Blue Skies in Camelot (Continued): An Alternate 80s and Beyond

Act III (Continued)
  • Blue Skies in Camelot: An Alternate 60s and Beyond

    Act III: Progress & Prosperity
    (Con't)


    “Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.” - Senator Robert F. Kennedy, in his acceptance speech at the 1980 Democratic National Convention in New York City.


    "There are no easy answers, but there are simple ones. We must have the courage to do what we know is morally right.” - Former Vice President Ronald Reagan, in his acceptance speech at the 1980 Republican National Convention in Detroit.


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    “If what you have done yesterday still looks big to you, you haven't done much today.” - Mikhail Gorbachev, First Secretary Communist Party of the Soviet Union


    "God has more important things to worry about than who I sleep with. - Cyndi Lauper, American Pop Superstar and LGBT+ Rights Advocate


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    "Someday we'll find it/ The rainbow connection/ The Lovers, the Dreamers, and me" - Kermit the Frog, "The Rainbow Connection" from The Muppet Movie (1979)


    "Back off man, I'm a scientist." - John Belushi as Dr. Peter Venkman in Ghostbusters (1984).


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    ...
    Hello everyone!

    Welcome to this continuation of Blue Skies in Camelot: An Alternate 60s and Beyond! As promised, this thread will serve as the TL's ongoing "home" as we move forward into 1979 and points thereafter. The next full update, Chapter 121, should go live before the end of the week. Feel free to continue commenting and discussing, asking questions, making suggestions, and so on.

    If anyone is just tuning in, or needs to catch up on what happened in the 17 years or so since Ms. Marilyn Monroe survived her tragic near-miss with death, feel free to check out the original thread HERE.

    As always, thank you all for your readership and interest. It does my heart tremendous good knowing that there are others out there who are interested in this little thought experiment of mine.

    All the best,
    President_Lincoln
     
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    007 and Assorted Tidbits
  • Merry Christmas, everyone! :D Happy Holidays to all! Thank you for your patience in waiting for a response. The holidays have kept me busy over the last few days.

    I also want to ask on Professor Stephen Hawking, what is he doing ITTL other than making A Brief History of Time?

    Largely following his OTL career path. :) Dr. Hawking, as in OTL, is frequently interviewed by the press due to his knowledge on Black Holes and physics at large, which are beginning to gain mainstream public interest. He is also a guest lecturer at universities the world over.

    Wonderful Afternoon Geniuses! Forgive me for asking more questions due to my curiosity and critical thinking:

    1. How's Disney doing at this point in time? Are they having more success ITTL than IOTL?
    2. Did Sean Connery ended his time as James Bond before the 70's and is he having a successful career during the 70's? Who's his successor and current actor playing James Bond ITTL?
    3. Will gymnast Nadia Comaneci have a healthier and successful career ITTL?
    4. Is video games and arcades in its infancy or growing?
    5. Would The Midnight Special and Tomorrow With Tom Snyder on NBC will continue in the 80's?
    6. Is Walter Cronkite of The CBS Evening News still gonna retire or continue throughout the 80's?
    7. What's going on with Playboy Magazine and Hugh Hefner ITTL?
    8. Is Frank Sinatra not going to make any movies and continue his music career?
    9. Would Microsoft and Apple be more successful in the 80's?
    10. Is Scientology ended at this time? If it is, John Travolta and Tom Cruise will be in better place ITTL.
    11. Where is Bruce Lee at this time? Did he took a break from acting after Enter The Dragon? Are we going to see him in a drama movie besides doing action movies? Dramatic-Philosophical movie? Now that's something we don't see everyday. What would happen to Jackie Chan's career now that Bruce Lee survived from his near-death experience?
    12. Would Francis Coppola and Mario Puzo going to make The Godfather III in 1979 or in the 80's? If so, is there gonna be big changes than IOTL?
    13. Will there won't be Kennedy Center Honors now that President Kennedy survive?
    14. Does Bill Clinton marries Raquel Welch ITTL?
    15. Where's Yuri Gagarin ITTL after US-Soviet Moon Landing in 1969, up to this time in 1979?
    16. Where's Jay Leno and David Letterman ITTL? I know they're having a debut stand-up comedy routine in The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. Hope that Carson be the host of The Academy Awards throughout the 80's and ended his 30-year reign on the same day he started the show in 1962, October 1, 1992. And David Letterman became his successor from 1992-2012, then Conan O' Brien from 2012-2022. Carson, Letterman, and O' Brien is like would I call "The Iconic Trio" or "The Holy Trinity" of Late Night.

    Lightning Round, Part II:

    1. As per OTL, Walt Disney passed away on December 15th, 1966 of circulatory collapse brought on by lung cancer. Walt's brother, Roy, ran the company until he passed away in December of 1971. Since then, the company reins were handed to Donn Tatum, who became CEO until 1976, and Chairman of the Board until 1980. Tatum, Frank Wells, and Ron Miller are currently calling the shots at the House of Mouse as of 1979. I would like to report changes on Disney's fortunes ITTL, but a lot of these specific events seem pretty set in stone following Walt and later, Roy O.'s passing. Roy E. Disney still resigns his executive position in 1977 over disagreements on the company's direction, but he will play a role in the company's future. Stay tuned!

    2. As port OTL, Sean Connery finished out the role of James Bond with Diamonds are Forever in 1971. His successor as 007 was British actor Julian Glover, who first starred in Live and Let Die (1973) alongside Diana Ross as Solitaire. Glover's portrayal was met with positive reviews by critics. The same could not be said for the follow up, 1974's The Man with the Golden Gun. Not even Jack Palance's well-received turn as Francisco Scaramanga could save this latter film from being panned. Its comedic stylings and uneven performances were largely blamed for its lack of success. Finally, 1977's Tremor of Intent (penned by Anthony Burgess and based on his novel of the same name) was seen as a set back in the right direction for the franchise. Intent featured Glover's Bond fighting the criminal organization CHAOS in Singapore, and thwarting a plot to assassinate Queen Elizabeth II by a bombing of the Sydney Opera House. Though Tremor of Intent completed Julian Glover's three picture deal with Eon Productions, he has been tapped once again to star in the upcoming 1979 flick Moonraker.

    3.
    I certainly think this could be possible. :)

    4. Definitely a growing industry, but still largely arcade based. The video game industry will receive another update in time.

    5. From what I understand of Saturday Night Special's cancellation, I think the butterfly wings of SNL performing better ITTL might help save the previous show from cancellation for a bit. As for Snyder's show Tomorrow, it's possible. I think his feud with co-host Barrett was a major driver for her departure and the show's demise shortly thereafter. Would be glad to be corrected if I am wrong, however.

    6. Walter Cronkite, the "most trusted man in America" certainly earned his retirement by 1981. ITTL, he will still retire and be succeeded at the desk by 49 year old Dan Rather.

    7. I believe I covered this a bit during the recent chapter "How Deep is Your Love". Feel free to refer back to it. But in brief, they're largely following their OTL path here.

    8. By the late 70s, Sinatra's voice was becoming, according to contemporaries: "coarsened... darker, tougher, loamier... [it] sometimes cracked during performances..." He continues to perform on occasion, including a well-received residence in Las Vegas as per OTL, but by this time in his life, his career, both in music and in movies, is very much winding down.

    9. ITTL, Apple doesn't exist. Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak are working with engineers at Xerox to develop personal computers in their Palo Alto, California workshop. The "X-1" computer (think TTL's Apple 1) will blow up personal computing in the early 80s. It will be Xerox, however, not Apple, who leads the pack. Microsoft is, so far, following its OTL path.

    10. Yes. As covered in a previous update, Scientology increasingly fades into irrelevancy ITTL. By TTL 2022, the movement is down to fewer than 10,000 adherents. I can confirm that neither Cruise nor Travolta will become Scientologists ITTL.

    11. Bruce Lee surviving ITTL means that he has become an absolute superstar by 1979. After Enter the Dragon, Lee did take a brief break from acting. He has now returned however, and while martial arts movies are still his primary focus, he is beginning to branch out and take on more dramatic roles where he can get them. Lee's stardom, along with George Takei's on television is definitely helping Asian-Americans find more representation in mass media. I don't see why Jackie Chan's career would be hurt by Lee's survival, per say. If anything, I feel like increased popularity for martial arts films as a genre can only help Chan's burgeoning career.

    12. Yes and yes. Details coming soon!

    13. The Kennedy Center is still called the Kennedy Center ITTL. The Kennedy Administration's dedications to Federal Arts programs still lead his name to be chosen for the Honors and so on.

    14. Yes. Please refer back to that update for details. I would like to check back in with "Slick Billy" Clinton soon, though.

    15. After leading the Apollo-Svarog missions for the Soviet Space Program, Yuri Gagarin would remain active in helping to shape Soviet space policy. Alongside his close friend, Valentina Tereshkova. As of 1979, he and his wife, Valentina Ivanova Gagarina still live and work in Moscow.

    16. That would make for some pretty stellar bookends! We'll see if things line up nearly so nicely. :) Leno just made his first appearance on The Tonight Show in 1977. Letterman is about to have his big break as well.

    Also, since India is IBSicTL US and UK's ally. How will Bollywood fare compare to OTL? Is there going to be like an Indian invasion of content like the Korean Wave IOTL?

    I see that being a distinct possibility! Not sure when the timing of that would happen. But expect it sometime in the next few decades. I feel like increased closeness between the "West" (US/UK) and India could lead to interesting crossover between Hollywood and Bollywood, as well as provide the latter with bigger distribution markets. Would love to hear some ideas and feedback on this.

    About the death of disco, if it just fades out rather than experience a violent backlash, the genre might evolve along similar lines in the US, as it did in Europe, eventually influencing early/mid-1990s dance music - whether that's a bad thing or a good thing, that depends on your tolerance level for cheesy pop music, I guess. :p

    I also see this as a likely outcome. Future development of pop music is definitely something I plan to cover.

    What’s going on with these people as of right now ITTL, Mr. President?


    Lightning Round 2.5?

    Carol Bellamy - Currently serving as President of the New York City Council (As per OTL)

    Jimmy McMillan III - A veteran of the Cambodian Conflict ITTL, McMillan is currently finding work as an R&B musical artist in New York City.

    Charlotte Pritt - Working as a high school English Teacher in her native West Virginia

    Paul Wellstone - Working as a tenure-track professor at Carleton College in Northfield, Minnesota. He's also getting involved in activism and local campaigns. Expect big things from him ITTL.

    Lee Iacocca - Has just switched over from Ford to Chrysler, as per OTL. His work in Detroit sees him frequently rub noses (and form a friendly rivalry) with American Motors' young CEO, Mitt Romney.

    Kelsey Grammer -Just finished up his studies at Julliard. Currently working a three year internship with the Old Globe Theater in San Diego, California.

    Mike Pence - Attending Hanover College in his native Indiana. A conservative, communitarian, Catholic Democrat, Pence plans to attend law school after he graduates.


    I know I've already made two requests for this timeline, but this'll probably be the last one for a while: can we also have it so Bruce Campbell has a better career ITTL?
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    Absolutely. The King of B-Movies is a personal favorite of mine. Expect to see him covered extensively ITTL.
     
    More Answers to More Inquiries
  • @President_Lincoln if you don't mind I would like to ask you several questions regarding TTL:

    1. What's going on in Italy right now? If I understood it correctly "Socialisti Uniti" is not a single party but a federative political movement like OTL Left Front in France and United Left in Spain that consists of the PSI, the PCI, the Proletarian Unity Party, and maybe even the Proletarian Democracy Party. On the other side, there are the DC, PSDI, PRI, and PLI while the MSI remains outside the government. Who has been the prime minister until now in TTL? Have there been any moves towards a presidential system or something else to stabilize the country?

    2. What's going on in the South China Sea? Did China occupy the Paracel islands in 1974 like in OTL or not? What's the stance of the US government?

    3. Did the OTL 1969 Libyan Coup d'etat happen or not? If not how is the monarchy doing?

    4. How is the Afghanistan war going? I suspect a little bit better thanks to Soviet-aligned Pakistan. Have there been air battles between the USSR and Iran like OTL USSR- Pakistan skirmishes?

    5. How close is the USSR-Pakistani relationship? I imagine something like Pakistani Mig-21s, Mig-25s, and later Mig-29s against Indian F-4Ss, F-5s, and later F-16s in the air; t-62s and t-72s on the ground and Foxtrot-class and later Kilo-class submarines and Koni-class frigates for the navy. Maybe even some pipeline projects. Am I going too far or is it a reasonable assumption?

    6. Did the different working conditions in the USSR lead to a better RBMK reactor design(the one that exploded in Chernobyl) or did it remain like in OTL? What about the three-mile island power station?

    1. The following is a list of Italy's Prime Ministers ITTL (1962 - Present [1979])
    Amintore Fanfani (DC) Feb. 1962 - June 1963
    Giovanni Leone (DC) June 1963 - December 1963
    Aldo Moro (DC) December 1963 - June 1968
    Giovanni Leone (DC) June 1968 - December 1968
    Mariano Rumor (DC) December 1968 - August 1970
    Emilio Colombo (DC) August 1970 - February 1972
    Giulio Andreotti (DC) February 1972 - July 1973
    Mariano Rumor (DC) July 1973 - November 1974
    Aldo Moro (DC) November 1974 - Present [Jan. 1979]


    The biggest change for Italy from OTL is that following the "Historic Compromise" brokered by Aldo Moro and the country's communist party, the Kennedy Doctrine meant that the United States endorsed his coalition government, made up of his own Christian Democrats and with broad support from across the country's left and center wings. Now in his second premiership, Moro, widely seen as one of the greatest leaders in modern Italian history, is leading efforts at reform. His long tenure in Rome has also had the added benefit of bringing a great deal of stability to the country. Only time will tell if his unique coalition holds, of course. But his personal popularity and strong legislative acumen have gone a long way.

    2. Yes. In January of 1974, the People's Republic of China invaded the Paracel Islands, engaging the naval forces of the Republic of Vietnam in a brief, but decisive battle. In its aftermath, the PRC took full control of the islands. Though the USA condemned the invasion, it offered no meaningful support to Vietnam in the islands' defense. Most in the US State Department saw the islands as a "small price to pay" for opening relations with China, a major goal of the Bush Administration's foreign policy.

    3. Yes. Gaddafi and his supporters still rise to power in Libya. Many of the causes of that coup go back to before our POD.

    4. Correct here as well. With Pakistani support, the invasion of Afghanistan is progressing faster and with more immediate success than IOTL. One of Pakistan's war goals is the creation of "Pashtunistan", a Pashtun-majority state out of the southern regions of Afghanistan. This would provide a nation-state for ethnic Pashtuns seeking a home away from mistreatment or discrimination elsewhere. It would also provide a puppet-state and buffer for Pakistan. For the Soviets, propping up a communist regime in Kabul has always been and remains, the primary purpose of their occupation of the country. TTL still sees a version of the Mujahedeen rise to oppose them. Insurgency continues to plague Soviet troops stationed in the country.

    5. These are all reasonable assumptions. Given that Pakistan has aligned itself with the USSR and India with the United States, it only makes sense that each side would purchase/receive military equipment from their respective superpower ally.

    6. I will cover both of these incidents (or lack thereof!) in future updates. :)

    I do have a couple of questions on a few figures from OTL:

    1. Bernie Sanders: As you did say he won the Mayoralship in 76/77 is he planning to run for re-election or jockey for the House seat in 80? And how has his mayoralship gone?

    2. Has Frank Church entered the Senate or has his cancer struck early?

    Now on the general politics:

    How has Johnsons machine gone with George Wallace left to head it? And how has he worked with Evers?

    1. Mayor Bernie is planning on running for a second term as Mayor. As per OTL, he is shocking his detractors by becoming one of America's most popular (and dare I say finest) mayors. Burlington is becoming a more liveable and more equitable city thanks to his efforts.

    2. Frank Church is currently serving as a U.S. Senator for the state of Idaho.

    3. Johnson's "New Southern Machine" has flourished and matured, even in the aftermath of LBJ's passing. While Wallace did become a part of the machine after rejoining the Democratic Party, he was never allowed to get close to the role of "party leader". Instead, Johnson groomed Russell B. Long (D - LA) to take his place in the Senate. And he saw in Jimmy Carter, then Governor of Georgia, another kindred spirit who could help lead the Southern Democrats into the future. By 1979 the Southern-wing makes up a large chunk of the Democrats' "communitarian" wing. These communitarians are moderate to conservative on social issues such as busing and abortion, but liberal on economic issues. In general, this coalition of working class southerners (both white and black) is possible due to the influence of evangelicals (whose support is split pretty evenly between the parties ITTL) and by the "big tent" nature of both parties, nationally. Senator-Elect Evers (D - MS) was able to get elected, even as an African-American Democrat in Mississippi because he is a member of this wing of the party.

    Nice to see this timeline is back! Been reading through it since April/May of this year after hearing about it in AltHistHub's iceberg video. It's a really well made alternate history piece! I know a lot of people are asking ya questions about it, so I'll keep my own questions brief:

    1. Obviously Sir Alec Guinness plays the Third Doctor instead of Jon Pertwee and Tom Baker plays the Fourth (like IOTL,) but who plays the First and Second Doctors? Is it still Bill Hartnell and Patrick Troughton or someone else?
    2. Also, I'm wondering if that "Doctor Who Meets Scratchman" movie pitch Tom Baker made will end up going anywhere in TTL. I think it might have a somewhat better chance thanks to Star Wars and Star Trek doing better but it really just depends on if they get backing from a Hollywood studio.
    3. How's the Betamax vs. VHS format war playing out? I remember Betamax being mentioned in one of the Pop Culture posts but I don't know if VHS was.
    4. Oh, just one more thing... how's Columbo doing? I think we're already past it's original cancelation in 1978 from OTL so I was just wondering.

