but did not make any other attacks because of the cold, instead, they created defensive lines to stall the Spanish’s incoming offensive there and connected the occupied territory with France to make sure San Sebastian could be supplied by land and sea. The mountainous terrain helped them a lot.

On March 3, Condé led 20 000 French soldiers in a swift campaign that occupied the coast of Catalonia until Saint Feliu de Guixols which they took on May 10. The Duke of Segorbe and Cardona came to meet them with 20 000 men of his own on May 23 in between the aforementioned town and the important city of Girona which was the main goal for the French. It was a bitter battle but the French won it thanks to a well-timed cavalry charge that left the Spanish artillery in disarray.

On June 2, Praslin laid siege to Girona which they managed to breach on June 22 with a costly assault. The victory brought a lot of political clout to Condé and to a lesser extent to the Marshals but also left the French unable to make any more progress. The city of Besalú and Banyoles were, however, left venerable to the French and the latter would fall on September 17.

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With its latest bankruptcy, it was getting increasingly more difficult for Spain to secure the much-needed funds to continue fighting with the Madrid Branch of the Medici Bank closing and with the Genoese and Tuscan bankers increasingly wary of investing in the Spanish ventures when their profits in the Portuguese markets were steady if not increasing. Olivares was forced to ask the New Christians for loans with the protection of their rights as collateral as well as increase the taxes even further despite opposition nearly everywhere, including in the loyal Cortes of Castile.

If the elites were getting more discontent, the resentment of the population was clear. While in the Crown of Aragon both in the Peninsula and in Italy the war somewhat contained the discontent, in Castile, the core of Spain and it’s biggest supplier of men and funds, protests were getting more prevalent. An exodus of the population to Spanish America or to Portugal and its North African territories was occurring. Seasonal workers in Portugal especially in agriculture endeavors were quite common, especially to the Galicians and it worked in a sort of symbiosis as it helped the country’s lack of manpower, however, with the tax burden in both countries being so disheveled, many Galicians just decided to stay in Portugal.

The Castilians from near the border regions (called A Raia/La Raya) also did the same but unlike the Galicians, they were not as appreciated as they were seen as the representatives of the United Peninsula and the potential oppressors of Portuguese culture which was fomented by the Guimarães Branch of the House of Avis from which one of its pillars was the Portuguese Nationalism and opposition to a Spanish identity.

Many independence movements were akin to barrels of powder waiting to blow up. Catholic Dutch, Milanese, Neapolitans, Sicilians, Catalans, Basques and Galicians were openly criticizing the Spanish Habsburgs and their war and tax conduct but the movements were still in their infancy though for how long was the question everyone was asking.

On the war front, after the Fall of Banyoles in the previous year, the French laid siege to the important town of Besalú but with the harsh Pyrenees winter, none of the French commanders wanted to risk a costly assault and the town suffered a lot without the necessary supplies and thus half of the population perished in the cold winter. During February, a new wave of French fresh troops arrived and Condé decided to increase the intensity of the siege. Besalú was already on its knees and the Alcaide could do nothing but surrender the town to the French on March 9.

While Condé wanted to make a renewed offensive and take Barcelona, his two Marshals (L’Hospital and d’Albret) opposed him, this time more vehemently, stating the need to reinforce their defensive positions so that their victories could last. Condé protested and threaten to warn the King and Luynes but he knew they would not side with him in the matter if he were to lose his victories so he reluctantly halted any offensive until June.

Philip IV advised by Olivares placed the command of the Spanish forces in Navarra under the Duke of Fería, Gomes IV de Figueroa y Córdoba, deemed one of the best commanders of Spain after his successful defense of Milan. Fería with 20 000 Spanish laid siege to San Sebastian on April 7 but the French under Roquelaure were encroached and well-supplied through the sea, so the Spanish were forced into a prolonged siege despite the walls of the town not being in prim condition.

The Duke of Segorbe and Cardona led another 20 000 Spanish towards Girona on April 13, however, he was defeated by the French Army under Condé and was unable to recover the important city and his competence was now being questioned. The French, however, could also not take Lloret de Mar on the coast because they lacked men to do so and Segorbe was shifting from pitched battles to guerrilla warfare. 5 000 new French soldiers were brought by the new French Marshal François-Annibal d'Estrées, Marquis of Coeuvres, and with them, the French were able to conquer the not so well defended town of Olot, which was to the west of Besalú, on July 17.

