Blue Skies in Camelot (Continued): An Alternate 80s and Beyond

Notes on the Developing Sixth Party System ITTL
Hey all! Just figured I'd hop in and throw a couple of my thoughts vis a vis American politics leading up to 1980 ITTL. Maybe this can help provide some context to the upcoming presidential election, and show you where some of the fault lines (and thus, battle lines) are being drawn. This will in no way be comprehensive. There is a lot more that can and will be said about American politics in subsequent updates. I plan to cover the election (both the primaries and the general) in detail soon. But for now, here's a little taste...

s-l1200.webp

The Democrats
Essentially, the Democrats are working on solidifying an updated version of the New Deal Coalition that has formed the backbone of their party since 1932. Their coalition includes a number of distinct voting blocs, including:
  • Labor unions
  • Blue-collar workers
  • Racial and religious minorities (particularly Jews, Catholics, and African Americans)
  • Intellectuals & Academics
  • Rural white southerners
That said, the New Deal Coalition came under intense fire during the tumult of the 1960s and 70s. In particular, JFK's insistence on passing significant civil rights legislation (along with voting rights, housing rights, etc.) threatened to, in then-Vice President Lyndon Johnson's words, "cost the Democrats the South for a generation". This did seem to come to pass in 1968, when George Wallace's candidacy for the American Conservative Party swung the election to George Romney and the Republicans. However, the work of LBJ and other southern leaders including Terry Sanford of North Carolina and Reubin Askew of Florida, has resulted in the creation of a "new southern machine". Though by no means perfect, this machine is attempting to push liberal and especially African American turnout in the South to support Democratic candidates, keeping parts of the South viable in national and state elections.

Despite their best efforts, however, the party remains fairly big tent.

On the left, you have the liberal, "New Frontier" wing. Progressives by nature, these Democrats are generally dovish on foreign policy, support liberal stances socially, and move toward government interventionism and even social democracy economically. Mo Udall came from this wing of the party, as does leading 1980 candidate Robert F. Kennedy. Though his elder brother originally ran as something of a moderate in 1960, the Kennedy family have come to epitomize the liberal wing of their party, and now largely wear that label with pride. RFK's big strategy for 1980 is to expand the New Frontier coalition, adding and doubling down on previously disenfranchised groups including:
  • The rural poor of Appalachia and the Deep South
  • African Americans
  • Hispanic Americans ("Viva Kennedy!" will be a popular cry throughout the Southwest)
  • First Americans (previously known as "Natives" or "American Indians")
  • Members of the LGBT+ community
In a sense, RFK might be the perfect Democrat to do this. As despite his very liberal stances on most issues, his own personal devotion to Catholicism (he's intensely religious) and his personal moralism (there's a famous story about him insisting on two teenagers he caught smoking promising never to touch cigarettes again) make him somewhat palatable to more conservative, Christian voters. He can frame acceptance for previously ignored people through that lens, so long as he has a solid campaign behind him.

Then, on the right, you have the "Communitarian" wing of the party. Though they believe in progressive, even Keynesian economics, then tend to be socially conservative (though firmly supportive of civil rights), pro-life, and/or hawkish on foreign policy. This is the wing of the party that has managed to make in-roads throughout the South, and keeps the region in play nationally. Candidates from this wing of the party, such as Jimmy Carter, will try to build a big base of evangelical Christians. Keep in mind, thanks to the failure of Jerry Falwell to go big nationally ITTL, not all evangelicals lean toward the GOP.

Whomever the Democrats nominate in 1980, that person will need to try and placate both wings of the party, and convince the other side that they take their interests to heart. A possible running mate should, ideally, provide geographic as well as ideological balance.