    1. Yep! I will be sure to update you all on any further Doctors as the TL continues. ;)

    2. Certainly! With Fox controlling Star Wars and Paramount owning Star Trek for film, that left Tom Baker and Ian Marter with a few other studios that could reasonably have a shot at pulling off their own Sci-Fi flick.

    After finishing their script and winning the approval of BBC Enterprises in October 1975, the creative team for Doctor Who Meets Scratchman then began to shop the project around to different studios. They managed to talk horror icon Vincent Price into playing the film's eponymous villain, which would serve as a draw for American audiences largely unfamiliar with the Doctor and the TARDIS. Thanks to the Price connection, and following the massive, utterly unexpected success of Star Wars for Fox, Baker and Marter managed to secure the backing of Walt Disney Productions early in 1978. Douglas Trumbull, who previously helmed Silent Running for Universal back in 1972, and had worked special effects on numerous films, including 2001: A Space Odyssey, was hired to direct. Filming began in Scotland that spring, with a release date scheduled for Labor Day 1979. In addition to the primary plot with Scratchman, the film would also feature appearances by the Daleks and the Cybermen.

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    3. The Betamax vs. VHS war is largely avoided ITTL, as JVC felt that their own creation, the VHS, was unlikely to compete effectively with Betamax given VHS' technical limitations. As the 1970s give way to the 80s, Betamax (and therefore Sony) will come to dominate the home video market. As the technology improves, so too will the tapes' capacity - meaning they can hold longer recordings and so on. Home video releases ITTL will also have higher resolution, better clarity, etc. On the other hand, video cassettes will be more expensive for the consumer. Make of that what you will. :)

    4. Columbo largely followed its OTL path here. 1978 saw it finish its run on NBC.

    For Star Wars I can think of a few things; since Tom Sellack is Indy Harrison is less reluctant to return to Han Solo (which means Howard Kazanjian doesn't have to use chicanery to get him to come back).

    I also have a few suggestions for Return of the Jedi

    1.) Vader's internal torment is more apparent; when he and Palpatine are talking Palpatine mockingly asks is his commitment is wavering, prompting Vader to shout "I gave EVERYTHING for the cause! Everything I ever loved!" It's made clear that when Luke successfully defied Vader at Bespin it badly rattled him; Luke's ability to resist the Dark Side's lure despite his situation reminded Vader just what it meant to truly be a Jedi, which in turn causes him to start acknowledging doubts that he previously hadn't. Lee's performance as Vader in this sequence is well received.

    2.) This is pure speculation but I'm wondering if Lucas could have a near miss with death right after ESB is released; while he's recovering in the hospital he has time to decompress and think things through. It also encourages him and Marcia to give things more of a try; while it still doesn't save the marriage the divorce is somewhat more amicable than it was in OTL. The closeness with death also gives Harrison Ford and others a hook to argue a way to kill Han off; it can show kids how fragile life truly is, something that ultimately helps persuade Lucas. Han dies pushing Leia out of the way of a blaster bolt meant for Leia, completing his transformation from selfish rogue to selfless hero.

    3.) ROTJ has Wookies instead of Ewoks, because Wookies are cooler.

    Excellent suggestions! I will definitely be taking notes on these, m'lord. :D

    Wait is one of my favorite TLs back

    Hold on...
    *stares closely*

    Dec 19, 2022

    On my birthday as well?! Why! Thank you!
    Im so excited to binge this again

    Thank you! Glad to be posting again. :)

    I have some questions to asked genius:
    1. Would Kate Bush's music career going to be more successful ITTL? If it is, the 80's would flourish her career even further.
    2. Is John Cazale still gonna be dead ITTL or did he survive from his sickness and continue having an incredible film career? Is he going to marry Meryl Streep ITTL or someone else?
    3. What would happen to Betamax, 8 Track, VCR, and Laserdisc ITTL? Are they all going to be more successful than it was IOTL?
    4. What's going on with Donald Trump, his father, and their business empire in New York? Would they failed to succeed ITTL?
    5. Is North Vietnam finally defeated ITTL and are they going to be absorbed by the government of South Vietnam?
    6. Will PanAm going to be a successful airline ITTL than it was IOTL?
    7. Will Lord Mountbatten gonna live beyond 1979 ITTL because he died that year IOTL? If he lives, what would happen now to Prince Charles because they have close bonds in the Royal Family?
    8. What's going on to Jerry Falwell, Billy Graham, and other evangelists? Did they finally failed for their conservative cause ITTL?
    9. What's gonna happen to terrorism in the Middle East ITTL? Would they be a failure with their causes they're fighting for?
    10. Would the Bee Gees still going to do Music for UNICEF like IOTL? Because their charitable act and advocacy for children really is a strong move at the height of their popularity.
    1. Stay tuned! I will say, I am a fan of Ms. Bush and her work.

    2. Unfortunately, given his history of chain smoking, I don't believe that Cazale will live much longer here than he did IOTL. His loss was a great one. But I don't see a way I could prevent it.

    3. Will try to answer more format questions in an upcoming update. As mentioned above, Betamax will beat out VHS ITTL.

    4. To be brief, Donald Trump and his father are (thus far) largely following their OTL paths. After running into trouble with the Justice Department for violations of the Civil Rights Act of 1968, their organization was forced to pay a hefty fine to the Federal government and amend their frankly racist renting practices. We will check in with both of them again soon.

    5. North and South Vietnam were peacefully rejoined via popular referendum a few years back. The successful reunification has been held up as vindication of President John F. Kennedy's policies in the region ITTL.

    6. Possibly! Stay tuned.

    7. I will definitely cover this this year.

    8. ITTL, due to his association with the ill-fated American Conservative Party, Rev. Falwell has largely fallen out of the political limelight. He still has his allies, of course, but he's much less public in his support these days. Most leaders in Washington don't want to publicly associate with the "the guy who supported the Nazi in Congress (George Lincoln Rockwell)". Billy Graham, on the other hand, has remained influential. He retains the ears of many powerful figures in America. President Udall, who is a largely secular man, is not among them, much to Graham's chagrin. Graham's greatest hope is for someone like his good friend Senator Jimmy Carter of Georgia to end up in the White House. In general, evangelical support is split pretty much evenly between the two parties.

    9. This is a HUGE topic and likely will require several updates to properly answer. Stay tuned.

    10. Definitely. :) As you say, hard to argue against doing the right thing and looking good while doing it.
     
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    Further Answers to Further Inquiries
  • If you’re going to ask me geniuses, I want this for Philippine Presidents and Vice Presidents ITTL. This is what would I call the best case scenario for the Philippines:

    Diosdado Macapagal & Emmanuel Pelaez (LP, 1961-1969)
    Carlos Romulo & Fernando Lopez (NP, 1969-1977)
    Jovito Salonga & Lorenzo Tañada (LP, 1977-????)
    @President_Lincoln, what is your response on my suggestions for my country ITTL, is it good enough for your next chapter genius? Because I never come this far on thinking beyond my wildest dreams. Reading and learning history has been my favorite since childhood. Knowing about Alternate History is something of a surprise for me in the beginning, but started to embrace it as time goes by. When I learned about some of The Greatest Philippine Presidents We Never Had, it really broadens my knowledge and understanding on what could've been for our country from that day on. Then I started watching videos from Whatifalthist and AlternateHistoryHub on YouTube. It was during this year that I watched the 3-Part AlternateHistoryHub's Iceberg Edition that I found and learned your alternate timeline. From the short summary that I've heard, he said it was the best case scenario of the decade. Even in actuality, things might probably not changed even if President Kennedy is alive. I don't care what he says that things might not changed everything, I care because I want to live in this timeline that you made. Like I said earlier before, I started to read this alternate timeline of yours and you gave me all of the emotions that I never felt in my life. As I read this, I was waiting for our country to be mentioned ITTL but nothing yet. When I started to give you message about this, I was already thinking, giving suggestions, and planning a possible scenario on what would be our different life ITTL. I'm still here waiting for our chapter and hope to have us a better life ITTL. And for that, I wanted to say again thank you for welcoming me and being part in your family. We may have faced dark times in our lives, but you gave me again the light of hope that I received in my life. You made a difference genius, and I mean it! From the Philippines, I wish you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year! See you next year geniuses!

    Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year to you as well!

    I liked many of your suggestions, and plan to incorporate a lot of them into the Philippines Chapter when I get around to writing it. In the meantime, you can consider the first handful of Presidents/Vice Presidents you listed as "canon". Thank you for contributing to the timeline! It brings me great joy to know that my project here can mean so much to you.

    Best wishes, my friend. :)

    Welcome back Mr President!! Two questions :

    1. Within TTL's GOP, is the battle between the economic moderates (Rockefeller Republicans) and the economic right still raging on ?

    2. What is the current situation of America's TTL manufacturing sector ?

    Thanks!

    1. Yes. If you're interested in details, I just recently covered this in Chapter 119, about the 1978 Midterm Elections. In brief, TTL's GOP is still pretty "big tent" as of 1979. The Presidencies of George Romney and George Bush empowered the moderate wing of the party quite a bit. Although Reagan is seen as the frontrunner in 1980 here, his tenure as Bush's VP means he'll have to defend a more moderate record than some of his OTL views. He also won't be able to run as the "outsider" against an incumbent President.

    2. As per OTL, 1979 is set to see the "peak" of manufacturing as a sector of the American economy. I believe that given macroeconomic trends post-WWII, some decline in American industry, especially the rust-belt, was inevitable. I also believe that over time, much of the US economy would shift to being more service-based.

    That said, there are already numerous differences from OTL that will pay dividends for industry down the line. For example: investments in high-tech fields in places like Silicon Valley and Rochester, NY will see a "tech manufacturing" boom in the US. Expect America to be a major player in semiconductor/computer chip manufacturing earlier here, with government subsidies and support. If cities like Detroit, Cleveland, Cincinnati, etc. can shore up the immense capital needed to diversify their economies away from heavy industries (which will see more competition as the rest of the world industrializes) and toward services, tourism, and high-tech manufacturing, they should do better than they did IOTL.

    A stronger nuclear power industry will also definitely help in places like West Virginia, eastern Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Nuclear plants require large, skilled workforces of operators and engineers. In addition to creating large amounts of good, well-paying jobs, the plants also create a hefty tax base, which can they be used for further government investment in the area.

    Other cities in the Midwest (think Youngstown, OH, for instance) could become regional transportation hubs, turning their abandoned factories into warehouses and distribution centers. This isn't "saving" manufacturing of course. But it would help alleviate some of the economic stress that came with the inevitable downsizing.

    Wait, so the existence of the Sinistra Unita and prime minister Pertini (you wrote in the old part of the timeline) has been retconned away, right? I can perfectly understand that a "great coalition" of the DC, PCI, PSI, PSDI, PRI, and PLI will give you a big majority but I think that Aldo Moro had several governments in the 70s instead of just one government. I however think that in 1981 the government will more than likely be headed by someone else than Moro, maybe De Mita or maybe even Spadoli (the first non-DC prime minister instead of OTL Craxi), than in the mid-80s maybe Craxi or his most likely successor Giorgio Benvenuto or even the PCI (more than likely headed by Napolitano after the death of Berlinguer).
    The PSI will more than likely be weaker than in OTL (8-10% instead of OTL 13-15%) and would ally itself with the PSDI. It is also likely that the more right-wing part of the DC headed by Forlani and the PLI headed by Raffaele Costa e Giancarlo Galan will secede and form new parties and possibly ally with the MSI: maybe something like Unione Democratica Cristiana (Cristian democratic union) and Movimento Liberista Italiano (Liberal Movement).
    Same thing with the more left part of the PCI headed by Natta and Cossutta that will form something like OTL Rifondazione Comunista (Communist Refoundation Party).
    The PCI will more than likely have only a few ministers but be given the presidency of the Senate while the DC will head the Presidency of the Parliament.
    Moro is also likely to be elected president in 1985 after Pertini.
    Regarding Berlusconi, I think that with a weaker PSI the OTL Television Decree that allowed him to broadcast programs in all regions will not pass and will lead to him remaining a marginal figure in Italian politics.
    In short term, I hope that OTL Ustica and Bologna massacres will be avoided.
    While in the long run, I hope that TTL government will be able to avoid OTL debt explosion in the 80s (maybe it adopts the "heavy Lira" and doesn't abandon the "Scala Mobile"), combat the mafia and corruption more effectively (maybe general Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa doesn't die in 1982 and is able to weaken the mafia earlier than in OTL) and improve Italian infrastructure ( more nuclear powerplants, the bridge over the Messina Strait and the flood defense system in Venice).
    Yes. I apologize for retconning the old post. I attempted to combine my new ideas with the old ones vis a vis Italy. I've decided that the new lineage of Prime Ministers works better for my vision for the country moving forward.
    I agree that by 1981, the time will come for new leadership in Rome. Expect Moro to step aside in favor of a younger figure. I also hope for the same predictions for the country that you mentioned here. I will be sure to give Italy more attention in forthcoming foreign affairs updates.
     
    Chapter 121
  • Chapter 121: Space Truckin’ - NASA and the Soviet Space Program after Apollo-Svarog
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    Above: Mission Patch for STS-1, the first of Columbia’s many missions (left); 1970 artist’s concept illustrating use of a Space Shuttle, Nuclear Shuttle, and Space Tug (right).

    “Well, we had a lot of luck on Venus
    We always had a ball on Mars
    We’re meeting all the groovy people
    We’ve rocked the Milky Way so far
    We danced around the Borealis
    We’re Space truckin’ round the stars

    Come on, come on, come on
    Let’s go Space truckin’
    Come on, come on, come on
    Space truckin’”
    - “Space Truckin’” by Deep Purple

    “Somewhere, something incredible is waiting to be known.” - Carl Sagan

    Following the momentous achievement of landing a man and a woman on the Moon in 1969, fulfilling President Kennedy’s pledge and bringing the US and Soviet Union together in a magical moment of unity, an obvious question emerged for both superpowers’ space programs: what next?

    At first, the hope on both sides of the Iron Curtain was for continued cooperation. NASA and Interkosmos agreed that lowering costs and fostering international teamwork were both laudable goals. The Apollo-Svarog Missions continued until the completion of A-S XVII in 1972. Though public interest in the space program waned somewhat following the Moon Landing, it shot up again in 1970, in the aftermath of the near disaster that was A-S XIII.

    An absolute nail-biter of a situation, the proposed third lunar landing was launched from Kennedy Space Center on April 11th, 1970. The landing was aborted, however, when an oxygen tank in the service module became compromised only two days into the mission.

    A routine stir of an oxygen tank ignited damaged wire insulation inside it. This caused an explosion that vented the contents of both of the service module’s oxygen tanks to space. Without oxygen, needed for breathing and for generating electric power, the SM's propulsion and life support systems were rendered inoperable. The command module’'s systems had to be shut down to conserve its remaining resources for reentry, forcing the crew to transfer to the lunar lander itself as a “lifeboat”. With the lunar landing canceled, mission controllers in Houston worked to bring the crew home alive. The incident, picked up and recorded via radio, produced the famous quote from Cosmonaut Yuri Malyshev: “Houston, we’re having problems.” In time, this would become an idiom in both English and Russian, usually employed as a sarcastic understatement of alarm.

    Blessedly, some quick thinking and improvisation by both American and Soviet scientists helped to prevent disaster. The crew of A-S XIII returned to earth on April 17th, safe and sound.

    Following the completion of A-S XVII, the two superpowers laid the groundwork for plans to create an “International Space Station”. This project, it was hoped, would continue scientific cooperation, and foster renewed detente in the Cold War back home. The 1974 Invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union ground these plans to a halt.
    President George Bush condemned the Soviet invasion in no uncertain terms. He was joined in this by most of not just the American political spectrum, but the world at large. Soviet First Secretary Yuri Andropov, shocked by the blowback, decided that the time for cooperation between the superpowers was coming to an end. Tensions were beginning to flare up once more. As a result, joint-space ventures were no longer politically in vogue in either country. A renewed sense of competition, of rivalry emerged.

    The Second Space Race was on.

    Thus, at the close of 1974, when President Bush was approached by NASA with an ambitious (and expensive) plan for a “Space Transportation System”, he was immediately intrigued.

    Known internally within NASA as the “Integrated Program Plan” (IPP), the proposal pitched a system of reusable, crewed space vehicles to support extended operations beyond the Apollo-Svarog visitations. The purpose of the system would be two-fold: to reduce the cost of manned spaceflight by replacing the then-current method of launching capsules on expendable rockets; and to support even more ambitious follow-on programs including permanent orbiting space stations around Earth and the Moon, perhaps eventually, even a manned mission to Mars.