Around this time, the stressed Philip IV fell ill and by August 23, he got in such a bad state that many saw his death coming. As he had no living children just like Louis XIII, his brother Charles was his heir and he did not like Olivares at all which meant that if Philip died, Spain’s destinies would change drastically either for the better or for the worse. Olivares was deeply concerned with his situation because nearly every bit of Spain hated him so he feared ending up like the Duke of Lerma or dead.

Fortunately for him, Philip’s situation changed for the better by September meaning that Spain’s situation started to get better. Another person who got ill was Luynes but the French Minister was still trying to gain support against Spain by pushing forward a plan to integrate Navarra, Catalonia, Artois and the French-Comte into France by creating Parliaments or in Navarra’s case recreate them in hopes this would help the French cause. The year would end with the Spanish recovering Saint Feliu de Guixols on October 29 after managing to breach the local defenses.

Despite French attempts to keep San Sebastian, the town, long deprived of its population, surrendered on April 4, 1628, after a year of siege, when the city’s defenses were completely unusable from months of bombardments. The victory boosted Spain’s confidence but the French had created strong defensive lines on the southern side of the Pyrenees that Fería could not take without losing hundreds of men. Nevertheless, he pushed forward, making marginal gains and confining the French to Irún by the end of the year’s campaign.

In Catalonia, the Spanish Army suffered a disaster when Condé led 20 000 French soldiers from Girona and took various towns in quick succession finishing with the conquest of Lloret de Mar on the Catalan Coast on May 11. This left plenty of Spanish troops surrounded in Saint Feliu de Guixols which Segorbe tried to relieve though he failed to breach the French lines.

With the support from the English and Dutch Navy, the small French Navy was able to blockade Saint Feliu de Guixols but the Spanish sent their own to meet them at the Battle of the Balearic Sea on July 4, 1628. Outnumbered, the Anti-Habsburg Alliance was forced to lift the siege after losing 7 ships of their 22-strong fleet and the 2 000 Spanish soldiers were evacuated by sea to Barcelona. Many skirmishes continued and the French were unable to proceed so Condé decided to mount defensive positives for the remainder of the year to keep as many soldiers as possible to make a push for Mataró and Barcelona in the following year.

Meanwhile, Buckingham planned a new attack on Spain and organized a new English Fleet for it. It was slightly smaller than the previous one with just 70 ships and 7 000 men but it was far better prepared and with a plan of action. Buckingham was personally leading the expedition and this time, he chose the Kingdom of Galicia and more specifically Corunha as its target in an attempt to imitate Elizabeth I’s Sea Dogs’ attempt in 1589. He hoped to get the Portuguese in the war but his plans were not reliant on them because he knew the likelihood of them joining was next to none even with the new King.

Unlike Francis Drake’s time, Corunha was better defended with its fortifications improved and a local militia defending it but the English were also substantially better prepared than before. Having encountered no naval opposition, Buckingham disembarked 6 000 men at the Santa Maria de Oza which was to the east of Corunha and the same place the Sea Dogs had done it.

The Spanish attempted to defend the beachhead but unlike last time, the English were able to push through and march westwards towards their goal. Their quality was not the best but they were able to outperform the local militias until they stumbled upon the walls of Corunha and the necessary siege to take them. The Captain-General of Galicia, Juan Fajardo de Guevara Córdoba y Velasco, Marquis of Espinardo was unable to flee the city so he organized the garrison to withstand a siege and was able to call for help.

The Spanish held the siege for months (April 9 to September 17) and the English beat all the relief forces with relative ease though each time they were losing men. Unable to continue defending, Espinardo surrendered to the English. It was a pyrrhic victory for Buckingham, he took a decently important Spanish town and caught a prestigious Spanish official but in the process, he lost many men facing militias and a rather small garrison so not only was he unable to capitalize on his victory but he had to prepare the town for the upcoming Spanish soldiers’ arrival whenever that was.