s-l400.jpg

The Republicans
TTL's Republican Party, though also somewhat big tent, is starting to move toward a more unified direction after the 1978 midterms. Though they remain divided on social issues (in some cases, such as abortion, rather bitterly), the party is trending in a pretty conservative direction economically. Their constituents largely consist of:
  • Suburbanites​
  • Middle, Upper-Middle, and Upper Class voters​
  • WASPS (White, Anglo-Saxon Protestants)​
  • The above is frequently also used to describe German, Dutch, and other White, Protestant voters​
  • White-collar workers and business owners​
As you can see, the GOP find themselves in a bit of a bind when it comes to demographics. Though in 1980, the majority of Americans are still white and Protestant, the relative share of the population that those groups consist of diminishes bit by bit each year. Party leaders are well aware of this issue. George Romney won the White House in 1968 only because of the ACP and Wallace's candidacy. He didn't even win the popular vote. Then, George Bush only won a term of his own in '72, it is widely believed, thanks to a wave of public sympathy and a need for continuity after Romney's assassination by Arthur Bremer. As William F. Buckley and the other intellectual leaders of the GOP have been banging on about for years, there is a real need to find a new tact for building a workable coalition.

While in 1978, the party was able to unify around inflation as their winning issue, they don't believe that they can run a single-issue campaign for president. Thus, they need to try and pick a group to appeal to. The big question for 1980 is... whom?

Ronald Reagan, the frontrunner for the GOP nomination, wants to run a "bread and butter" campaign on "pocketbook" issues: inflation; taxes; wasteful government spending. Not only is this right up his very conservative alley, but he believes (perhaps correctly) that such a move could appeal to the Democrats' working class base. After all, Reagan reasons, who is more hurt by inflation and a high tax burden than the working class? If Reagan is the nominee, expect the Republican campaign to target labor unions and blue-collar workers, especially in the Midwest, which is especially feeling the pain of stagflation, and is rich in electoral votes. This ideology - "neoliberalism" - is fast becoming the GOP's primary unifying framework.

Dole and most of the other candidates wish to adopt a similar strategy, as they felt it was successful in 1978. They all have their pet causes or issues, but most feel that they're essentially copying Reagan's homework.

On the other hand... there is Richard Nixon.

The former vice president and secretary of state is keenly aware that despite the years of progress on the issues of race relations, there is still a large swath of the country (particularly the rural South), where poor and working class Whites are deeply bitter and resentful to the Democratic Party for "betraying them" on civil rights and desegregation. Though it failed him in 1968, Nixon still believes that his "Southern Strategy" could be the key to splitting the Democratic coalition once and for all. He wants to run a "law and order"-themed campaign, attacking the "decay of moral authority" in America, to try and employ some Romney-esque rhetoric to help mask racial dog whistles.

Ultimately, which appeal with unite the Republican Party in 1980? Neoliberalism or social conservatism?
 
Great explaination. Very interesting. Nixon can try and run but I still think at the end of the day I still think it's gonna be Reagan who's gonna be the nominee for the Republicans
 
Great explaination. Very interesting. Nixon can try and run but I still think at the end of the day I still think it's gonna be Reagan who's gonna be the nominee for the Republicans
Thank you :) Reagan has every advantage going into this race. He's got the name recognition. He's got the support of Buckley, The National Review, and the party establishment (a rare combination indeed), and he has a winning message. I know some folks were throwing around slogans. ITTL, Reagan could very well go with his old "Let's Make America Great Again!" from OTL. That's essentially the theme he's running on. Though he doesn't have as much of an "outsider" appeal as he did IOTL, he also doesn't really need that here. Without Watergate and Vietnam/Cambodia being much different, that isn't as necessary.
 
Knowing both them it probably be something more apocalyptic
Hey all! Just figured I'd hop in and throw a couple of my thoughts vis a vis American politics leading up to 1980 ITTL. Maybe this can help provide some context to the upcoming presidential election, and show you where some of the fault lines (and thus, battle lines) are being drawn. This will in no way be comprehensive. There is a lot more that can and will be said about American politics in subsequent updates. I plan to cover the election (both the primaries and the general) in detail soon. But for now, here's a little taste...