    An initial report, made to President Bush on the program’s potential, provided an outline of the STS, which would be broken up into three different levels of effort. The hope was that these could culminate with a human Mars landing by 1983, at the earliest, and by the end of the twentieth century, at the latest. The system’s major components would include:

    • A permanent space station module designed for 6 to 12 occupants, in a 500 km low Earth orbit, as well as a permanent lunar orbit station. Modules could be combined in Earth orbit to create a 50 to 100 person permanent station.
    • A chemically-fueled Earth-to-orbit shuttle.
    • A chemically fueled “space tug” to move crew and equipment between Earth orbits as high as geosynchronous orbit, which could also be adapted as a lunar orbit-to-surface shuttle.
    • A nuclear-powered shuttle or ferry using the Nuclear Engine for Rocket Vehicle Application (NERVA), to move crew, spacecraft and supplies between low Earth orbit and lunar orbit, geosynchronous orbit, or to other planets in the solar system. A crew module derived from the space station module could then be used to send humans to the Moon or Mars.

    The tug and ferry vehicles would be of a modular design, allowing them to be clustered or staged for large payloads or interplanetary missions. The system would be supported by permanent Earth and lunar orbital propellant depots, as well. The Saturn V rocket might still have been used as a heavy lift launch vehicle for the nuclear ferry and space station modules, as necessary. A special "Mars Excursion Module" would then be the only remaining vehicle necessary for a human Mars landing.

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    Above: Additional concept drawings from NASA scientists used to pitch the System to President Bush. (Source: wikipedia.org).

    A number of prominent current and former astronauts, including Buzz Aldrin, and Senators John Glenn (D - OH) and Harrison Schmitt (R - NM) were quick to support the proposal. Along with public science advocates like Carl Sagan, they encouraged both President Bush and his 1976 electoral opponent, Representative Mo Udall, to go on the record endorsing it as well. Both would eventually do so, allowing NASA to commence its research and development of the vehicles immediately.
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    Throughout the transition between the Bush and Udall administrations in 1976-1977, the STS program continued with R&D. Upon taking office, the new Commander in Chief approved NASA’s requisitions, but asked for an updated timeline of when the country could expect each phase of the project to be complete. NASA and its leadership remained optimistic in the initial stages, but insisted that they needed to maintain high levels of public support (and thus, funding) in order to meet their deadlines.

    To ensure this, they made a bold recommendation to President Udall: use the Saturn V and NERVA to send a probe on a “Grand Tour” of the Solar System. A rare alignment of the planets that occurs every 174 years was set to occur between 1976 and 1980, allowing a spacecraft to visit Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune with relatively limited costs in fuel and other materials. The probe, following its cousins the twins Voyager-1 and 2, which were launched in September of 1977, could send back precious scientific data to researchers back on Earth, and demonstrate to the world that America would continue to lead humanity in Space discovery, with or without the help of the Soviet Union.

    Udall signed off on the plan, and the probe, designated Triumph, launched in July of 1978. But the President was not content to rest on the laurels of this achievement. Indeed, with public interest in the space program heating up once again, the “Arizona Cowboy” saw in the STS program a chance to find a second “crowning achievement” for his first term that he could tout, alongside his success at expanding Medicare to grant universal healthcare.

    Following the successful launch of the Space Shuttle Columbia on January 17th, 1979, President Udall made its mission, STS-1, one of the key themes of his second State of the Union Address, which he delivered eight days later. In that speech, in front of both chambers of Congress and millions of viewers watching on television around the world, Udall made a bold declaration, not unlike the one that President Kennedy had made nearly twenty years prior:

    “Utilizing the breathtaking new systems that NASA has pioneered over the last decade, we will, before the end of my first term in office, complete and launch the first permanent, crewed, Earth-orbiting space station. We will do this not just with American ingenuity, but with enthusiastic support from the NASDA of Japan, our European friends in the ESA, and Canadians of the CSA. In the field of discovery, and especially space, America has always been and remains the leader of the free world.”

    Riotous applause forced Udall to pause. He beamed, then continued.

    “And we won’t stop there! This station, aptly named Freedom, will serve as a staging ground for further exploration. By 1985, we will establish a permanent base of operations on the Lunar Surface. Before the dawn of the next millennium, we will send a man to Mars!”

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    The speech was well-received by the public, though budget hawks in both parties practically went into fits when the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) sent over the projected cost figures. Some Democrats, worried about the massive new spending commitments that the program would entail, pleaded with the President to push tax reforms through, closing loopholes in the code, and ending Bush-era breaks on capital gains and corporations. Udall agreed, but told his party that they would have to wait until after the 1980 election.

    “The last thing I need is Reagan or whoever I’m up against telling folks that I raised taxes at the first sign of an economic recovery.”



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    If the American impulse after Apollo-Svarog was to double down on renewed competition, igniting a Second Space Race, one might have expected the Soviet Union to likewise rise to the occasion and continue the contest. To some extent, this was the case.

    Unwilling to lose face in the wake of these ambitious American goals, First Secretary Yuri Andorpov ordered Interkosmos and the other divisions of the Soviet space program to gather what it had learned from the A-S missions and create its own answer to the STS. Hoping to inspire public confidence in this gesture, Andropov created a new ministry, the Ministry of Space, and an associated Secretary position within the Cabinet of Ministers. To head up the Ministry, he made the historic choice of selecting a member of the Presidium of the Soviet Union, and the first Woman on the Moon, Valentina Tereshkova. In accepting, Tereshkova became the first woman in Soviet history to rise to a position among the Cabinet.

    Forty-two years old in March of 1979, Tereshkova had, initially against her wishes, been transitioned from a continuing career in spaceflight and engineering to a political one. Though she was made a Colonel in the Soviet Air Force in 1976, she was forbidden by the Soviet government from taking part in additional space missions. Privately, Andropov himself told Tereshkova that her popularity made her “irreplaceable”. Fearing an Apollo-Svarog XIII style incident going wrong, the decision was made to keep Tereshkova grounded, so that she might continue to serve as a symbol of Soviet egalitarianism and success. An international role-model for feminists and leftists, Tereshkova eventually warmed somewhat to her celebrity status, though she refused to become nothing more than a “figurehead”. This refusal, and her subsequent appointment to the Cabinet broke her already strained relationship with her husband, fellow cosmonaut Andriyan Nikolayev. The couple separated a few months later, in the summer of 1979. They would divorce in 1982.

    Despite these personal setbacks for Tereshkova, she was excited at another prospect that her appointment presaged - the possibility for reform within the Soviet Union as a whole. Though most of her time was spent poring over proposals for the space program (most of which she found either unrealistic or impossible due to a lack of funding), she did find time to network and forge alliances with other reform-minded individuals within the Soviet government.

    Among these were Secretariat for Agriculture Mikhail Gorbachev, whom Tereshkova (along with everyone else) could tell that Andropov was grooming to become his successor, what with his chairing Politburo meetings and beginning to speak out on subjects besides agriculture. Tereshkova liked Gorbachev. She supposed he would make a fine First Secretary someday. There was also Yegor Ligachyov and Nikolai Ryzhkov, both men who saw the need for more structural change than what Andropov’s reshuffling of personnel would allow. They wanted large-scale reform in the same vein as those initiated by Zhou Enlai and Hu Yaobang in the People’s Republic of China.

    “A society should never become like a pond with stagnant water, without movement.” Gorbachev told Tereshkova upon their first meeting. “That’s the most important thing.” Tereshkova agreed.
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    Though Comrade Andropov’s tenure had been a source of stability for the Soviet Union over the last decade, it had also become a period of stagnation. The economic progress made by Alexei Kosygin’s reforms back in 1965-66 had long ago stalled. As the economy became increasingly reliant on oil and gas exports, a new generation of more forward-thinking politicians feared what this sort of planning might lead to. This affected the Soviet space program in a number of ways.

    For one thing, stagnation produced little extra wealth with which to research and develop rockets and other spacecraft. With their access to American designs and more importantly, capital cut off, the Soviets were forced to go it alone. In a word, they struggled. Minister Tereshkova did her best, however, to set the program off on the right track.

    Using her personal popularity and clout with the First Secretary, she fired anyone in the program who did not believe, utterly, in the mission. Clearing out the corrupt bureaucrats and pensioners wasn’t easy, but the Minister (correctly) believed it to be imperative for lifting morale. From there, she oversaw the hiring of new, fresh faces to the program. These younger men and a surprising number of women, had eager eyes and patriotic hearts. They wanted not only to continue to explore the stars, but to give the Americans a run for their money.

    Eventually, this new generation of explorers, engineers, and scientists would develop, at long last, their answer to NASA’s STS: plans for a space station of their own, named Равенство - “Ravenstvo” - Equality in response to the Americans’ Freedom.
    Though the R&D needed to launch Ravenstvo lagged behind the Yanks by quite a bit, especially the development of a comparable NERVA-style nuclear-powered engine for its later stages, Tereshkova remained optimistic that the Soviets could, at the very least, race the Americans to establish a permanent lunar base. She set the same date as President Udall for this objective, 1985. Mars, then, would be the real test. Could the Soviet system get human beings to the red planet by the year 2000? Tereshkova certainly hoped so.

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    The rest of Yuri Andropov’s tenure as First Secretary would see Madam Secretariat devote herself to this task, though come 1982, she would, along with the rest of her country, undergo a tremendous change.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: A Look at the Udall Administration’s Energy Policy
     
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    Chapter 122
  • Chapter 122: Dance the Night Away - The Udall Administration Tackles Energy Policy
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    Above: President Mo Udall, addressing reporters outside of Three Mile Island Nuclear Generating Station (TMI) in Londonderry Township, Pennsylvania.​

    “A live wire, barely a beginner
    But just watch that lady go
    She’s on fire, ‘cause dancin’ gets her higher than uh
    Anything else she knows…”
    - “Dance the Night Away” by Van Halen

    “Nuclear power is one hell of a way to boil water.” - Albert Einstein

    1979 dawned with President Udall seemingly in a strong position to be re-elected. The economy, though still sluggish, seemed to be showing its first, sputtering signs of recovery. So what that growth in the fourth quarter of the year before had been only a mere two-percent? At least it wasn’t negative. Besides, whipping inflation, and thereby robbing the Republicans of a campaign issue in 1980, was the Administration’s focus at the moment anyhow. Not wanting to tackle major tax reforms (closing loopholes and creating new brackets for the highest earners) before his re-election bid, President Udall instead turned to another of his “Three E’s” - Energy.

    The broad strokes of the administration’s energy policy remained the same as they always had been: promoting energy efficiency by implementing strict standards for automobiles, appliances, and industrial processes. These measures, first introduced by federal agencies, then codified into law by an act of Congress just before the midterm elections, aimed to reduce consumption and ease the nation’s dependence on oil.

    “It doesn’t hurt,” the President added to his wife, Ella. “That it happens to be good for the environment, too.”

    Besides the creation and enforcement of stricter fuel efficiency standards, the federal government also expanded on Romney-era subsidies for smaller, more compact (and thus, more fuel efficient) cars. The late President Romney, once an advocate in this area himself during his time as the head of American Motors, believed that in order to compete long term with foreign manufacturers, Detroit needed to move away from the land-yachts that rolled off the assembly lines and onto the nation’s highways. If anything, the oil shocks which came in the years after his assassination seemed to prove his point. Out of respect, perhaps, for their one-time standard bearer, moderate Republicans, who might have been on the fence about voting for such standards and subsidies, largely grumbled and did so.

    Fuel efficiency, however, was just the beginning.

    Recognizing the need for a diversified energy portfolio, the Udall administration also invested heavily in renewable energy sources such as wind, solar, and geothermal. Tax incentives and research grants encouraged the growth of these industries. President Udall, in an effort to showcase this effort and make it appeal to the masses, even took the unprecedented step of having solar panels installed on the roof of the White House. He unveiled these in a major ceremony on June 30th, 1979, where he also delivered a televised address, explaining their purpose and encouraging his fellow Americans to do the same for their own homes. Many would throughout the following decades.

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    osOpCJRlzp_b8AGSnmJSJCfS2Y1viFScpkHkphBm7jovLr0FonOWw5Xj3dITR0Izpm3UwN2zp_qhq0S5WhMk5lzQiGGUwt5Ejf6I0rOiYWcF7ulZiz6W4CB3UZmGxiy8ZCrDVhizeJ5MAWhJQbEUCmE
    Above: June 30th, 1979, President Mo Udall unveils solar panels on the roof of the White House in a televised ceremony (left); The AMC Pacer, pitched as a “luxury”, fuel-efficient model. It became one of the most iconic cars of the mid to late 1970s (right).

    While making cars that were better on gas would certainly be helpful, the administration also wanted to think bigger than that. Since the explosion of the automobile into American life, beginning in the 1920s with the Model T, then again and in a much bigger way after World War II, America’s cities and towns had been radically altered in their planning and design. Where once public transportation networks - particularly railways and cable-cars - had helped Americans commute to and from work and get wherever they needed to go, most of these wound up being abandoned and torn down in the wake of the almighty automobile. Why take the train or the bus when you could drive, in the comfort and privacy of your own car? With gasoline cheap and widely available, few thought about the potential ramifications at the time. Cities and towns were redesigned. Roads were widened. Sidewalks slimmed or vanished entirely. Across America and Canada, it became ever more difficult to walk or bicycle safely in many places. By 1979, and the energy crisis, the time had come for a change.

    Though it would not happen overnight, the administration issued internal memos to the Department of Transportation, headed by Secretary Yvonne Burke. Grants, subsidies, and loans would be issued to New York, Los Angeles, and other cities in need of urban renewal. But these would come with the understanding that the cities in question needed to invest in making their cities friendlier to both pedestrians and bicyclists. Public transportation, including bus lanes, subways, and cable cars, was to be encouraged whenever possible. If the nation’s major cities could pioneer a new approach, toward becoming more walkable, and less car-dependent, they would encourage smaller towns and cities to follow suit. They would also have the added benefit of being healthier (better air quality, less smog) and less congested. Not every city took the bait immediately, of course. Most were wary to see if Udall would win a second term. The last thing they wanted was to make one set of long term investments, then have to pull the plug and reverse course if the oil-industry’s darling, Ronald Reagan, won the White House in 1980.

    Between his efforts to promote public transportation, and his continued support for the independent high-speed rail lines being developed by Amtrak across the Northeast corridor, the Beltway, Texas, and California, infrastructure was a high priority indeed in the Udall White House. Udall dreamed of connecting these and other, planned lines throughout the coming decades. If successful, then the United States would be able to boast the world’s largest network of passenger rail lines, in addition to the largest network of freight-rail they already possessed. All aboard!

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    oPQ9TBcZmzogBXP10S7hmZ1byC30qgIndUkQ4iGr_4ek1cKLyUQ-VorUP8xcvXh5T_pw3mGxPz2QgWH0mUk0BLwY0Xxd0VABWPV2R5InUFvIhB53C05gm2EXFXK7bI04QPqCCa3hro4tUV0nCGqHhPw

    Above: Concept art for the “AmeriRapid Express”, the first proposed high-speed rail line to be operated by Amtrak (Author’s Note: AI generated art)​

    Of course, these and other proposals (such as the initiative for electric cars) made Udall persona non grata to the fossil fuel industry. Despite their own internal research having known since the 1950s about the “greenhouse effect”, as well as the looming threat of “peak oil”, which could come at any time, and for the United States, may have already happened, the giants of the industry failed to grasp the potential consequences of their actions. Perhaps, this was done intentionally. Oil and gas were lucrative. Very lucrative. Best of all, they held the most secure of all possible relationships with their clients - addiction. So long as cars ran on gasoline, and the people needed their cars, then they needed gas. The giants would profit. But Udall, this pencil-necked geek, this tree-hugging liberal, wanted to ruin that. They wouldn’t hear of it.

    Throughout the 1976 campaign, they smeared the then Congressman in the press. They paid for advertisements across the nation, trying to discredit Udall on energy. These efforts redoubled during the 1978 midterms, as the President proved that he was serious on taking the “Seven Sisters” to court. More on that in a moment.

    In Congress, conservative politicians, largely Republicans, allied with the industry’s powerful lobbying arm. They decried Udall’s policies, and demanded that he take a more balanced approach.

    Despite their best efforts, however, the fossil fuel industry wildly misjudged the Arizona Cowboy, as well as his support among the American people. The public were outraged, not at the President, whom they felt was standing up for them and for the environment, but at the very oil and gas giants themselves.

    In the midst of record inflation and economic stagnation, when the very essence of the American Dream seemed to be burning to ashes around them, the people watched as the fossil fuel industry made record profits. The people weren’t stupid. And though the conservative press, namely the National Review and its allies, tried to pillory President Udall, the strawman image they created of him, as the hopelessly impractical tree-hugger, was outclassed by another, popularized by a political cartoon in the Washington Post. This cartoon, which featured a caption reading, “there’s a new Sheriff in town!” depicted President Udall, complete with ten-gallon hat, six-shooter, and gold-star badge, dragging the “crooks” - the assembled fossil fuel companies - to jail. The cartoon, which would become the first in a series and win several awards, reminded many historians of the depictions of Theodore Roosevelt, a hero of Udall’s, taking on the great monopolies and trusts at the turn of the century. Udall welcomed the comparison.

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    Above: “There’s a new Sheriff in town!” - President Mo Udall (left, Art generated using AI); Attorney General Archibald Cox, giving a press conference just after the Supreme Court’s decision is announced (right).

    Though the President appeared to be modestly winning in the court of public opinion, how was he faring against the fossil fuel giants in the court of law?

    Attorney General Archibald Cox was sixty-six years old in the spring of 1979. A veteran legal crusader for innumerable progressive causes, Cox had served in the Kennedy Administration, first as an advisor on labor issues, then as Solicitor General. He came back from the political wilderness in January of ‘77, riding Udall’s blue wave back to Washington. Once in office, he began to stick up for labor in their disputes with management, becoming a key advisor to the President in the resolution of the UMWA strikes. Later, when the President tasked Cox with leading the charge against the fossil fuel industry, Cox knew the fight would be difficult. Nonetheless, he agreed without hesitation.