Victorious, Buckingham returned to England after nominating his good friend Philip Herbert, Earl of Pembroke Captain-General of Galicia, showcasing his intentions of conquering the whole of Galicia. Pembroke was thus the commander of the Corunha garrison. The English Parliament did not cheer him or his victory, instead, as they were worried about Charles I and Buckingham’s attempts to curb their power further with their victory, they criticized the whole conduct of the war.

Buckingham was furious with the Parliament and convinced Charles to keep it dismissed, calling it a clear threat to the King’s rule. The public perception of Buckingham was still bad, especially when many Deputies published inflammatory pamphlets against him but at least his victory at Corunha led him to be more sustainable by the English and he was determined to keep his victories coming, trying to find ways to finance a new army.

So here is the second to last of the War Updates of John IV's reign. The last one will be the Polish-Swedish War of 1626 which has been done for a while. I'm trying to finish the last travels to Europe and see if I can indeed finish John IV's reign before July. So without further ado, thank you for sparing time reading and I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
Great update.

Interesting how the Spanish nation is trying to handle the situation and how politics will affect the outcome. IOTL it was the desire of and resentment by Barcelona and the old rights of Aragon and Madrid's attempt to strip them of these rights that led to Aragon/Barcelona revolting at same time as Portugal's. The combined external wars and revolt in the Iberian Peninsula proved too much and the Spanish government decided that Barcelona/Aragon was of greater importance and did nothing to send additional troops to Portugal and Portugal became independent.

Here we have similar situation externally (Actually I think worse) and attempts by France to stir up the resentment of the Basque / Barcelona without much success. The changing political environment (death of Spanish monarch) could change person leading the fight against the French and Dutch combined that with the competing interests of various Spanish regions make for intriguing read. The question in my mind is will the French have commitment to stay the course or will both internal and/or reversal on the battlefield cause them to make peace.

Lastly of course is Portugal and its continued neutrality. How long will that last and are they both better off staying neutral or entering into the war and attempting to seize territory if they feel Spain is about to implode? Some would say that it would be in Portugal's interest that Spain does not implode, and France grow even stronger. While others would be looking at parts of Western Spain or its empire as prized targets.
 
Polish-Swedish War Part 4
Polish-Swedish War Part 4

Once the Truce of Parnawa ended, the 5 000 soldiers that Gustav II Adolf had sent to Estonia rode into Polish-Lithuanian territory and conducted various raids and attacks against the sentries that Grand Hetman of Lithuania, Lew Sapieha, had by the border. The objective was to distract the Commonwealth by making them think that the main attack would come from Estonia.

In May, however, Gustav launched his main attack. A huge fleet of 125 ships disembarked 14 000 soldiers and 80 cannons at the Prussian coast, creating a large beachhead and leaving the Polish completely caught off-guard. Personally leading 8 000 men, of which 1 000 were Cavalry units, Gustav took the town of Pillau and then moved towards the important port city of Danzig or Gdansk and took 16 settlements around it by early July without a fight as many of these towns were inhabited by Protestants who welcomed the Swedish in open arms and as such, the Elector of Brandenburg, George William, who was also the Duke of Prussia was unable to do a thing.

Due to its superior size, the Swedish Fleet began forcing and collecting customs duties on merchant ships entering Gdansk but refrained from increasing them. By August, the Swedes were crossing the Vistula near its mouth capturing Tczew, Gniew and Starogard and at the same time, the smaller port town of Oliwa and Puck were taken by Swedish naval landings forcing the small Polish Navy to flee to Gdansk where it concentrated under moderate protection.

By late August, the Swedish started to face more resistance from the towns they were trying to capture though their campaign was still going smoothly and Gdansk seemed to be in their grasp. A Protestant city, Gdansk, had roughly four times the population of Stockholm and its trade generated 4 500 000 Thalers which was more than the Swedish annual budget thus being the primary reason why Gustav wanted to conquer it.

The Swedish King tried to negotiate the surrender of the city with its representatives hoping that their shared religion would compel them to accept his protection but much to his surprise, Gdansk refused to submit, forcing Gustav to lay siege to it. This broke the Swedish momentum as they had to commit their resources to the siege which would be a long because the city was well-defended and provisioned.