s-l1200.webp

The Democrats
Essentially, the Democrats are working on solidifying an updated version of the New Deal Coalition that has formed the backbone of their party since 1932. Their coalition includes a number of distinct voting blocs, including:
  • Labor unions
  • Blue-collar workers
  • Racial and religious minorities (particularly Jews, Catholics, and African Americans)
  • Intellectuals & Academics
  • Rural white southerners
That said, the New Deal Coalition came under intense fire during the tumult of the 1960s and 70s. In particular, JFK's insistence on passing significant civil rights legislation (along with voting rights, housing rights, etc.) threatened to, in then-Vice President Lyndon Johnson's words, "cost the Democrats the South for a generation". This did seem to come to pass in 1968, when George Wallace's candidacy for the American Conservative Party swung the election to George Romney and the Republicans. However, the work of LBJ and other southern leaders including Terry Sanford of North Carolina and Reubin Askew of Florida, has resulted in the creation of a "new southern machine". Though by no means perfect, this machine is attempting to push liberal and especially African American turnout in the South to support Democratic candidates, keeping parts of the South viable in national and state elections.

Despite their best efforts, however, the party remains fairly big tent.

On the left, you have the liberal, "New Frontier" wing. Progressives by nature, these Democrats are generally dovish on foreign policy, support liberal stances socially, and move toward government interventionism and even social democracy economically. Mo Udall came from this wing of the party, as does leading 1980 candidate Robert F. Kennedy. Though his elder brother originally ran as something of a moderate in 1960, the Kennedy family have come to epitomize the liberal wing of their party, and now largely wear that label with pride. RFK's big strategy for 1980 is to expand the New Frontier coalition, adding and doubling down on previously disenfranchised groups including:
  • The rural poor of Appalachia and the Deep South
  • African Americans
  • Hispanic Americans ("Viva Kennedy!" will be a popular cry throughout the Southwest)
  • First Americans (previously known as "Natives" or "American Indians")
  • Members of the LGBT+ community
In a sense, RFK might be the perfect Democrat to do this. As despite his very liberal stances on most issues, his own personal devotion to Catholicism (he's intensely religious) and his personal moralism (there's a famous story about him insisting on two teenagers he caught smoking promising never to touch cigarettes again) make him somewhat palatable to more conservative, Christian voters. He can frame acceptance for previously ignored people through that lens, so long as he has a solid campaign behind him.

Then, on the right, you have the "Communitarian" wing of the party. Though they believe in progressive, even Keynesian economics, then tend to be socially conservative (though firmly supportive of civil rights), pro-life, and/or hawkish on foreign policy. This is the wing of the party that has managed to make in-roads throughout the South, and keeps the region in play nationally. Candidates from this wing of the party, such as Jimmy Carter, will try to build a big base of evangelical Christians. Keep in mind, thanks to the failure of Jerry Falwell to go big nationally ITTL, not all evangelicals lean toward the GOP.

Whomever the Democrats nominate in 1980, that person will need to try and placate both wings of the party, and convince the other side that they take their interests to heart. A possible running mate should, ideally, provide geographic as well as ideological balance.

s-l400.jpg

The Republicans
TTL's Republican Party, though also somewhat big tent, is starting to move toward a more unified direction after the 1978 midterms. Though they remain divided on social issues (in some cases, such as abortion, rather bitterly), the party is trending in a pretty conservative direction economically. Their constituents largely consist of:
  • Suburbanites​
  • Middle, Upper-Middle, and Upper Class voters​
  • WASPS (White, Anglo-Saxon Protestants)​
  • The above is frequently also used to describe German, Dutch, and other White, Protestant voters​
  • White-collar workers and business owners​
As you can see, the GOP find themselves in a bit of a bind when it comes to demographics. Though in 1980, the majority of Americans are still white and Protestant, the relative share of the population that those groups consist of diminishes bit by bit each year. Party leaders are well aware of this issue. George Romney won the White House in 1968 only because of the ACP and Wallace's candidacy. He didn't even win the popular vote. Then, George Bush only won a term of his own in '72, it is widely believed, thanks to a wave of public sympathy and a need for continuity after Romney's assassination by Arthur Bremer. As William F. Buckley and the other intellectual leaders of the GOP have been banging on about for years, there is a real need to find a new tact for building a workable coalition.

While in 1978, the party was able to unify around inflation as their winning issue, they don't believe that they can run a single-issue campaign for president. Thus, they need to try and pick a group to appeal to. The big question for 1980 is... whom?