    On the campaign trail, Udall had promised to “break up” the Seven Sisters. In practical, legal terms, this meant filing lawsuits, on behalf of the United States, against the oil and gas giants for violations of the Clayton Act of 1914 and the Sherman Antitrust act. Shortly after his confirmation by the Senate in early 1977, Cox directed his Justice Department to do just that. In the lawsuits, Cox and his subordinates argued that the “Seven Sisters”’ monopolistic practices stifled competition and harmed consumers. Once again, the fossil fuel lobby and their paid actors in Congress screamed bloody murder to the press. It was one thing, they declared to talk a big game about this sort of thing. But to actually do it? Was Cox a madman?

    Nonetheless, the suits began to make their way up through the judiciary. Both Udall and Cox held no illusions about where this project of theirs was heading. A challenge of this magnitude, against the forces they were up against, could only wind up in one place: the Supreme Court. The fossil fuel lobby practically jumped for joy when, after more than a year of appeals and losing decisions, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case at the beginning of their session in April of 1978. Arguments wouldn’t be made until November of that year, and a decision would not be reached until the following spring. Still, the oil and gas conglomerates thought that they had reason to celebrate.

    Though liberals still held a slim plurality in the Freund Court (4 liberals to 2 conservatives with 3 “moderates”), the companies still felt confident that the Court would rule in their favor. To claim that their model of running the oil and gas industry was monopolistic would require a truly broad interpretation of the federal government’s regulatory powers. The Court had upheld the breaking up of Standard Oil sixty years prior, but that was an entirely different matter, the companies argued. Despite their confidence, they nevertheless hired the best attorneys their seemingly bottomless coffers could afford and argued persuasively in front of the Court. Cox and the government meanwhile, passionately did the same.

    In the end, the Court’s decision came as a shock to many.

    By the slimmest of possible margins, with moderate Bush appointee Carla Anderson Hills - the Court’s first ever female justice - joining the liberals, the Court ruled 5 to 4 that the so-called “Seven Sisters” represented an illegal trust and needed to be broken up. Penning the majority opinion, Justice Hills, “emphasized the importance of competition in the energy sector and the need to prevent monopolistic control.”

    Though Associate Justices Rehnquist and Burger penned notable dissents, the decision stood. The Udall Administration had challenged the fossil fuel industry and won.

    The Washington Post cartoon that week showed the “New Sheriff in Town” standing tall after a showdown at High Noon. The fossil fuel industry’s black-hat cowboy lay on the ground in a pool of black blood - oil.

    Immediately, diversification of the oil industry followed.

    Each of the major companies were required to divest themselves of their vertical integration. This led to the creation of smaller, more specialized companies, focusing on specific aspects of the industry - exploration, drilling, refining, and distribution. Though in the short term, the breakup of the “Seven Sisters” in this manner led to economic disruptions, including job changes and massive restructuring in the oil and gas sectors, in the long run, these minor setbacks were more than overcome by slower, more steady gains. Specialization led to increased innovation. It also fostered competition, which drove down oil prices, both in the United States and in the world market, which began to feel the ripple effects in the years that followed.

    Indeed, President Udall’s decision to take on the fossil fuel giants may prove one of the great, lasting legacies of his time in office. The fight also served as the capstone for Archibald Cox’s long, distinguished career of public service.




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    Above: Three Mile Island - the site of a near disaster in March of 1979.​

    Of course, another key aspect of the energy question was the generation of electricity. Since the construction of its first electrical grids, the United States had predominantly burned its ample coal reserves to generate virtually all of its power. Though in some places, hydroelectric dams supplanted coal, this was, obviously, not practical in every state or municipality. By the tail end of the 1970s, new technologies seemed to make renewables - solar, wind, and geothermal - a practical possibility. These, however, remained far too limited to bear the brunt of the grid’s needs at present. There needed to be a temporary power source to act as a stop-gap until these renewables could be made efficient enough, and widely available enough, to form a patchwork new grid. Fortunately, an answer appeared beginning in the 1950s: nuclear energy.

    Ever since the development of the first nuclear reactors, engineers and scientists had salivated at the possibilities presented by the responsible use of nuclear fission. With virtually no harmful emissions, and a small, highly trained workforce, reactors could generate a massive amount of electricity. The only drawbacks appeared to be the question of what to do with the radioactive waste material created, as well as the instability of the materials involved. No one wanted a meltdown, especially near a major city.
    During the Kennedy administration, research and development led to increased investments in nuclear power throughout the United States. The Romney and Bush years saw the first of this new generation of safe, efficient reactors come online, though many would not be ready until the late 70s. These developments in nuclear energy were controversial, however. Though most Americans broadly supported the idea of cheap, plentiful electricity, environmental activists and groups fretted over the waste storage issue, as well as the possibility of a meltdown.

    As it happened, one of the most pivotal moments in the history of American nuclear energy occurred during Mo Udall’s tenure as President.

    On March 28th, 1979, an early coolant leak was detected in one of the reactors at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant in Londonderry Township, Pennsylvania. The plant, which on its own provided roughly 6% of the entire state’s electrical power, was located within 10 miles of nearly 250,000 people’s homes. Despite fears that the reactor could go into partial meltdown, this incident was swiftly identified and contained. The safety team on-site, trained to recognize and respond to such issues, acted with precision and determination. The plant's operators immediately shut down the affected reactor, preventing a catastrophic release of radiation. A thorough investigation revealed that a faulty valve was the cause of the coolant leak. The quick response and adherence to safety protocols ensured that there were no injuries, no environmental contamination, and no widespread panic. Were it not for the Udall Administration’s response, this story would likely have not made news outside of a collective sigh of relief in local papers.

    Known for his commitment to safety and environmental protection, the President seized the opportunity to reinforce the importance of nuclear safety in the United States. He delivered an address on the issue, commended the team at the plant in question, and called for increased safety measures, and renewed investment in a new generation of reactors.

    Many of this new generation of plants, which sprang up throughout the 1980s and 1990s, would be constructed throughout the midwest, not only providing middle America with cheap, renewable electrical power, but also providing a new industry for highly educated, well-trained technicians and other staff to find work in. The result was a gradual slowdown of the decline of the so-called “rust belt”. Over time, this expanded tax base of young professionals would help the midwest begin its recovery and make the transition from heavy industry to its eventual future in services, transportation, and high-tech manufacturing.

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    Above: Concept art for “green development” incorporating nuclear power (left) and sleek, energy efficient electric cars (right). (Art generated with AI).​

    All in all, Udall’s energy policy proved popular with a majority of Americans. By the summer of 1979, when word of the Supreme Court’s decision regarding the “Seven Sisters” hit the front pages of papers nationwide and was the lead story on the evening news, Udall’s approval numbers ticked up to an impressive 57%. The five points he’d gained since the beginning of the year, it seemed, had come from the previous undecideds. That number - the “not sure” category - now hovered around 5%. The remaining 38%, however, remained steadfastly opposed.

    These were your conservatives. The red-blooded American men and women who opposed Udall’s “naïve” foreign policy and his corrupt, “tax and spend liberalism”. They solidified not just in their opposition to Udall’s policies, but to him personally. Lost amidst the jubilation of his approval numbers, the President’s personal likeability scores had declined. Where once, moderates and conservatives had to admit that even if they disagreed with the President, they could at least say they “liked” him, that no longer appeared to be the case. Battle lines were being drawn, after all. 1980 and its Presidential election were closer than they appeared.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Stephen King’s Work and Its Adaptations - 1974 - 1980
     
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    Broad Strokes on Europe and Asia
  • Genius, I have another question on what's happening and going on to other countries in Europe? Like Denmark, Finland, Norway, Iceland, Belgium, Poland, and Romania? Countries in Asia like Malaysia, Singapore, Burma, Thailand, Papua New Guinea, Brunei, Laos, Lebanon, Bhutan, Nepal, Yemen, and Oman? And the rest of the countries in Africa? Are you going to make a chapter for these countries?
    This is an excellent question. I would definitely like to give updates on all of the nations of the world. However, it may take me a while to get to all of them. Unfortunately, work and grad school have me very busy these days. :p

    That said, I will try and cover as many countries as I reasonably can in the coming World Affairs updates. I can and will also do my best to answer specific questions in the thread as they come up. To give far too brief overviews...

    Europe - Throughout the 1970s ITTL, the European Economic Community continues to grow and develop in Western Europe. As of 1979 ITTL, its members include:
    • Belgium
    • France
    • West Germany
    • Italy
    • Luxembourg
    • The Netherlands
    • Denmark
    • Ireland
    • The United Kingdom
    • Greece
    Increased European integration is spurring economic growth, but also provoking new political and social movements, as they did IOTL. By the mid to late 70s, many Western European nations have formed stable democracies. ITTL, thanks to the Kennedy Doctrine, a military dictatorship is avoided in Greece. Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Iceland form the "Nordic model" of Social Democracy, much as they did IOTL. For the time being, Finnish and Swedish neutrality in the Cold War remain in effect.

    Behind the Iron Curtain, there are, as ever, rumblings of dissent as various Eastern European nations chafe under the yolk of the Warsaw Pact and Soviet Domination of their internal politics. The election of Pope Stanislaus in 1978 has already sent some ripples into Poland, his homeland. This will definitely be covered in more detail as we move into the 1980s and those ripples begin to transition into genuine shockwaves. As per OTL, Nicolae Ceaușescu's regime in Romania has pursued a more independent foreign policy from the rest of the Warsaw Pact, recognizing West Germany, and so on. Foreign investment via the IMF and World Bank are helping Romania's economy grow faster than its neighbors. However, political repression in the country is worsening throughout the decade, as its dictator's rule becomes more harsh and arbitrary.

    Asia - Political, social, and economic conditions across the world's largest continent vary wildly ITTL's 1979, depending on which country you look at. Again, I will attempt to paint in broad strokes for now.
    1. Economic Development:
      • Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and a reunited Vietnam often referred to as the "Asian Tigers", are seeing remarkable industrialization and improvements in general living standards. As they become increasingly integrated into the world market, these economies are becoming manufacturing hubs.
    2. Political Stability and Instability:
      • Some nations, such as Japan and India, achieved stable democracies ITTL by 1979. Remember that ITTL, India under Indira Gandhi has maintained relatively warm relations with the United States, over the Soviet Union, which formed an alliance with Pakistan to conduct a joint invasion of Afghanistan, beginning in 1974. As of 1979, South Korea and Taiwain are still living under authoritarian regimes, though that will soon begin to change, as it did IOTL.
      • Though the People's Republic of China managed to put the Cultural Revolution and its excesses behind them, thanks in large part to the moderate, prudent leadership of Chairman Zhou Enlai throughout the mid 1970s, Zhou's passing in 1976 presented a fresh challenge. Presently, the country is being led by Hu Yaobang as Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party. Chairman Hu is attempting to begin economic reforms toward liberalization, though politically, he remains relatively harsh and repressive. Hu is also following Zhou's example in playing both sides of the Cold War against each other. For the time being, China is aligned with neither the United States, nor the Soviet Union.
      • In Southeast Asia, Vietnamese reunification has had a big impact. Though it is still struggling with internal divisions and the growing pains of a young democracy, Vietnam stands poised to become something of a regional power, if it plays its cards right. Vietnam's war with the People's Republic of China in the mid 1970s will be explored in an upcoming update in more detail.
    3. Cultural and Social Changes:
      • Cultural diversity and traditional values continued to be important across Asia. However, urbanization and globalization began to reshape cultural norms, particularly in major cities. Western influence is becoming more and more noticeable with each passing generation.
      • Pop culture, including music, film, and fashion, influenced younger generations. For example, the 1970s saw the rise of Bollywood in India and the emergence of K-pop in South Korea. As time goes on, these trends will eventually become cultural exports to the west as well. As some posters have predicted, with India in particular being a U.S. ally ITTL, expect Bollywood films and other parts of Indian culture to have a much bigger American audience much sooner.
    4. Technology and Modernization:
      • Some Asian countries embraced technological advancements throughout the 70s. Japan, in particular, was often seen as being at the forefront of technological innovation, with the growth of many Japanese corporations during this time period. With the victory of Betamax ITTL, Sony will basically rule the American home video market for many years to come, for example.
    The Middle East - Like the rest of Asia, the Middle East is currently a tangled web of US and Soviet allies. It also has many member states in the Non-Aligned Movement. And while Pan-Arabism as a movement is dying out with the passing of Nasser, many nations in this region are nonetheless continuing the struggle for their self-determination. As per OTL, the region is plagued by a lot of the same conflicts and issues. Bear in mind, many of these stem from maps drawn in the aftermath of the First World War, WELL before Blue Skies in Camelot's point of divergence.

    To again, briefly cover some major differences from OTL:

    1. Iran - The Iranian Revolution still occurred ITTL in 1977 - 1978. However, unlike IOTL, the protests resulted in a constitutional convention, which in turn abolished the monarchy and created a secular, Democratic Republic, which immediately joined the Non-Aligned Movement. Whether this fledgling Iranian Democracy will last remains to be seen, however.

    2. The United Arab Republic - Formed from the unification of the Baathist states in Assad's Syria and Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the "United Arab Republic" claims to be the vestige of Nasser's once-bright hopes for a united Arab world. In practice, it is an authoritarian regime built on repression and terror. Hussein, the country's President and dictator, suppresses ethnic and religious minorities, particularly the Kurds, as per OTL. With Syria as a largely Sunni power base ITTL, Saddam is much more confident of his position, even with Iraq's largely Shia population. Will this result in a less paranoid Saddam than IOTL? Probably not. But only time will tell.

    3. Saudi Arabia - The recent policy of the Udall Administration, to break off relationships with regimes with poor human rights records has put the US-Saudi relationship in jeopardy of dissolving. Conservatives in the US are loathe to lose what they see as a key American ally in the region. But President Udall refuses to work closely with the Saudis unless they begin to institute basic reforms. The House of Saud is thus biding its time, waiting to see how the American election of 1980 pans out. If Udall wins reelection, they will either need to reform, apply pressure to the American economy using their oil supply, or perhaps pivot toward a new geopolitical position. Due to the Soviet Union's own vast energy reserves, an alliance with the USSR seems unlikely? But perhaps they can agree that the US is making life difficult for them? Maybe the People's Republic of China, whose economy, once it roars to life, will be energy hungry, for sure.

    Africa - To try and cover the entire continent of Africa in a post like this would be criminal. I will definitely give Africa its own update in the near future. Apologies, but it feels entirely wrong to me to do otherwise.

    Hope this answers some of your questions!
     
    Chapter 123
  • Chapter 123: It Came Out of the Sky - Stephen King’s Works and Adaptations 1974 - 1980
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    Above: Salem’s Lot, King’s second published novel (left); the “King of Horror” himself (center); and The Shining, first published in 1977, which would become arguably the man’s most iconic work.

    Whoa, it came out of the sky
    Landed just a little south of Moline
    Jody fell out of his tractor
    Couldn't b'lieve what he seen, oh
    Laid on the ground shook
    Fearin' for his life
    Then he ran all the way to town
    Screamin', "It came out of the sky"
    - “It Came Out of the Sky”, Creedence Clearwater Revival

    “I am the literary equivalent of a big mac and fries.” - Stephen King

    Stephen Edwin King’s life was forever changed when, in 1973, his debut novel, Carrie, was picked up for publication by Doubleday. At the time, King's phone was out of service. He couldn’t afford to pay the bill to keep it connected on his meager English teacher’s salary. Doubleday editor William Thompson—who went on to become King's close friend—sent a telegram to King's house in April 1973 which read: "Carrie Officially A Doubleday Book. $2,500 Advance Against Royalties. Congrats, Kid – The Future Lies Ahead, Bill." With the advance, the fledgling author made a down payment on a Ford Pinto and reconnected his phone line.

    Shortly thereafter, New American Library bought the paperback rights for $400,000, which, even split down the middle per King’s contract with Doubleday, was still a fabulous sum at the time. King was flabbergasted. The book went on to be a bestseller and was moderately well-received by critics. Though some in the literary world thought King’s writing overly “schlocky”, to his fans, that was what made it so special.

    King also sold the film rights to the novel in 1973, for the modest sum of another $2,500. The author always insisted that he was lucky, however. “To have that happen to your first book, to have someone, anyone in Hollywood take an interest in you, that’s a good sign. I knew better than to look a prize horse in the mouth.” King later remarked.

    Though it took several years for the film adaptation of Carrie to hit theaters, when it did, in 1976, it became both a commercial and a critical success. In a decade known for its fantastic horror films, Carrie stood out due to its high school setting, excellent performances by Sissy Spacek (as the titular, tormented teenager) and Piper Laurie (as her abusive, zealot mother), and clear, focused direction by Brian De Palma. It eventually raked in nearly $34 Million at the box office, on a relatively small budget of only $2 Million. Though not every adaptation of King’s works in the years and decades that followed would reach the same levels of success, Carrie got the Maine native off to a great start.

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    Many artists, musicians, writers, and other creative types dread the so-called “sophomore slump”. So alright, you’ve got a hit on your hands. But any chump can score a hit on a fluke. Anybody can get lucky. The mark of true success is being able to do it more than once. To be consistent.