Gdansk sent a plead of help to Sigismund III and despite the lack of funds, the Polish King was already mobilizing more than 11 000 troops, 7 000 of which were Cavalrymen. Among these troops were the Portuguese nobles per the agreements made by both Monarchs to improve their armies, such as Duarte de Bragança, the second son of the Constable of Portugal, Theodosius II and Miguel Drácula who helped drill the Polish Infantry in the process.

Many Polish nobles were criticizing and accusing George William of Brandenburg-Prussia of treason, urging Sigismund to revoke the Duchy but the King hesitated. George William was in a very precarious situation in all of his holdings due to external forces while he tried to remain neutral and protect his lands. Sigismund considered the Elector more trustworthy than many of his other vassals.


Battle of Gdansk
Gustav established his base of operation between the River Vistula and the River Nogat, a place with plenty of food. Gdansk increased its local militia to as many as 5 000 soldiers which coupled with its modern defenses made the city a formidable opponent to break which was further exacerbated by their ability to flood Gustav’s positions temporarily halting his movements.

Despite the might of Gustav’s 22 000 men, they were biting more than they could chew while the Commonwealth was bidding it’s time while increasing its mobilized forces to 35 000 soldiers, most of which were defending the Parnau and Dorpat Voivodships in the north or Smolensk, Kyiv and Yedisan Voivodships in the east though a sizable mobile army was ready to march against the Swedish.

During a meeting with the Senate of the Sejm, it was proposed to Sigismund III an attack on the town of Warmia but the King was concerned that it would make the Swedes lock themselves inside the fortress which the Poles had no way of conquering due to the lack of artillery. He believed that the better move was to push towards Gniew which would force Gustav to fight a battle in an open field, a situation that would theoretically favor the Polish Cavalry. In the end, they chose to follow the King’s strategy and lay Siege on Gniew.

Upon learning about the Commonwealth’s move, Gustav moved 10 000 men and 74 cannons to meet his opponents and give them the battle they wanted. The Battle of Gniew began on September 22, 1626, and lasted for a whole week without a serious commitment from both sides to a full fledge engagement as they did not want to risk losing their armies. This outcome was still favorable to the Swedish.

The people of Gdansk kept improving their defenses and the Swedish position started to deteriorate as they were now stuck in Ducal Prussia and the garrison at Puck was isolated and only sustained by supplies coming from the sea which had gotten extremely violent when autumn arrived. Seeing there was no way he would capture Gdansk that year, Gustav II left the control of the Swedish Forces to Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna and returned to Sweden to organize a new army and do his administrative work while witnessing the birth of his daughter and second surviving child, Christina on December 8.

On October 21, Hetman Stanisław Koniecpolski arrived at Czarlin with a large army of 10 000 men, half on horse and half on foot including Cossacks, Tartars and Nogais. Sigismund relinquished the control of the armies to the Hetman but Prince Ladislaus was to remain at his side. All said and done, Koniecpolski had almost 20 000 men, many of which well trained and he was able to apply the symbiosis of a highly mobile Polish Cavalry with a strong and cohesive infantry.

With this strategy, the Hetman was able to recover various towns and isolate the Swedish garrisons. The raids also had a great psychological effect on the Swedes with Oxenstierna, by no means a bad commander, sending alarming letters to Gustav stating that the Poles now had the initiative, that they had as many men as them, and that he could do nothing but order the troops to stay inside the fortified bastions they controlled.

Such was the success of Koniecpolski that he was able to attend the Sejm that Sigismund III called, leaving the command on Mikolaj Potocki. The Sejm deliberations allowed the King to increase the taxes to reach a budget of 2 200 000 Ducats to pay for the war which was considered inadequate for a prolonged war.

Despite the initials successes in Estonia and Livonia, the Swedish faced an energetic opponent, the Voivode of Smolensk, Aleksander Korwin Gosiewski, who conducted counter-raids against the Swedish and managed to keep the border secured though when he tried to make moves into Swedish Estonia, Jacob de la Gardie, the main Swedish commander stopped him. This stalemate would continue throughout the entirety of the war.

Because campaigns did not stop during winter time, especially amidst such harsh winters as those by the Baltic Sea, both sides suffered many losses due to disease, cold and hunger which had more devastating effects on the Swedish (about 35% of the total forces) as their supply lines were constantly threatened but the Polish also had many losses (25% of the forces).