Ronald Reagan, the frontrunner for the GOP nomination, wants to run a "bread and butter" campaign on "pocketbook" issues: inflation; taxes; wasteful government spending. Not only is this right up his very conservative alley, but he believes (perhaps correctly) that such a move could appeal to the Democrats' working class base. After all, Reagan reasons, who is more hurt by inflation and a high tax burden than the working class? If Reagan is the nominee, expect the Republican campaign to target labor unions and blue-collar workers, especially in the Midwest, which is especially feeling the pain of stagflation, and is rich in electoral votes. This ideology - "neoliberalism" - is fast becoming the GOP's primary unifying framework.

Dole and most of the other candidates wish to adopt a similar strategy, as they felt it was successful in 1978. They all have their pet causes or issues, but most feel that they're essentially copying Reagan's homework.

On the other hand... there is Richard Nixon.

The former vice president and secretary of state is keenly aware that despite the years of progress on the issues of race relations, there is still a large swath of the country (particularly the rural South), where poor and working class Whites are deeply bitter and resentful to the Democratic Party for "betraying them" on civil rights and desegregation. Though it failed him in 1968, Nixon still believes that his "Southern Strategy" could be the key to splitting the Democratic coalition once and for all. He wants to run a "law and order"-themed campaign, attacking the "decay of moral authority" in America, to try and employ some Romney-esque rhetoric to help mask racial dog whistles.

Ultimately, which appeal with unite the Republican Party in 1980? Neoliberalism or social conservatism?
Fantastic Update. RFK all the way! With Maybe a place for Muskie? Pretty please President Lincoln’s he‘s like one of my favorite politicians. I’d settle for HUD secretary of Treasury Secretary or something
 
Thank you :) Reagan has every advantage going into this race. He's got the name recognition. He's got the support of Buckley, The National Review, and the party establishment (a rare combination indeed), and he has a winning message. I know some folks were throwing around slogans. ITTL, Reagan could very well go with his old "Let's Make America Great Again!" from OTL. That's essentially the theme he's running on. Though he doesn't have as much of an "outsider" appeal as he did IOTL, he also doesn't really need that here. Without Watergate and Vietnam/Cambodia being much different, that isn't as necessary.
Well at least it'll give RFK the chance to say "Mr.Reagan America is already great."
 
Fantastic Update. RFK all the way! With Maybe a place for Muskie? Pretty please President Lincoln’s he‘s like one of my favorite politicians. I’d settle for HUD secretary of Treasury Secretary or something
He was a foreign policy expert I believe so he could do state although he might be too conservative there for Kennedy but Hud or Treasury would work
 
He was a foreign policy expert I believe so he could do state although he might be too conservative there for Kennedy but Hud or Treasury would work
I really like Muskie IRL but more importantly he needs some narrative payoff. As I said before he was such a prominent character in the 1972 Dem Primaries, got an origin chapter, etc. However since then he’s really fallen into the background. Now I know this TL has so many compelling characters and story lines but I really think Muskie deserves some type of narrative resolution.
 
I really like Muskie IRL but more importantly he needs some narrative payoff. As I said before he was such a prominent character in the 1972 Dem Primaries, got an origin chapter, etc. However since then he’s really fallen into the background. Now I know this TL has so many compelling characters and story lines but I really think Muskie deserves some type of narrative resolution.
I agree he really did play a part and he deserves some type of payoff however it happens
 
I really like Muskie IRL but more importantly he needs some narrative payoff. As I said before he was such a prominent character in the 1972 Dem Primaries, got an origin chapter, etc. However since then he’s really fallen into the background. Now I know this TL has so many compelling characters and story lines but I really think Muskie deserves some type of narrative resolution.

I agree he really did play a part and he deserves some type of payoff however it happens
Totally a fair point. :) I admit to being rather fond of Muskie myself. If I can, I'd be happy to give him some kind of narrative payoff! I agree that he would be an absolute asset to any 1980s Democratic administration.
 
Agreed in regards to Muskie as part of a likely RFK cabinet, and Reagan vs Kennedy as the likely match-up. Should RFK win, Carter at either State or Energy. Not sure on possible cabinet ideas for Reagan, should he win the election.
 
Top