    Still teaching high school English in his native Maine at the time, King happened to be teaching a unit on Dracula. He wondered, aloud one night over dinner with his wife, fellow writer Tabitha, what would happen if the famous Count came to America in the year 1974. “He’d probably get run over by a big yellow cab as soon as he stepped out of the Port Authority in New York.” She quipped. King found that he agreed, but the idea never quite left him. The setting gradually shifted, away from a major city, toward a small town. The resulting novel, Salem’s Lot, would later be described as “Dracula meets Peyton Place”.

    Salem’s Lot tells the story of Ben Mears, a writer, who returns to his hometown of Jerusalem’s Lot in Maine after 25 years away to try and write his next novel. He quickly befriends high school teacher Matt Burke and strikes up a romantic relationship with Susan Norton, a young college graduate with ambitions of leaving town. Ben’s proposed book is about the “Marsten House” , a decaying, supposedly haunted edifice in which a young Ben suffered a traumatic experience. The house once belonged to a Prohibition-era gangster and shortly into the beginning of the novel, is purchased by a mysterious pair of business partners - Richard Straker and Kurt Barlow. As the novel progresses, the heroes, including a Catholic priest named Father Callahan, come to discover that Barlow is an ancient vampire, and Straker his human familiar.

    Once again, the novel swiftly became a success. Critics praised King for “having made vampires fresh again”, and for “forcing popular literature to ‘grow up’ a little.” For his part, the author would later claim that Salem’s Lot was his personal favorite among his books, saying, “In a way it is my favorite story, mostly because of what it says about small towns. They are kind of a dying organism. The story seems sort of down home to me. I have a special cold spot in my heart for it!"

    As with Carrie, the film rights to Salem’s Lot were swiftly scooped up, this time by Warner Bros. The studio hoped to turn the 400 page novel into a feature film, while still remaining true to the source material. Obviously, they also hoped to replicate Carrie’s success. Influenced by King’s description of “Dracula meets Peyton Place”, Warner Bros. hired Paul Monash, the creator of Peyton Place, as well as the producer for Carrie to pen the screenplay for Salem’s Lot. Monash worked to adapt the novel, which he considered “lengthy”, into an approximately 2 hour runtime by cutting some minor characters and subplots, and combining some other characters and scenes. Despite the changes, King praised Paul Monash's screenplay and stated “Paul has succeeded in combining the characters a lot, and it works."

    Producer Richard Kobritz, who took a strong creative interest in his films, also added several alterations to Monash's script, including changing the lead vampire - Kurt Barlow - from a cultured, human-looking villain (ala Christoper Lee’s Dracula), into a speechless demonic-looking monster. Kobritz explained:

    “We went back to the old German Nosferatu concept where he is the essence of evil, and not anything romantic or smarmy, or, you know, the rouge-cheeked, widow-peaked Dracula. I wanted nothing suave or sexual, because I just didn't think it'd work; we've seen too much of it. The other thing we did with the character which I think is an improvement is that Barlow does not speak. When he's killed at the end, he obviously emits sounds, but it's not even a full line of dialogue, in contrast to the book and the first draft of the screenplay. I just thought it would be suicidal on our part to have a vampire that talks. What kind of voice do you put behind a vampire? You can't do Bela Lugosi, or you're going to get a laugh. You can't do Regan in The Exorcist, or you're going to get something that's unintelligible, and besides, you've been there before. That's why I think the James Mason role of Straker became more important."

    The next task, of course, was finding a director. A number of regulars in the horror genre, having become familiar with King’s work, were eager to man the helm for the project. In the end, however, Warner Bros. went with Tobe Hooper, following a screening of his 1974 film, The Texas Chainsaw Massacre. Often considered one of the most seminal horror flicks of all time, Texas Chainsaw’s cannibal Sawyer family were often seen as an allegory for the dark side of American life in the 1970s: the War in Cambodia; chaos in the streets; and a critique of “traditional” American values of the nuclear family. Hooper was happy to be given the nod. Armed with a budget of $4 Million, he set to work.

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    Besides James Mason, who was immediately cast in the role of Richard Straker, and Reggie Nalder, “the face that launched a thousand trips” as Barlow, the vampire, as well as Elisha Cook, Jr. and Marie Windsor (as Weasel Phillips and Eva Miller, two characters in a relationship, an in-joke by Kobritz due to their prior playing a couple in Stanley Kubrick’s, The Killing), Kobritz next set out to cast his heroes.

    He wanted “something of a heartthrob” for Ben Mears, and eventually found him in Lee Majors, who by 1978 and the film’s production, was coming off his five year stint as Colonel Steve Austin in The Six Million Dollar Man, a hit television series for Universal, airing on ABC. Majors, who was sometimes called “the blond Elvis” due to his perceived similarity in appearance to the King of Rock N Roll, brought some much needed star power and name recognition to the production. He was willing to work for relatively little, due to his desire to break back into film over television, now that The Six Million Dollar Man had been canceled due to declining ratings.

    Joining Majors as Mears’ love interest, Susan Norton, was Bonnie Bedelia, a daytime soap opera star also looking to break into major motion pictures (and thus, willing to work for less). Rounding out the heroes were Mark Petrie, played by child actor Lance Kerwin, and Father Callahan, a Catholic priest (whose character is largely combined in the film with that of high school teacher Matt Burke from the book). Though Kobritz originally wanted Christopher Lee or Vincent Price for the part, both were busy or wanted too high a figure. Thus, he went with his third choice, English actor Donald Pleasence, who had narrowly missed out on playing Dr. Sam Loomis in John Carpenter’s Halloween to Lee.

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    Above: Ben Mears (Lee Majors); Susan Norton (Bonnie Bedelia); and Father Callahan (Donald Pleasence), the team of amateur vampire hunters tasked with bringing down Kurt Barlow.

    In directing the film, Hooper strove to distance himself from the visual style of The Texas Chainsaw Massacre. "This film [Salem’s Lot] is very spooky – it suggests things and always has the overtone of the grave. It affects you differently than my other horror films. It's more atmospheric." The director explained. “I tried to create something you could not escape – the reminder that our time is limited and all the accouterments that go with it, such as the visuals.”

    Several images from the film, notably Reggie Nalder’s terrifying countenance as Barlow, the glowing-eyed vampires, floating outside of windows, and most graphically, a scene where one character, Cully Sawyer, threatens another, Larry Crockett, with a shotgun, sticking the gun’s barrel directly in his mouth, would become iconic and influential in the horror genre.

    When the film eventually premiered in October, 1979, just in time for Halloween, it received largely positive reviews from critics. They praised the film’s eerie atmosphere, cinematography, Hooper’s direction, and scares. The film was also a success at the box office for Warner Bros., who raked in nearly $45 Million. King was very happy with the film. Following its premiere, he felt confident that his own rise to stardom had not “been a fluke”, after all. It would take another year, however, for King’s third novel, and perhaps the most iconic of the film adaptations of his work to debut on the big screen.


    After the death of King’s mother in 1974, he and his family moved to Boulder, Colorado. While there, he and Tabitha paid a visit to the Stanley Hotel in Estes Park. King recalled an “uncanny” experience that he and his wife shared, as they ate dinner in the hotel’s grand dining room, completely alone. “All the other chairs were turned up, on top of the tables. Apparently, we’d come out of season. I thought about what it would be like to spend an entire winter up there. I got shivers.”

    Before the end of that trip, the first half of the initial draft of what would become The Shining was written.

    “I called Danny’s powers ‘the Shining’ after that Beatles song.” King later explained, in an interview. “The one where John Lennon sings, ‘Well we all shine on!’. I just liked the sound of that. I thought it fit.”

    The Shining centers on Jack Torrance, a struggling writer and recovering alcoholic who accepts a position as the off-season caretaker of the historic Overlook Hotel in the Colorado Rockies. His family accompanies him on this job, including his young son Danny, who possesses "the shining", an array of psychic abilities that allow the child to glimpse the hotel's horrific true nature. Soon, after a winter storm leaves the family snowbound, the supernatural forces inhabiting the hotel influence Jack's sanity, leaving his wife, Wendy, and son in grave danger.

    King, who was in the midst of his own struggles with alcohol addiction at the time, began the book, like so many of his stories, as a kind of “what if” scenario. He wanted to explore what would happen if the tendencies he often saw in himself - his dependence on alcohol, his anger - got the better of him, or at least, a character very much like him. In that sense, Jack Torrance was a case of King looking at a shadowy version of himself.

    The Shining, eventually published in 1977, is an exploration of its author’s darkest fears about himself, and what he might become, if he wasn’t careful. The story wove influence from Shirley Jackson and Edgar Allan Poe, creating an almost gothic, haunted house setting, full of supernatural terrors, combined with the rising psychological horror and paranoia brought on by extended isolation.

    King’s editor at Doubleday, Bill Thompson, tried to talk him out of publishing The Shining. He did this because he thought that three straight horror best-sellers would get his client “typed” as a horror writer. King, however, considered that a compliment, and pushed forward with publication anyway. The book became his third hit in a row.

    Due to the highly personal nature of the book, however, King was a bit more choosy when it came time to sell the film rights. Director Stanley Kubrick and screenwriter Diane Johnson (who actually hated the book) sought to obtain the rights to make a film adaptation, which would again be distributed by Warner Bros., at least in the United States. Kubrick was allegedly, “fascinated” by the book, and, wanting “very much” to make a horror film, a genre he was inexperienced in, desired for The Shining to make his mark. For his part, King was honored that such a celebrated director as Kubrick had taken an interest. But when he heard what Kubrick and Johnson’s version would entail, the author was horrified.

    For one thing, all of Kubrick’s choices for the leading role - Jack Torrance - were, in King’s words, “all wrong”. First, he wanted relative unknown Jack Nicholson, whom King dismissed for “always looking crazy, right from the get-go”. The author insisted that Torrance begin the film, “seeming like an ordinary guy. The kind you might meet at a grocery store.” That way, once the transformation, his descent into madness, occurred, the audience would be as shocked as he hoped his readers were when they read the novel. Kubrick’s other top picks - Robert De Niro, Robin Williams, or Harrison Ford - were also rejected by King.

    King also disliked Johnson and Kubrick’s script, which he felt forced Wendy to, “basically just scream and be stupid. That’s not the woman I wrote about.” King’s conception of Wendy was of a strong, independent woman on both a personal and professional level. Kubrick argued that “such a woman would not long stand the personality of Jack Torrance”. Nevertheless, King refused to budge.

    After months of back and forth between the two stubborn creators, and with Warner Bros. getting antsy, wanting very much to secure the film rights, regardless of who directed, the parties involved realized that they were at an impasse. King refused to sell the rights if Kubrick would direct. Kubrick refused to compromise his vision for what he felt the film should be. In the end, they decided to part ways. Kubrick would go on to instead make his horror debut with 1982’s groundbreaking The Colour Out of Space, an adaptation of the H.P. Lovecraft short story of the same name.

    “I’ve learned that dead authors are much easier to work with.” Kubrick glowered to reporters.

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    King, meanwhile, finally sold the film rights to The Shining to Warner Bros. After the “horror” he’d experienced reading Kubrick and Johnson’s script, King decided to adapt the novel himself. His script kept Jack and Wendy’s respective characterization from the novel, as well as other elements which Kubrick and Johnson had wanted to cut, including the topiary of hedge-animals at the hotel, and Jack’s iconic weapon being a roque mallet, rather than an ax. He also maintained the gothic, supernatural tone of his novel, though the psychological horror was still, of course, present. Though Warner Bros. also bought King’s script, many of their executives felt that the author’s attempt remained “too close” to the source material. For several years, the film remained in development limbo, as the studio shopped King’s script around to various screenwriters and directors, seeking a team that could help bring it to fruition.

    In the meantime, King’s novel writing career continued to flourish. After returning to Maine in 1975, where King took up a job teaching English at the University of Maine, as well as a brief tour of Europe with his family, King began his fourth novel in earnest. At first, he was interested in writing about the wave of terrorism throughout the 1970s, as well as the idea of a world devastated by plague. But he quickly hit a snag, as he could not find a way to connect the two ideas. Years later, he would recount the experience in an interview:

    “For a long time—ten years, at least—I had wanted to write a fantasy epic like The Lord of the Rings, only with an American setting. I just couldn't figure out how to do it. Then . . . after my wife and kids and I moved to Boulder, Colorado, I saw a 60 Minutes segment on CBW (chemical-biological warfare). I never forgot the gruesome footage of the test mice shuddering, convulsing, and dying, all in twenty seconds or less. That got me remembering a chemical spill in Utah, that killed a bunch of sheep (these were canisters on their way to some burial ground; they fell off the truck and ruptured). I remembered a news reporter saying, 'If the winds had been blowing the other way, there goes Salt Lake City.'”

    “Before I knew it, I was deep into The Stand, finally writing my American fantasy epic, set in a plague-decimated USA. Only instead of a hobbit, my hero was a Texan named Stu Redman, and instead of a Dark Lord, my villain was a ruthless drifter and supernatural madman named Randall Flagg. The land of Mordor ('where the shadows lie,' according to Tolkien) was played by Las Vegas. I thought that sounded about right.”

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    The Stand, widely considered a contender for King’s masterpiece, is truly an epic. It too would eventually be adapted into a pair of widely-acclaimed films by horror legend George A. Romero in the mid 1980s. But that is a story for another time. King would also publish The Dead Zone, a novel about a car-accident victim who develops psychic powers in 1979. Its film adaptation, by David Cronenberg, will likewise be explored in the next King update.


    Let us close our chronicle on the “King of Horror” for the time being then, by returning to The Shining, which would, in 1980-1981, finally be made into a feature film.

    The key moment came when Richard Kobritz, who decided to return as producer for The Shining caught a midnight screening of the 1977 surreal horror film Eraserhead by American auteur David Lynch in Los Angeles. Kobritz would later exclaim, “it was like a lightbulb went on above my head. I thought, ‘this guy would be perfect for adapting Steve’s book.’”

    Initially, King himself was dubious.

    He appreciated Eraserhead when he viewed it. “It made me downright uncomfortable.” He later remarked. But he also found it “artsy and weird”. He feared that if Lynch were to direct The Shining, it might become too experimental. That the story he was trying to tell might be lost in translation yet again. Reassurance came when King saw Lynch’s second film, The Elephant Man, released in 1980. This latter film, a biopic, starred John Hurt as Joseph Merrick, the real-life celebrity of Victorian medicine, born with several deformities, but whose quest to be seen as human resulted in a moving picture that King admitted, “got even me a bit misty eyed at points.” Though The Elephant Man did have scenes of surrealist imagery, the film was much more “typical” in its narrative structure than something like Eraserhead. King gave Kobritz the green-light to arrange a meeting with Lynch.

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    At first, Lynch too was reluctant to take on the film. His real passion project at the time was a film he’d been developing for years entitled Ronnie Rocket. This film would concern the story of a detective seeking to enter a mysterious second dimension, aided by his ability to stand on one leg. He is being obstructed on this quest by a strange landscape of odd rooms and a mysterious train, while being stalked by the "Donut Men", who wield electricity as a weapon. Besides the detective's story, the film was to show the tale of Ronald d'Arte, a teenage dwarf, who suffers a surgical mishap, which leaves him dependent on being plugged into a mains electricity supply at regular intervals. This dependence grants him an affinity over electricity which he can use to produce music or cause destruction. The boy names himself Ronnie Rocket and becomes a rock n roll star, befriending a tap dancer named Electra-Cute.

    Lynch had originally wanted to make Ronnie Rocket immediately following Eraserhead. But when he realized that the film would be far too expensive to produce without investors or major studio backing, he begrudgingly looked for finished scripts to direct. That was how he’d landed on producer Mel Brooks’ radar, who tapped him to direct The Elephant Man. Still lacking the capital to finance Ronnie Rocket, however, he agreed to take the meeting with King and Kobritz. He even read the copy of The Shining that Kobritz had mailed to him, to prepare.

    The meeting, at a hotel restaurant in Los Angeles, went far better than either man expected. Lynch and King could both relate to each other’s desire for creative control over their work. They both had complicated childhoods, which led to tumult in their personal lives at times. And both held an appreciation for the “duality of American life” - the white picket fence, innocence on one hand, the dark, brutal underbelly on the other. Lynch told King that he “enjoyed” his book, particularly the dream and nightmare sequences, and the character of Danny, whom King agreed should be the “central protagonist” of the film. After finishing their lunch, it came time for Kobritz, representing Warner Bros. and Lynch to come to a decision.

    Lynch agreed to direct the film adaptation of The Shining, on a few conditions.

    One, he wanted to make a few edits to King’s script. Specifically, he wanted to hire a friend of his, young TV writer Mark Frost, to tweak some of its “clunky” dialogue. He also wanted to play up the “dreamlike” atmosphere, blurring the lines between reality and the supernatural. That uncertainty, he argued, would be critical to the film’s sense of dread. Lynch wanted the film to have a slow, ominous pace, that gradually built until the climactic explosion of the Overlook’s boiler at the climax. This, he believed, would, in part, be a symbolic self-destruction of American greed and worship of industrial technology, themes Lynch was interested in exploring. King approved of these additions, and the two shook hands and parted ways. Production on The Shining began in the autumn of 1980.

    “Everyone involved,” Richard Kobritz later remarked, “held their breath regarding casting.” “After all, that had been one of the real sore spots between Stanley and Steve several years prior.”