At the end of January 1627, Oxenstierna, reinforced by fresh troops sent by Gustav II devised an offensive plan, a two-pronged attack on the Polish main base at Czarlin aimed to send the Polish in disarray and allow for the Siege of Gdansk to be renewed at full pace. The troops on both sides numbered the 15 000 to 17 000 but Gdansk alone had as many as 5 000, a situation that favored the Poles.

With the arrival of spring, the River Vistula started to unfreeze and the Polish Army started receiving more provisions than during the winter and this enabled Koniecpolski to become more aggressive and determined. His first victory was the recovery of Puck on April 2, 1627, a joint effort between the Army and the Navy. His forces later captured the colonels in charge of the western side of the two-pronged attack planned by Oxenstierna which invalidated it.

With the situation in the Empire mostly resolved and with the Polish leading a strong offensive, George William of Brandenburg-Prussia finally sent troops to help recover his Polish territories and prevent Sigismund III from confiscating Prussia. When Gustav II returned to Poland on May 18, he realized that a quick victory was impossible and he could very well, despite his reforms, lose the entire war.

Koniecpolski, however, struggled to maintain the discipline and cohesion of his troops when he started lacking the funds to pay them. Polish exports leaving from Gdansk, Konigsberg and Riga dropped, which not only weakened the country’s economy but also caused a significant increase in the prices of food and wood, important commodities for Portugal, England, France and the United Provinces who complained and demanded the situation the embargos to end at once.

Despite being overwhelmed by the numbers, the Polish Navy was able to inflict severe losses on its Swedish counterpart. Portuguese and Spanish training of the sailors was proving worthwhile, Luís de Almeida, future Count of Abrantes, sent to help the Polish Navy and Army wrote the following: “The Polish sailors are resourceful, they lack the numbers but I dare say they can outmatch five times their numbers. Had they had as many ships as we (the Portuguese) do, they could be at Stockholm by now.”

The Swedish, however, had one big advantage besides the quality of their troops and overall battle planning: a superiority in artillery and field guns, and this allowed them to waste less time in sieges and defend for longer because the Polish could not do the same. Taking advantage of this and the progressively worse economic situation of Poland-Lithuania, Gustav tried to resume the siege to Gdansk, crossing the Vistula at Kiezmark, located opposite to the rich Polish city. However, because the crossing was done at night, the Swedish boats started running into each other and this alarmed Gdansk’s defenses which opened fire and injured Gustav and Count Thurn, prompting them to call off the operation which was a total failure.

Somewhat desperate for results, Gustav pressed against Kiezmark’s defenses, forcing the defenders to escape and making Koniecpolski engage in a battle to prevent the Swedish from reaching Gdansk. It is to note that both commanders desired a major battle, Koniecpolski to reduce the Swedish’ strength which in turn would allow him to recover the remaining parts of Prussia and end the conflict in the area while as stated Gustav needed a victory to turn the tide of the war in his favor and he was afraid that further reinforcements could make the Poles simply too difficult to defeat.

Hussar_standing.jpg

Polish Hussars


Battle of Tczew/Dirschau:
The Polish Army numbered 9 000 men, 2 500 hussars and reiters, 2 200 Cossack and Nogai light cavalry units, 4 000 infantrymen and 300 artillery personnel and the Swedes were roughly the same size, 5 000 infantrymen and 4 000 on horse with artillery superiority. The Swedes also chose the field with a swamp with two levees passing through it which made cavalry maneuverability difficult putting the Polish at a disadvantage. Gustav planned to force the Poles to charge through the levee so that he could break them with his superior firepower.

It is said that while scouting the battlefield on August 7, Gustav II was ambushed by a Polish unit which chased him back to the Swedish camp and left him deeply worried. Deciding to spare no more time, the Swedish King ordered the Swedish Cavalry to charge at the pursuing unit which was of course forced to flee. Koniecpolski responded with a counterattack which ended the Swedish attack before it could gain momentum but the Polish commander was too cautious to press forward even when heavily criticized for it.