    During their initial meeting in Los Angeles, the author stressed to Lynch his insistence that the lead, whoever would play Jack Torrance, had to, at least initially, come off as a real nice guy. Lynch, agreeing, immediately suggested Jack Nance, his friend from the American Film Institute, who had played the lead in Eraserhead, and whom Lynch had tried (and failed) to get cast as Joseph Merrick in The Elephant Man. Kobritz balked.

    He’d enjoyed Nance’s performance in Eraserhead. But Nance was a virtual unknown in Hollywood. Besides Eraserhead, Nance’s filmography was almost exclusively bit parts in B-movies. He had, in the mid 1960s, been a player at the American Conservatory Theater in San Francisco. During his time there, he’d found success and critical acclaim in the lead role in a play based on the life of American founding father Thomas Paine.

    This was all well and good, but Kobritz knew that his bosses back at Warner Bros. would scream bloody murder over Nance as Jack Torrance. The studio wanted a bankable star to help “sell” the film to non-horror fans. King, when pressed by Kobritz on this issue, suggested a couple: Jon Voight; Michael Moriarty; or Martin Sheen. Lynch agreed to have these three come in for screen tests, but asked that his friend, Jack Nance, be shown the same courtesy. Kobritz agreed, wanting to maintain good relations with Lynch, since they would be working together to finish the film.

    Contrary to everyone (except Lynch’s) expectations, Nance’s performance as Jack Torrance in the screen tests absolutely stole the show. A quiet, somewhat shy man, with a short (5’6”), lean frame, Nance astounded everyone on set with the level of pathos he was able to inject into the character. Contrary to the book’s description of Jack Torrance as a “moderately tall, muscular” man, Nance’s Jack Torrance seemed, at first glance, sensitive and introspective. His small stature made it easy for a prospective audience to underestimate him. Nance, who had also read the novel when he heard his friend, Lynch would be directing the film, played the character as smart, cynical, but relatable during the early scenes, where he is interviewed by Stuart Ullman, the Overlook’s fussy, self-serious manager (played by Harry Dean Stanton). Later, he smolders, his anger slowly building until it explodes into a furious rage at the film’s climax.

    The crew and even Warner Bros. executives were so blown away by Nance’s screen tests, that the latter agreed to let Lynch cast Nance as Torrance, though they would pay him significantly less than the would have ever dared to offer Voight, Moriarty, or Sheen. Nance, just happy to have a chance to break out a bit, accepted the lower pay.

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    Above: Jack Nance (left), Meryl Streep (center), and Scatman Crothers (right), cast as Jack Torrance, Wendy Torrance, and Dick Hallorann respectively.

    Though Lynch had wanted to cast Nance’s real-life wife, Catherine E. Coulson, as Wendy Torrance, the studio put their foot down and demanded he go with someone more well known. In the end, after auditioning several actresses, including Goldie Hawn and Jessica Lange, Lynch and Kobritz settled on Meryl Streep, an up and coming star whom Warner Bros. hoped to build a relationship with so that they could get her to come back for future productions. Jazz legend and voice-over star Scatman Crothers was tapped to star as Dick Hallorann, the Overlook’s cook who teaches Danny Torrance (played by Sean Astin) about his power, the mysterious “Shining”. After reviewing the screen tests, particularly Nance’s and Streep’s, King was pleased with what he saw.

    Though largely filmed on-location at the Stanley Hotel in Colorado, the film also featured several sections that had to be shot on a soundstage in Los Angeles. These would include the nightmare sequences, including the scene where “Tony”, Danny’s imaginary friend, shows Danny what his father will do to him and his mother if he doesn’t get away from the Overlook. The blood-scrawled “REDRUM!” would become especially iconic.

    To create the film’s score, Lynch tapped Angelo Badalamenti, a relatively unknown film composer at the time. His work, which paid meticulous attention to not just the music but the film’s overall sound design, created a haunting, atmospheric soundscape that served to heighten the tension and bring the eeriness of the Overlook to life.

    The film also bore Lynch’s striking visual style. Emphasizing the hotel’s unsettling and mysterious qualities, Lynch helped turn the Overlook into a proverbial maze of creaking doors, leaking faucets, lurking shadows, and inhuman machinery. In the end, The Shining would not be released to US cinemas until Labor Day weekend, 1981. When it arrived, however, it changed the horror genre forever.

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    Above: Concept art by David Lynch, showing his idea for a nightmare sequence in the Overlook Hotel, using the concept of “liminal spaces” that would one day become widely influential in creepypasta (left, art generated by AI). Sean Astin, the debuting child actor who played Danny Torrance.

    Initial reviews at the time were mixed, a first for a King adaptation. The New York Times praised the performances of the leads, particularly Meryl Streep, but criticized what they felt were “bizarre” direction choices from Lynch, whose surreal style they felt detracted from the “emotional core” of King’s story.

    On the other hand, Roger Ebert gave the film four stars out of four, a rare feat for him when it comes to horror, a genre he famously disliked. He praised the “relatively unknown” Nance, who manages to “deliver a compelling performance, and almost, almost makes you forgive him for everything he’s put his family through when he runs back and sacrifices himself to destroy the Overlook at the film’s conclusion”. Unlike the Times, he lavished praise on Lynch, calling his surreal style, “visionary”, and claimed that “The Shining will serve as a fine feather in David Lynch’s cap, right alongside The Elephant Man. Anyone who thinks that Lynch is just an art-house auteur, must first watch these two films before arriving at that opinion.”

    Retrospective reviews were almost universally kind to Lynch and his vision. The film is now widely regarded as a “masterpiece” of the horror genre, and one of the most influential films of all time. As of 2023, the film holds an 85% “certified fresh” rating on review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes. Though Kubrick fans would always pine for what could have been if he’d been allowed to take a crack at adapting King’s novel, fans of the book and of Lynch argue that he managed to not only remain faithful to the source material, but imbue his film with his own unique energy.

    The Shining would not mark the final collaboration between Lynch and Mark Frost, either. The two would eventually go on to co-create Northwest Passage, one of the best regarded and most fondly remembered TV series of the early 1990s. As for Stephen King, pleased with the success of The Shining, his career entered its next, prolific phase - the 1980s.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Checking in on Northern Ireland

    ...​
    Author's Note: I was hoping to get this chapter published today, in honor of Stephen King's 76th birthday. :) King is my personal favorite author, and a major inspiration to me as writer. I hope that you all won't mind my personal interest in the man and his work seeping into the world of Blue Skies in Camelot. Next update, we return to Northern Ireland, as I felt I already had a lot of material to cover on that topic. Then, it will be on to other foreign affairs. Cheers!
     
    Chapter 124
  • Content Warning: This chapter deals with issues of rape and sexual assault. If you are not in a good place to read about such topics right now, I suggest maybe setting this update aside for now and coming back later. I will provide a TL;DR version of this chapter at its conclusion, if you would prefer to just get the highlights and continue on with the story. Thank you.
    ...

    Chapter 124: Don’t Look Back - The Fall of Roman Polanski; The Feminist Sex Wars

    s5sBsQoSseFiegmYVN11sim8bfboEns22hSo6x-3Sh4BOvJDm7IlUngqnbd5RdfXm27FUjRN-Jg3p12MxB13MC_YwHjpbdaJUa9_ZoRlkRFpL8xgX_M4EUundfeRvTwkwG4Q9VOm4h1SnaQxVi83fC0
    N8ZNM0dhysREUTRsxIkPMmSb3ShgYdLuN0RdNE_P-Ajg1hApnqHtFPO7QolhJHvrsm_Deaizl6tyfePgiVe0JeT8El4Wh1WjJPQF8sPtQudBUN6KlnoGuA6emhpO50X7dZ4VrkDvPYGtuPtITjfknO0
    Above: Roman Polanski, mobbed by reporters following the opening statements in the sexual assault case against him, The People v. Roman Polanski (left); An intersectional protest, a key fixture of what would come to be called “Third-Wave feminism” (right).

    “Don't look back, ooh, a new day is breakin'
    It's been too long since I felt this way
    I don't mind, ooh, where I get taken
    The road is callin', today is the day
    I can see, it took so long just to realize
    I'm much too strong not to compromise
    Now I see what I am is holding me down
    I'll turn it around
    Oh, yes, I will
    I finally see the dawn arrivin'
    I see beyond the road I'm drivin'”
    - “Don’t Look Back”, Boston

    “Possibility is not a luxury; it is as crucial as bread.” - Judith Butler

    “Hollywood is a place where they'll pay you a thousand dollars for a kiss and fifty cents for your soul. - Marilyn Monroe

    On March 10th, 1977, French-Polish film director Roman Polanski, only a few years removed from his divorce to wife Sharon Tate, was staying at the Mulholland area home of his friend, actor Jack Nicholson, in Los Angeles. Polanski was a well-known and successful director at the time. Despite his divorce and the acrimony which surrounded it, he managed to snag a number of Academy Award nominations, including 11 for 1974’s neo-noir Chinatown, which starred Nicholson. Some of his other major films included 1968’s Rosemary’s Baby and a 1971 adaptation of Macbeth. By ‘77, however, Polanski had fallen into a slump. He hadn’t successfully completed a film since 1974. His friends were beginning to worry about him. Hence why Nicholson invited him to stay with him and Nicholson’s live-in girlfriend at the time, Anjelica Huston. Nicholson was out of town on a Colorado skiing trip on March 10th, 1977. Huston had stayed behind, but had gone out shopping for the day and thus was largely absent.

    The director had, evidently, invited a 13-year-old girl named Samantha Jane Gailey over to Nicholson and Huston’s house. According to later testimony, Polanski had asked Gailey’s mother, a television actress and model, if he could photograph her daughter as part of his work for the French edition of Vogue. Polanski, amidst his film slump, had been invited to help edit the magazine. Gailey’s mother agreed to the private photoshoot, though Gailey herself later admitted to feeling “very uncomfortable” after the first session, in which Polanski photographed her topless, at the director’s request. The girl claimed that she was reluctant to commit to a second session, but agreed when her mother told her that it could be helpful to both of their careers.

    “We started with photos of me drinking champagne.” Gailey would later testify, referring to the second shoot. “Then it got a little scary. I felt sick to my stomach. I realized that he [Polanski] had other intentions. I knew I was somewhere I should not be. Alone with someone I shouldn’t be. I just didn’t know how to get myself out of there.”

    Polanski asked her to lay on his bed. She said she didn’t want to be alone in his bedroom anymore. She said “no” several times as he made his way toward her. But she did not know what else to do. “We were alone and I didn't know what else would happen if I made a scene. So I was just scared, and after giving some resistance, I figured well, I guess I'll get to go home after this.” Gailey would later recall.

    Polanski encouraged her to drink the champagne used in the photoshoot; he also gave her a Quaalude, a hypnotic sedative. Then, despite Gailey’s protests, he proceeded to perform oral, vaginal, and even anal sex on her, each time after being told “no” and asked to stop.

    At some point, Gailey later recalled, Anjelica Huston returned home from shopping and apparently grew suspicious of Polanski’s “behind closed doors” activities. She banged on the door and demanded to be let inside. Polanski lied, however, telling her that he and his young victim were simply “finishing up their photoshoot”. Huston eventually relented. Her decision not to immediately phone the police was later heavily scrutinized, as was Nicholson’s decision to leave Polanski alone in his house for an extended period of time. In any event, Gailey returned home that night, horrified by what had happened to her. She informed her mother, who then alerted the police. Polanski was arrested that night and taken in for questioning.

    DMIeW7Noj9mulrhKbCiqb2TS7iggXQhY6V53jJuh5sL421H_E1aVGLAzAGuLU59yspH21xKBKQ45O_1omEuE649Olmlj19tngG8oB-Debqjcpy8BmUcf3ymP6gRKw-NI-pp3n4jipjShWb4QrubUZ3E
    Above: Polanski’s friends, couple Jack Nicholson and Anjelica Huston. Both were later criticized for failing to prevent the rape of Samantha Gailey by Polanski. They would both apologize to Gailey and her family in the days following the trial.

    Polanski did not deny that he “had sex” with Gailey. Instead, he pivoted toward claiming the encounter was “consensual”. He admitted to giving her drugs and alcohol, but denied that she was “unresponsive” and “incapable of resisting”. He encouraged the officers to shrug the “interaction” off, claiming that he was a foreigner in an unfamiliar country, unaccustomed to local morals concerning sex. He blamed both the victim and her mother, claiming quote, “Miss Gailey was not only physically mature, but willing”. He even called upon his personal psychiatrist, who vouched that Polanski was quote, “Neither a pedophile, nor a sexual deviant of any kind.” Nevertheless, the police, and the victim, were not swayed.

    The director was charged with “unlawful sexual intercourse with a female under the age of 18”, “rape by use of drugs”, “perversion”, “sodomy”, perpetrating quote “a lewd and lascivious act upon a minor under the age of 14”, and “furnishing a controlled substance to a minor”. These were serious charges, each of them felonies. If convicted, the director was looking at serious prison time, possibly spending the rest of his life behind bars. Polanski and his lawyers attempted to secure a plea deal, the director being willing to plead down to a lesser charge, such as “unlawful sexual intercourse with a minor”.

    When this deal was offered to Gailey, her family, and her attorneys however, they balked. Though she knew it would be taking a tremendous risk, given the terrible treatment which often befalls those who make accusations of sexual assault, especially against an influential public figure, Gailey decided to go public with her allegations against Polanski. She gave a tell-all interview to the Los Angeles Times, which ran the story on its front-page the following day. The city and indeed, the nation were outraged. As she and her lawyers predicted, however, the story quickly descended into a back and forth case of “he said”, “she said”. Gailey and her family pressed forward with all six charges. Polanski and his team, however, felt confident that by the time that the case finally came to trial, the heat would die down, and he’d walk away a free man.

    Polanski was apparently so confident of an acquittal, that he even gave a controversial interview with English novelist Martin Amis, in which he claimed, quote: “If I had killed somebody, it wouldn't have had so much appeal to the press, you see? But … fucking, you see, and the young girls. Judges want to fuck young girls. Juries want to fuck young girls. Everyone wants to fuck young girls!”

    What Polanski and his attorneys did not count on, however, was a very public statement of solidarity and support for Samantha Gailey from one of the biggest stars in Hollywood history: Marilyn Monroe.

    ubsREZ9CyC0kOgLQLHajasVGPKRYG3ndxvUhtQ7CPcwp3aUWc7RQXJVvQXJxQ2wstkNGW31TRpEZAOUwVmMvEEEr0nWD2xV8O7MQ88ied8vKNsIBnooFfhUvw1unwauV7965MD1opMra_j-aO05nWMs
    Above: Fifty-two years old by 1978, Marilyn Monroe’s acting career may have been winding down, but her career as a public advocate for feminism was only just beginning. (Art generated using Midjourney AI)

    Monroe, who was horrified by young Miss Gailey’s story when she read the article in the Times, decided to publish an op-ed of her own in the weeks leading up to the trial. In the editorial, entitled, “The True Story of a Hollywood Sex Symbol”, Monroe recounted not only her own personal experiences of being sexually assaulted as a young girl at home, and after her move to Hollywood (including a terrifying incident from the so-called “party circuit” of the late 1940s, where three men tried to hold her to a bed and rape her), but also her perspective on the culture of Los Angeles and the film industry in particular. “The City of Angels”’ reputation for sin and darkness was, Monroe argued, a long-held open secret. But for decades, the nation chose to do nothing about it. Instead, it turned its head away, buried it in the sand. In exchange for this neglect, Hollywood entertained America, kept it distracted from the issues of the day, be they social and cultural or otherwise. She said she empathized tremendously with Gailey as, “she knew what it was like” to be pressured to “trade sex for fame”. To “sell your soul” in exchange for a chance at the big time. Beyond penning this article, Monroe also personally paid for all of the Gailey family’s legal fees throughout the subsequent trial against Polanski.

    As if Monroe’s account weren’t damning enough for outraging the public and turning opinion decidedly against Polanski and predators like him, she then brought out an unexpected ally in this fight: California Senator Shirley Temple Black. Monroe would later explain how she called upon the Senator personally, visiting her in Washington to ask her to publish a story of her own, and to call for a harsh sentence for Polanski.

    By 1978, Senator Temple Black had virtually done it all. Indeed, to many, she’d become somewhat emblematic of the American dream. During the depths of the Great Depression, she was the most popular child star in the country, helping people smile and giving them hope through those dark days. More recently, she’d become a darling of conservatives across the country thanks to her right of center politics and support for the Republican cause in Washington. To both conservatives and apolitical, middle America, the idea of anyone wanting to hurt sweet Shirley Temple was almost unthinkable. And yet, that was the very claim that the Senator would make in her tell-all autobiography, Child Star, published just before Polanski’s trial. Temple Black wrote about her own anguish at feeling that her films were part of a general trend of “overtly sexualizing children, and in particular, young girls” in Hollywood. She wrote of creeps who would visit the cinema just to watch her films and “get off” to the idea of the sweet, innocent girl (in the words of one British film critic), “shaking her well-developed rump”. She was eight years old in the film that review was written about.

    More damning were Temple Black’s stories about Arthur Freed, a producer at MGM, who once called Temple into his office when she was 12 years old. He then proceeded to expose himself to her. Temple laughed nervously, which apparently threw Freed into a rage which resulted in him throwing her out of his office. Later, when she was 17, she was made a victim again when David O. Selznik, another producer, attempted to sexually assault her. She managed to escape that situation, but it was not the last time that the future Senator would have to deal with piggish creeps in Hollywood. Even after being elected to public office, Temple Black still struggled to be treated with the same degree of respect and esteem as her male colleagues.

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    TmKS3Xb8kaW-GQ-rpYHpQeLiBatx97_A3H3UUc_jnVEMGVeUKkcFjKhUnCSZ4E3fubUixaDdGEnmbeHQ3aElbMrzhILDyKXI58zb4D2yyEVl4qfp5K4edAi25T_OGGRwpymZzfwab-XLckEzAUiEU9c

    Though it was not immediately apparent at the time, Monroe and Temple’s accounts of their harrowing experiences would not only enrage a large swath of the American public, it would also help launch a movement that would, in time, challenge the very foundations of sexism, misogyny, and sexual abuse of women in the United States and abroad.

    This movement, eventually dubbed the “So Have I” movement (as in, “So and so has had enough and so have I”) would result in the calling out and exposing of all sorts of toxic, predatory behavior by men, not just in Hollywood and the entertainment industry, but in all aspects of American life. Business. Politics. Sports. The real cultural shift would start throughout the 1980s and 90s, but to many historians studying the “So Have I” movement and its roots, 1978, the Polanski Trial, and Marilyn Monroe and Shirley Temple Black’s damning publications were definitely a critical starting point.

    Thanks in large part to public outrage against Polanski and predators like him, when Polanski was eventually found guilty on all six charges against him, the judge overseeing his case decided to make an example of him. Polanski was sentenced to a total of forty-one years in a state penitentiary. Though he would have a chance at parole, he would, regardless, be forever labeled a sex offender and be forced to register as such. The judge, Laurence J. Rittenband, also recommended to federal authorities that Polanski be deported immediately and barred from re-entry to the United States upon release, whether that be from parole or in 2019, when his sentence was up. In the end, Polanski would serve twenty of those forty-one years, being granted parole in 1998. He would be deported from the United States, returning to Paris, France, where he fell into obscurity, to spend the rest of his days in disgrace. Today, Polanski is probably best remembered as the first major public figure to be “So have I’d”, the term applied to those whom the movement exposes for their predatory behavior.

    For their part, Samantha Gailey and her family felt vindicated by the verdict. It didn’t undo the horrendous wrong perpetrated against her. But at least she received some modicum of justice.



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    mXbpHLnuhKUtax6e9DMy7PHq1uyfLJwVhSEXm8HQU0AZ8RzliZm_NE5Jb0bF-QNX3PW8COIEC1V6cL5oMTs2LHBtcmrSQg79tpzQAH0Wn6oioEbdlmPavQkIKpqc6E-hp7oC8kn60MAAqvaUl2IPAM8
    Above: Angela Davis (left) and Florynce Kennedy (right), Black American feminists who helped critique and improve upon the “largely white focused” limitations of Second-Wave feminism.

    This discussion of the start of the “So Have I” movement must also be grounded within the greater context of the wider trends in feminism around this time. The so-called “Second-Wave” of feminism, which peaked in the 1960s with Betty Friedan and The Feminine Mystique was, for the first time, beginning to be critiqued, especially in academia.

    While Second-Wave feminism advocated strongly for women’s right to work outside the home, and control their own reproductive destiny, many, especially in the African-American community and Civil Rights movement, felt that these goals rang hollow to the lived experiences of Black women. Due to centuries of poverty, many Black women were forced to work both inside and outside the home, for example. While abortion rights certainly did empower black women and white women alike, Angela Davis rightly pointed out that African-American also suffered under forced sterilization programs, which were not being widely discussed in conversations about reproductive rights and justice. Throughout the late 70s and into the 1980s, black feminism developed in parallel with mainstream (largely white) feminism. Alice Walker, author of the classic novel, The Color Purple and other works, coined the term “Womanism” which emphasized the degree of the oppression Black women faced when compared to White women, and appealed for greater inclusivity in broader liberation movements.

    Even among non-black feminists, Second-Wave feminism was seen as having several issues by many within the movement. For one thing, Second-Wave feminism was seen as being very limited in what it was actually advocating for. Betty Friedan, for instance, infamously left lesbian rights out of her political agenda. Ideas of class and race caused clashes and continued to divide activists and advocates who should, truthfully, have been on the same side against the largely white, largely male dominated shape of society at large. If the patriarchy and indeed, de facto white supremacy were ever to be dismantled, you couldn’t have, for example, white, upper-middle class lesbians calling black, working class lesbians “counter revolutionary” for practicing the butch/femme dynamic, something most of the former group scorned due to its perceived “mimicking” of the male dominated, heterosexual lifestyle. Indeed, this conflict between various groups of feminists and LGBT+ activists was just a part of a much bigger divide in the movement, the so-called “Feminist Sex Wars”.

    Also called “the porn wars”, the Feminist Sex Wars were really a series of collective debates within the feminist movement regarding a number of issues broadly relating to sexuality and sexual activity. These differences of opinion deeply polarized the movement, and arguably, led to it losing momentum in the latter half of the 1970s and first half of the 1980s.

    On one side, you had arguably the “traditional”, Second-Wave feminists. This group opposed such things as pornography, erotica, prostitution, (some) lesbian sexual practices, and were generally uncomfortable with the role of transgender women in the lesbian community, sadomasochism, fetishism, and other sexual matters. They found most of these things “exploitative” and wanted them either banned, or at the very least, strictly regulated.

    On the other, you had so-called “sex positive” feminist groups. These groups felt that women should embrace their own sexual identities and power. They embraced sexual minority groups, celebrated “sexual liberation”, and endorsed the value of what they called “coalition building”. Over time, this notion of coalition building would be rebranded “intersectionality” and would become one of the key concepts in the coming Third-Wave of feminism. Sex-positive feminists typically argue for decriminalization of prostitution (to help protect sex workers with regulations and government oversight), and are supportive of porn and erotica, so long as the women involved in producing it are not exploited.

    sLYJeTSgw_5QXEHkHsM0Ttc-mlikOmZUdfoWW0kWZIeK_0i2nKjaFJCiOOHjhE997mYp4iWvvD0PE3iE2M5gE02P4wU-GgYj_H_IXmDtFq6Yvk1Kx22JX-IBHQXPsz0OSn5yyyGrkLpguKOtU9r0Ppw
    ogK3OJaBikhdQs_tVFXL3oxRExpD8AT0ptZWKmeH3jfIZY-7sdgBmu4FEewB_W0Li5ZU_pNJ5D7LwpEhix1sngGPhu_0dXfYO7TTMmj9kZpPgnqPJfV182TKcgOhdj7o3EhJ3-KxUPrpjkmjbDyuvTA

    As pornography and erotica exploded in popularity throughout the 1970s and into the 80s, riding the coattails of “sexual liberation” from the 60s, there was a strong backlash against them in some sectors of society, some of which bordered on the intensity of a “moral panic”. Preachers, from Sunday pulpit-dwellers to the uber-wealthy Televangelists of the New South, both decried the sudden openness about sex as “the Devil’s work” and pointed to declining church attendance and increased crime as evidence of the “moral decay” of America. Even with the fall of Jerry Falwell and his American Conservative Party, there was still a strong desire in the country for someone (indeed, a strong, white man) to step up and say “enough is enough” to all the sex fiends and the hippies. Former Vice President Ronald Reagan, preparing to launch his second campaign for President, was taking copious notes.

    In an effort to provide a united front against possible conservative backlash, which threatened to undo the modest gains achieved during the Kennedy, Romney, and Bush years, the feminist movement and other allied movements needed to get on the same page about these and other issues. Would they, in time to stop a possible rollback?

    Only time would tell.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Northern Ireland. No, really, this time.


    TL;DR - As promised, here's the much more SFW version of this chapter, which will just hit the highlights:
    • In early 1977, acclaimed film director Roman Polanski is arrested and charged with several heinous crimes.​
    • Thanks to vocal support from Marilyn Monroe, Shirley Temple Black, and other actresses, public opinion turns decidedly against Polanski, resulting in his conviction and imprisonment.​
    • This, arguably, marks the start of the "So Have I" movement, TTL's (much earlier) equivalent of #MeToo.​
    • Though it will take several years for the culture in Hollywood and across America to really shift, this huge, very public exposure and take-down of an influential public figure is a monumental occasion nevertheless.​
    • Second-Wave feminism has passed its peak of influence on the movement. Early forerunners of Third-Wave feminism are beginning to speak out, demanding intersectionality and combined struggled across racial, social, and class lines.​
    • Simultaneously, the "Culture Wars" of TTL are finally beginning to heat up. With the so-called "excesses" of the 60s much more muted ITTL, and without Watergate or a similar scandal to really inflame and polarize the American public, it's taken us longer to reach this point. But I do believe that it has to happen at some point.​
    Hope you enjoyed. As ever, thank you for reading!
     
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    A Sneak Peak into the GOP in 1980...
  • If Reagan is running for US President, who will be his Vice President? Anyone guesses geniuses?

    Probably someone from the moderate wing of the Republicans. If both the presidential and vice presidential nominees are fervent right-wingers, then the GOP could kiss goodbye to "Middle America" (meaning centrist) votes.

    Maybe Bob Dole?

    Richard Schweiker was his running mate during his OTL 1976 campaign

    I guess he could work
    All will be revealed in good time, of course... To give a bit of a sneak peek into the Republican primaries in 1980, though Reagan is expected to be far and away the frontrunner (and as a result, many would-be candidates are sitting this year out), he is not the only candidate gearing up for the race. Other Republicans interested in mounting a bid for the nomination include:

    1. Bob Dole - Moderate to conservative Senator from Kansas and the chairman of the RNC for the past several years, Dole will (probably) make for a pretty lackluster candidate compared to Reagan. He's not nearly as charismatic, for one thing. What Dole does have, is connections in Washington, and a unique strategy. He hopes to appeal to the more moderate wing of the party and sell himself as a champion of compromise compared to the more openly right-wing Reagan. How that will fare in a party primary, rather than a general election... Only time will tell. There's something of an "electability" argument that Dole will try to make.

    Bob_Dole.jpg

    2. Al Haig - An interesting one, and also a longshot. Alexander Haig is, ITTL, NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Europe, as of May 1979. Having previously served in the Korean War, then as an aide to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, then again as a battalion commander in Cambodia, General Haig has won a number of medals, becoming a highly decorated officer. He later served in the Romney and Bush administrations, even becoming National Security Advisor for a time under the latter. Another case of "bipartisan credential" flexing, Haig will try to mount a foreign policy-centered campaign, talking about "winning" the Cold War.

    220px-General_Alexander_Meigs_Haig%2C_Jr.jpg

    3. Richard M. Nixon - I know, I know. You must be thinking: "Lincoln, have you gone mad?! Nixon's been out of elected office for nearly twenty years! He failed to win the GOP primary in '68 against Romney, then had a pretty lackluster turn as Secretary of State before being unceremoniously sacked by President Bush after the fiasco where Nixon and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger tried to stage a coup in Chile without the President's knowledge or consent." And... yeah, that's all true. But Nixon ITTL has grown increasingly paranoid and increasingly isolated. He's extremely bitter for all the "mistreatment" he feels he's received at the hands of "elitists" like Bush and the Kennedys. Old Tricky Dicky will be 67 years old in 1980. A couple years younger than Reagan, even. If there's even a chance that he might be able to win the nomination, or even influence the outcome at the convention, he might just be deluded enough to try.

    nixon-1986-png.328990

    I repeat, all three of these other candidates are considered long shots by most in the political world. Reagan should have this thing sewn up, right?

    90
     
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    And one more Republican hopeful!
  • I would be remiss to not mention...

    4. Charles H. Percy - Probably the strongest possible heir to the liberal "Romney Republicans", Senator Percy of Illinois is nationally known for his acumen on business, tax, and foreign policy issues. For all the aging "Yaffers" running around demanding the nomination be handed to Reagan on a silver platter, Percy is "their father's Republican". Eisenhower-esque in terms of his preference for moderation and slow, steady social and cultural progress, Percy once said of Malcolm X's autobiography, "I enjoyed it a lot. I think every white person in America should read it." All that being said, the "Eastern Establishment" of "Country-club Republicans" who make up Percy's prospective base are growing weaker and weaker with each subsequent Republican primary. As the culture wars mentioned in Chapter 124 really heat up, Percy runs the risk of appearing too liberal. Indeed, that sort of Republican plays well in purple states, but in an increasingly conservative primary? Tough to say.

    Percy-Charles.jpg
     
    Chapter 125
  • Chapter 125: “The Men Behind the Wire” - The Troubles Reach Their Bloody Peak
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    1pgcxx8KBxGl-RslgaNfx85QAt4lIKLakhPqQVXtcdutMmfhuB_GGXdNg-yu44jXj8BqKCZ2wjGChwRahHAzKUbmLP5pFOoWCUvoADZSxgBczTNXrhcaHL9jsjj4E8GY89z0jS9WJrP2_a2p0ZBxVgw
    Above: A propaganda image for the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), showing female members “mugging” a Unionist in Belfast (left); the infamous “Hunger Strikers” (right).

    “Armored cars and tanks and guns came to take away our sons
    But every man must stand behind the men behind the wire”

    - “The Men Behind the Wire”, the Wolfe Tones​

    “I joined the civil rights marches because it was obvious that some people were being treated better than others. We used to accept bad housing and bad jobs. Most of my friends just went to England and didn’t bother looking for work here. I had never voted and neither had my parents, brothers or sisters. There was no point, you couldn’t really change anything. The marches awoke a sense of injustice in me and a determination to be treated equally.”
    - An unnamed Catholic resident of Derry, Northern Ireland​

    “It was all ‘the Catholics this and the Catholics that’ [with Loyalists] living in poverty and us lording it over them. People looked around and said, ‘What, are they talking about, us? With the damp running down the walls and our houses not fit to live in.”
    - A Protestant housewife in Belfast, interviewed by the BBC​


    The mid to late 1970s were, without question, the bloody peak of the sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland, known colloquially as “The Troubles”. In the years after “Bloody Sunday”, and following the Provisional IRA’s “home bombing” campaign of terror throughout the United Kingdom, all parties involved grew increasingly eager for some kind of peace. The issue was, as it had always been, however, complex and multi-faceted. To fully explain the difficulties in bringing the conflict to a close, it is helpful to first examine the situation from a bird’s eye view, to try and understand the geopolitics of the situation.

    Beginning in 1971, the Tory governments, first of Randolph Churchill, then Margaret Thatcher, had attempted to clamp down on the violence by instituting direct rule of Northern Ireland from London. Due to claims of voter fraud and election tampering from both the Loyalist and Nationalist factions, the Northern Irish parliament was no longer seen as legitimate in the eyes of many Northern Irish citizens. The Royal Ulster Constabulary, as well as regular British army soldiers attempted to maintain law and order, and fought back both the Provisional IRA and the Ulster Volunteer militias. Neither side, however, were happy with the British government’s involvement.

    Loyalists constantly accused London of going “soft” on the Provo's and other republican groups, for fear of inciting some kind of international incident with the Republic of Ireland, or damaging relations with the United States, Canada, and other nations with large Irish diaspora, who were generally amenable to Irish nationalism. Nationalists, meanwhile, cringed at the idea of Churchill, the son of the man who had first unleashed the loathed “Black and Tans” on Ireland a generation earlier, sending British soldiers to Irish soil to “keep the peace”. They accused first his, then Thatcher’s governments of unfairly favoring the Loyalists, and never punishing their militias to nearly the same degree as they did any captured IRA members.

    For their part, the British public would have liked for nothing more than to wash their hands of the situation. Outside of Northern Ireland, support for continued union, even if it meant military occupation, was quite low indeed. Many English, Scottish, and Welsh citizens of the UK felt that this was a Northern Irish issue, not a British one. Many in the press and public began to discuss the possibility of an independent Northern Ireland. This was, in large part, the goal of the PIRA’s terror campaign. They hoped that they might dissuade the British public, and thereby the British government, from continuing the fight. This contingency was discussed, by some in both the Churchill and Thatcher governments, but never with any degree of seriousness. Both PMs would never have considered such a move, even as some members of Labor’s shadow cabinet met openly with the IRA to discuss a possible ceasefire. Talks, which the PIRA leaders believed, would lead to Northern Ireland becoming a separate dominion, not part of the Commonwealth. An “independent” Northern Ireland of this kind would then be a much easier target for their true goal: an open and bloody civil war, with an intervention by the Republic on behalf of Catholic Nationalists, if need be.

    In both Dublin and London, this possibility was treated as, in Churchill’s words, “an utter doomsday scenario”. In 1975, the Republic of Ireland’s Foreign Minister, Garrett FitzGerald discussed in a memorandum both his country’s anger at the Shadow Ministers meeting with the leadership of the IRA, an illegal organization, as well as their hopes that such a scenario (complete British withdrawal from Northern Ireland) not take place. According to FitzGerald, such a move would result in three possible scenarios, none of them good.