For a while, both armies were at a stalemate as neither was willing to engage the opponents so Koniecpolski, despite being criticized again, began pulling his forces back to his camp and this created an opportunity for the Swedish who engaged the withdrawing Polish cavalry which resulted in as many as 300 casualties for the now disorganize forces. Koniecpolski’s horse was wounded and captured by the Swedes, leading them to believe the Hetman had been killed which Gustav II intended to capitalize in a major assault to be made the following day, however, the Hetman had been saved by a group of his men.

On the morning of August 8, the Swedish troops began shelling the Polish positions putting them into further disarray. Gustav decided to scout the field again before the final assault but was once again spotted by the Poles and was wounded in the neck and the arm by their infantrymen which left him in a critical condition and his Commanders refused to commit to the assault when their King was at risk of dying. The Polish were not able to capitalize on this either, they had suffered plenty of casualties during the artillery barrage, but they had effectively won the battle. Small cavalry raids were conducted against the retreating Swedes with minimum gains.

Gustav’s wound was grim enough to make him be-abed until October and some of his fingers would forever remain paralyzed but he did acquire some positive results from the battle, his cavalry which he commanded to be more aggressive was able to withstand and even overpower the Polish Cavalry then hailed as the best of Europe. The King also experimented with success with the usage of smaller and more mobile artillery pieces and made the first steps to create the Brigade Unit.

For the Polish, this was a clear point in which they understood that the longer the wars against Sweden lasted, the harder it would be to defeat them. The Infantry was already a former shadow of the time of Zółkiewski’s campaigns in Hungary and Transylvania because the Crown lacked the means to properly train and maintain these troops despite Portuguese help and the Nobility not commanding the troops didn’t want the Crown to have a standing army. Most importantly, the Polish could not compete with the Swedish artillery at all.

All the while, the Portuguese under the command of Koniecpolski were making notes on the way both armies fought that they passed to the Ambassador. Miguel Drácula gained notoriety as a Hussar, accumulating experience in it which he later would use in Portugal’s favor during his uncommonly large lifespan.

Despite being at a quality disadvantage, the Polish were winning the war. Koniecpolski’s excessive caution while harmful in the sense that it prevented him from exploiting opportunities did allow him to conserve more troops. Once he recovered from his wound, Gustav once more handed over the command to Oxenstierna while he returned to Sweden on October 26.

The King felt discouraged by the failures and felt his forces were not yet strong enough to overpower the Commonwealth so he intended to withdraw from Prussia and join the war in the Empire. He offered the return of all the fortresses in Prussia and ceased operations in Livonia but for a high monetary compensation which he intended to use against the Emperor.

The Sejm surprised him by refusing to accept Gustav’s terms, adopting the resolution of continuing the war until the Swedish were completely driven out of the territories, including the previously lost ones in Dorpat and Parnau. Despite this resolution, no increase in funds, taxes or military reforms were passed which sabotaged the Commonwealth’s potential. Koniecpolski, who voted to continue the war was furious with the outcome and warned the other nobles of the danger of such a decision but the nobility’s differing interests meant his advice fell into deaf ears.

Sigismund equated requesting a loan either to Dutch or Italian bankers, to the Medici or John IV but hesitated as he did not want to owe money to foreigners in such quantities. By this point, a coalition of countries was forming against the Swedish campaign, it was composed of the English, Dutch and Portuguese, the first two refusing to loan money to Gustav to keep his war in Poland and demanding that he made peace so that the Baltic trade could flow. Gustav refused to comply, judging that the three countries lacked the means to demand him anything by force but the lack of financial assistance was problematic.


Battle of Oliwa:
With the arrival of autumn, most of the Swedish ships blocking Gdansk returned to Sweden leaving only 6 ships under Vice-Admiral Nils Stiernsköld and thus underestimating the Polish Navy. Polish Admiral Wilhelm Appelmann called a meeting with the local sea captains and managed to secure the support of Gdansk’s merchant fleet to break the blockade of the city. Unfortunately for him, he got sick and had to leave the command to someone else who the Royal Commissioners chose to be the Dutchman Arend Dickmann with the Portuguese Pedro Lopes acting as Vice-Admiral.

After another meeting to discuss the war plans, the Polish called for all the ships in Gdansk to join them. Dickmann sailed the Saint George, the flagship, and led a huge fleet of ships to meet the Swedish although only a small fraction of said ships were warships. Despite having a large contingent of troops in the ships Dickmann and Lopes agreed to keep their distance and shoot the Swedish as much as they could before forcing boarding operations.

The Swedes were caught off-guard by the sudden Polish attack and took considerable damage from the bombardments. Then the Polish divided into two and the two groups focused their attacks onto two ships, Dickmann was able to weaken and then capture the flagship Tigern while Lopes’ side hit the powder magazine of the Solen which made it explode and sink. The remaining Swedish ships fled the scene but the command structure was destroyed and they were pursued by the Polish who managed to damage the retreating ships making another one of them, the Pelikanen, sink.

Gdansk was temporarily free of the Swedish blockade and this allowed for a momentary boom in commerce. Dickmann, who almost died in the battle and Lopes were hailed as heroes by not only the city but by Sigismund himself who with his son were even more convinced of the need to increase their Navy’s size. Gustav II, however, could not comprehend how his fleet lost against merchants and a Navy that was as old as his son Charles Philip.

The Commonwealth’s Hetmans tried to reform the Army as much as possible taking measures such as increasing the firepower by enlisting musketeers and dragoons from the Empire taking advantage of the end of the hostilities there. Using his contacts with Alexander VI of Moldavia, Koniecpolski managed to recruit an extra 5 000 infantrymen paid by the Prince himself with some economic concessions promised in the long run. Even with a military budget of 1 500 000 Ducats, the reforms were insufficient to reduce the clear disadvantage in quantity and quality of artillery.

Upon the spring’s arrival, the Swedish Navy returned and resumed the blockade of the Polish ports with renewed vigor and more caution. The Polish Navy, outnumbered and outgunned once more, did not stay idle and resorted to corsair activities by praying isolated ships and moving along the coast to escape the pursuing squads. Exportations were interrupted once more and protests from other countries resumed...

By 1628, the Commonwealth had only 15 000 soldiers in Prussia, the same quantity that the Swedish had although a further 22 000 were being mobilized and concentrated in Swedish ports to be carried to the battlefront or garrison duty. A sizable part of these troops landed at Pillau on May 25 and made the Swedish Army almost twice as large as the Polish one.

Still wanting to control Gdansk, Gustav resorted once more to swaying it while also ravaging the countryside and causing as much destruction as he could to force Sigismund into the negotiation table. He also tried to incite the Cossacks to revolt again and make Russia and Crimea join his effort but none of them were very interested. Koniecpolski was facing riots of unpaid soldiers and made an appeal to his fellow nobles, on an extraordinary Sejm on June 27, for more funds and new taxes and increased ones were approved with the clergy agreeing to pay a small subsidy to face the heretics, all of which allowed the funds to increase and quell the revolts in the army.

The two armies engaged in minor skirmishes and guerrilla warfare similar to those already happening in Estonia as Koniecpolski faced with superior numbers refused to commit to a pitched battle, a strategy that annoyed Gustav II. Pressured, Gustav suddenly attacked the town of Brodnica which was quite far inland but this was a miscalculation on his part because the Polish immediately surrounded the town and the Swedish King was forced to abandon it as he risked being completely caught off from his supply chains.

Summing up, the Swedish were not capable of making any significant gains through 1628, losing as many as 5 000 men in the process. Their scorched earth policy turned against them because they could neither find quarters to rest in nor food. Koniecpolski’s strategy was working perfectly but the lack of funds still remained a big problem and soon the Hetman was trying to persuade Sigismund to contract loans otherwise they could not exploit the full length of his strategy.

However, some people were tired of the blockades that were damaging their economy and were set to change that...by force if need be...
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Battle of Oliwa

There aren't many changes worthy of note in this Update when compared to OTL though I cut off a chunk of it because I felt it would be better to place it on Philip I's reign. I'm also proud to say that I have everything written to end John IV's reign in June. I'm debating if I will make the initial post of Philip I's reign or not but we will see. Next week is a tour to Europe that ended up smaller than I anticipated because more and more countries are at war and I end up addressing in the war posts instead. Anyway, thank you for sparing time reading, I hope everyone has a nice day and stays safe.
 
I need to restart reading this TL, since my time was scarce, I had stopped. I've seen you have been publishing quite regularly. I must congratulate you for being consistent with updates to this TL. Keep working!
 
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