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    wbs0TcUj67IFpYe3J33YToUZOKoeZSrf6cCRRd0pihiZsrTZJA-7Z2ZaZTU3WznaOlFJW-bdBDYhIbTy4aMhyikCIZJdgCU7mIDx9xNY_JIx7Hhi8pqJcwrBCjmPK-wsBYvGtQDvyUsK942_lIplsFg

    The first, orderly British withdrawal followed by Northern Irish independence, was seen as the “best of the worst” scenarios. Followed by a possible repatriation of the island, which would have seen Catholic/Nationalist and Protestant/Loyalist citizens relocated to different parts of Northern Ireland and the borders between the two countries redrawn. And finally, the absolute worst of the worst: the north descending into anarchic civil war. FitzGerald concluded that while the Irish government would prefer that none of these contingencies come to pass, it held relatively little power to stop them should the British withdrawal. Worse, there were some in the Republic’s government who secretly hoped for the situation in the north to break down. If it did, it could provide a casus belli for the Republic to march its (official) army into Derry and Belfast to protect the rights of Catholics and Nationalists, thus resulting in a possible reunification of the island. FitzGerald and the rest of the Fine Gael government were well aware, however, that such a move would only provoke an Ulstermen response of apocalyptic proportions. Such would be the culmination of more than five decades of their absolute worst fears made manifest.

    Thus, without a solution readily available, the British stayed. The conflict continued.

    Distraught that their tactics had failed to elicit the desired British withdrawal, the Provisional IRA allowed their ceasefire with British authorities to expire in early 1976. They began to develop a strategy they called “the Long War”, which involved a less intense but more sustained campaign of violence that could continue indefinitely. Despite war weariness setting in on both sides, the work of the “Peace People”, winners of the 1976 Nobel Peace Prize, and other groups seemed incapable of producing a lasting settlement. In the case of the Peace People, their campaign lost momentum and support amongst the general public when they asked Catholics and Nationalists to “inform” on members of the PIRA to British authorities. In February 1978, the PIRA bombed La Mon, a hotel restaurant in County Down. The following year, in August of 1979, they attempted to assassinate former Governor-General and Viceroy of India, World War II hero Lord Mountbatten and several members of his family and entourage. Thankfully, SAS agents were warned of the plot ahead of time and managed to relocate Mountbatten and the other targets at the last moment. Still, it was clear that unless something changed, the 1980s would begin yet another decade of bloodshed in Northern Ireland and beyond.

    1200px-Lord_Mountbatten_Naval_in_colour_Allan_Warren.jpg




    KYzo-fyFKlrrup81Aa4pcXfXbdFirN1y6qYMkBp9594wNvvUBL-2MsEpsleGjouqix-PiuLeTGg_r89No822DrsxcS5A5oZqEyftkOxegEni_ExwFzmX-Ve_hqMzUBg6c1HqWrgD-ox3EhlLtYf7dH0
    Above: Denis Healey, leader of the Labour Party, elected Prime Minister in “the Winter of Discontent”, 1978. Healey, though not among the members of the Labour shadow cabinet to meet with PIRA leaders, was eager to see the violence in Northern Ireland (and British occupation there) cease.

    The Labour Ministry which began following the “Winter of Discontent”, certainly had its work cut out for it in a myriad of areas. The British economy was, like its American counterpart, suffering from the worst effects of “stagflation”. Both unemployment and inflation were high. The British public reported feelings of “fear and anxiety” about their nation’s future. Thus, Prime Minister Denis Healey spent the first year or so of his ministry focused on these and other domestic and economic issues. The attempted assassination of Lord Mountbatten in August of 1979, however, proved a bridge too far. The new PM would have to deal with the Troubles, head on.

    Despite the British government’s prior efforts toward “normalization” in Northern Ireland, the conflict showed no signs of slowing. Aspects of this policy - “normalization” - included the removal of internment without trial and the removal of political status for paramilitary prisoners. Beginning in 1972, paramilitaries were tried in juryless “Diplock” courts to avoid intimidation of prospective jurors. On conviction, defendants were to be treated as ordinary criminals, rather than political prisoners or captured enemy combatants. Resistance to this policy among republican prisoners led to more than five hundred of them in the Maze prison initiating the "blanket" and "dirty" protests.

    Further complicating the situation, many members of Sinn Fein, which had become arguably the Provisional IRA’s political wing, had vowed to begin contesting elections in both Northern Ireland (as abstentionists) and in the Republic. Though many saw this as a sign that a political solution would prove impossible, the new British PM looked at this, and at increasing war weariness on both sides of the conflict, and sensed an opportunity.

    Healey took his first meaningful step when his government announced that the parliament of Northern Ireland would re-open, with elections scheduled to be held in the spring of 1980. Ever the pragmatist, Healey believed, probably correctly, that direct rule from London had resulted only in increasing bloodshed and escalating the conflict, by giving both sides hope that someone outside of the north may intervene militarily on their behalf. British troops would remain in place, but Healey insisted, Northern Irish citizens would once again have their own devolved parliament with which to resolve issues. Though Sinn Fein would be allowed to contest seats, Healey had members of his government quietly reach out to more moderate members of the party, as well as more moderate elements of Unionist parties and groups.

    Healey’s grand plan for peace, as it were, was a gradual one. He knew that the “Long War” strategy being employed by the PIRA could only work if they continued to be supplied with weapons, particularly small arms and explosives. Despite claims by the nationalists that they were “more than capable” of supplying their own weapons, Healey wisely recognized that without shipments of arms and money from outside sources, the paramilitaries would slowly wither on the vine, further increasing desire for peace. In this regard, Healey and his Foreign Secretary, James Callaghan, played a complex diplomatic game to close off all possible avenues of funding and supply. While doing this, Healey and his Home Secretary for Northern Ireland, Don Concannon, continued to forge alliances with moderates on both sides of the conflict.

    Slowly, surely, the foundations were being laid for a political settlement.


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    Above: A Republican mural in Belfast, commemorating the hunger strikes of 1981.​

    In the meantime, however, the deaths continued.

    1981 would bring the infamous hunger strikes. Ten republican prisoners, including Bobby Sands, died of starvation in “the Maze” prison, after Healey’s government refused to reverse the policy of Normalization. Though Healey took a great deal of criticism for his decision, he stood by it, claiming that to alter British policy toward paramilitary prisoners would jeopardize the complex peace project he and his allies were working toward. Nevertheless, the hunger strikes resonated among many nationalists throughout the north. More than 100,000 people attended Sands’ funeral mass in West Belfast. Sands was even elected to Parliament on an “Anti H-block” ticket. H-Block being another name for the “Maze” prison.

    As the years passed, however, Healey’s plan finally began to work. The United States and other countries with large Irish diasporas clamped down on money being sent overseas to the IRA. Meanwhile, both Scotland and Canada did the same with money being donated to the UVF and other loyalist militias. Nations like Gaddafi’s Libya decided that potentially damaging relations with the west were not worth whatever notoriety and limited payment they could receive by shipping weapons to the paramilitaries.

    Slowly, painfully slowly, a political solution, involving power sharing in the Northern Irish parliament by those moderate Unionists and members of Sinn Fein became increasingly possible. Other reforms would need to be made, including the renaming of the Royal Ulster Constabulary to the “Police Service of Northern Ireland” (which would be required, by law, to recruit at least 50% Catholics each year), the removal of Diplock courts, and a new phase of normalization, which meant the removal of redundant British army barracks, as well as the gradual withdrawal of regular army troops. These and other terms would not be made official until after two ceasefires, one by the UVF in 1986, the other by the IRA in 1987, the so-called “Good Friday Agreement” was finally signed by leaders of both sides in 1988, shortly after the conclusion of PM Healey’s time in office.

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    While, of course, Healey and the Labour governments of the 1980s, as well as the Republic of Ireland’s governments, led by Garrett FitzGerald and Charles Haughey, deserve a great deal of credit for their careful politicking and diplomacy to get the peace deal signed, moderate elements of both the nationalist and unionist movements must also be recognized.

    After more than twenty years, “The Troubles” were finally coming to an end. This would not mean the end of sectarian divides in Northern Ireland, far from it, but at least this was a start.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: The White House Delivers Some Difficult News
     
    Butterflies from a Surviving Mountbatten
  • Peace much earlier in Ireland is a VERY welcomed change. Mountbatten surviving is a very interesting butterfly especially regarding Charles. IOTL Charles very much looked up to Mountbatten and his death affected him very much. I could see Mountbatten living meaning Charles's OTL reputation as a playboy won't happen. Whether or not Charles will marry Diana Spencer or if Mountbatten would suggest someone else for Charles to marry remains up to the author. Great chapter

    I can't imagine Mountbatten would suggest a marriage to Diana for some reason

    Most likely because he'd still like to get a relative of his in with Charles.
    I will, of course, cover all this in detail in a future update on the British Royal family :D

    In the meantime, some possible butterfly effects to consider... From the research I've done, Lord Mountbatten, who was something of a surrogate grandfather to Charles, did not want the heir apparent to turn into too much of a "pleasure-seeking dilettante" like Edward VIII. He also wrote to Charles in the mid 1970s about the possibility of the crown prince one day marrying Lord Mountbatten's granddaughter (and Charles' second cousin), Amanda Knatchbull. IOTL, Charles did propose to Amanda twice. The first time, he was politely rebuffed by her mother, who felt her daughter was too young for courting at the time. Later, Amanda herself rejected the proposal. Charles moved on. ITTL, however, with Lord Mountbatten surviving and having the potential to play matchmaker to two straight generations of Royals... Well, let's just say this is the plan going forward. :)

    Prince-Charles-and-Amanda-Knatchbull.jpg
     
    Chapter 126
  • Chapter 126 - Everybody Has a Dream - President Udall Makes A Difficult Decision
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    Above: President Mo Udall (D - AZ) gives his first major press interview since revealing the true status of his personal health to the nation (left); First Lady Ella Udall comments on her husband’s decision not to seek a second term (right).

    “While in these days of quiet desperation
    As I wander through the world in which I live
    I search everywhere, for some new inspiration
    But it's more than cold reality can give
    If I need a cause for celebration
    Or a comfort I can use to ease my mind
    I rely on my imagination
    And I dream of an imaginary time
    I know that everybody has a dream
    Everybody has a dream
    And this is my dream, my own
    Just to be at home
    And to be all alone...with you”
    - “Everybody Has a Dream” by Billy Joel

    “Big Job; Big Man” - Udall 1976 presidential campaign slogan

    “Nothing will spoil a big man’s life like too much truth.” - Mo Udall, quoting Will Rogers

    It all started with a few sleepless nights in May, 1979. Despite his best efforts, the president could not seem to catch a wink.

    It became a frustrating routine. He and First Lady Ella Udall would finish up their day shortly before ten. They’d turn into their bedroom in the White House residence. Within about fifteen minutes, Ella would slip off to sleep. The president, however, would not. He’d spend most of the night tossing and turning. Ultimately, he might finally slip away for an hour or two, only to be jarred awake by his alarm at dawn. Ella asked Mo to set aside another hour or two before his day began, but the president felt that he couldn’t. There were security briefings to attend. Policy meetings. Planning sessions. Soon, campaigning would be added to that already full-to-bursting schedule. Ella Udall did not look forward to that.

    The first lady, a former staffer for the postal subcommittee in the House of Representatives (that was where she’d met Mo), did not especially love politics. She was, at best, a reluctant campaigner. She accepted her husband’s workaholic lifestyle, but insisted that he try to get more sleep.

    After weeks of trying every tip and trick in the book: exercising and showering before bed; no caffeine within six hours of bedtime; keeping the residence dark and quiet; breathing exercises; the president made another, slightly startling discovery.

    He was in the Oval Office one afternoon, signing a number of official dispatches, when his Chief of Staff, Ted Sorensen, took one of them, stared at it, then began checking it against a number of others. After a minute of this, Udall looked up from the Resolute Desk and broke into a weary grin.

    “I didn’t spell my name wrong, did I?”

    “No, Mr. President. But your handwriting…” Sorensen trailed off, then cleared his throat. “Is it just me, or does it seem… smaller than usual? Are you doing that on purpose?”

    Udall certainly was not. He set down his pen, pushed his chair back from his desk, and adjusted his glasses. His good eye narrowed. Staring at the bottom line, where he’d signed, he realized that his markings did, in fact, seem smaller than usual. At first, he thought his mind, or his vision, might be playing tricks on him. One of the quirks of having only one functioning eye was that he sometimes struggled with depth perception. But comparing that morning’s signatures against a stack of others that he’d signed just a year prior showed the truth of the matter, clear as day. The letters had shrunk. They’d also changed shape. Only slightly. Almost imperceptibly. But they clearly had.

    Later that evening, the President felt more fatigued than usual. The first lady grew concerned. Her husband was usually such an upbeat, energetic man. For him to be so worn down, something must be seriously wrong. She pleaded with Mo to summon the Physician to the president, Rear Admiral William M. Lukash, of the US Navy. Though Mo insisted everything was fine, he eventually caved and sent for the doctor. That decision, and the resulting tests which followed it, would change both the First Couple’s lives and the history of the United States, and indeed, the world, forever.

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    Above: Dr. Raymond Damadian, inventor of Magnetic Resonance Imaging (“MRI”).​

    Dr. Lukash began his inquiry with something of a routine check up. He listened to the president report his symptoms: difficulty sleeping; smaller than usual handwriting; even an occasional loss of smell. Lukash checked for more routine explanations, but found that Udall did not appear to be suffering from any kind of infection. Initially, he recommended increased time for rest, a slightly eased schedule, and prescribed benzodiazepine, a hypnotic, to help the president sleep. He assured both Mo and the first lady that if the president’s bearing did not improve in a few days’ time, he would reassess the situation.

    It did not. The pills didn’t work. Udall continued to drag.

    Lukash next investigated a possible cardiovascular condition, or possibly a complication from Udall’s near-brush with assassination on the campaign trail back in 76. The president underwent a top secret psychiatric evaluation, to see if he might be suffering from TAPS, which can result from traumatic events and discourage restful sleep, among other symptoms. Both sets of tests came back negative. Mo’s heart was fine. And though he still occasionally had flashes of that terrible day in San Francisco, he seemed to mostly be coping well. Even his arm, where he’d been hit, had made a full recovery.

    Unsure of what else to try, Lukash turned to a team of his trusted fellow physicians, who recommended that his patient be flown to Bethesda Naval Hospital in Maryland, so that he could undergo an at the time experimental procedure: having his brain scanned via Magnetic Resonance Imagery (MRI). Though the technology was still in its infancy, the first successful images of the brain taken only the year before, it nonetheless held enormous potential for helping to diagnose issues with the brain and nervous system, which had, historically, been infamously difficult. Though Ella fretted about her husband being slid inside the “bizarre contraption” waiting for them in Bethesda, the president agreed that if it might help, he would do it.

    Udall flew over to Bethesda on Marine One on Saturday, May 12th, 1979. At the time, the press hardly took note of it. It wasn’t exactly unheard of for the president to fly there for routine tests. Few could understand how much of a firestorm would follow.

    The results of the MRI came out a few hours after the test was complete. Dr. Lukash, Dr. Damadian, and a number of the country’s top neuroscientists convened, under the utmost secrecy, to study them. President Udall’s brain became one of the first few hundred to be imaged in this way. It would also share another, more unfortunate honor: it was the first documented case of MRI imaging being used to help diagnose a case of Parkinson’s Disease.

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    First diagnosed in the early 19th century, Parkinson’s Disease (PD) is a chronic degenerative disorder of the central nervous system that affects both the motor and non-motor systems of the body. The symptoms usually emerge slowly, but as the disease worsens, non-motor symptoms become increasingly common. Early signs like difficulty sleeping, rigidity of movement, and slight tremor eventually give way to more serious issues with cognition, behavior, and sensory systems. The brain and its network of messengers slowly break down, increasingly incapable of doing their jobs. Lukash and his team of doctors were able to diagnose the president due to the visible neuron damage on the MRI images. Lukash had suspected PD before the trip to Bethesda, but had hoped that he was mistaken. The new technology silenced any doubts. Reluctantly, he took the news back to the president and first lady, still waiting in their suite at the hospital. They were devastated by the news, especially Mo.

    Though still in its early stages, there was no way to know how quickly the disease would advance. At nearly 57 years old, Udall was not an “early onset” case. Most sufferers from PD will be diagnosed around the age of 60. Statistically, average life expectancy following diagnosis can range anywhere from 7 to 15 years. It really depends upon the individual case. Ella turned to her husband. Already, she could see the pain gathering like a storm cloud upon his face. The real pain. Not only was he being handed an eventual death sentence, but she knew the next question he was going to ask.

    “The next five years…” He clenched the sheets of the hospital bed into a fist. “Will I keep my mind?”

    Ella held back a sob. She’d been right, only her husband hadn’t said it the way she’d expected. In her mind, she heard: “Can I still run for reelection?”

    Lukash frowned. He said he did not know. PD was full of uncertainty then, and in many ways, still is. He took the president and first lady through the likely progression: increasing physical troubles, followed by a slow cognitive decline. Eventually, he told them, the President’s mood would change. His ability to focus, to control his thinking, to make split second decisions, would break down. Remaining as apolitical as he could, while still being sensitive to the personalities involved, Lukash gave his personal advice:

    “You should have no problems finishing your term, Mr. President.”

    Term. Singular. Only one. Udall held back his fury.

    He had spent most of his adult life seeking public office. For more than a decade, he’d toiled away in the House of Representatives, champion of the little guy, of all the causes that no one else wanted. He’d fought and clawed his way to the nomination three years prior, against a crowded field. Since taking office, he’d finally seen Medicare expand to include all Americans, taken on the oil trusts and their big money, and made significant contributions to infrastructure, energy, and environmental policy. He’d stood up for the rights of First Americans, and advocated for making voting easier across the nation. He hadn’t gotten to tax reform, or foreign affairs as much as he would have liked. That was Second Term stuff. Building a legacy. He realized, sitting there in his hospital bed with growing horror, that he would never get to do them. That would be somebody else’s turn. Somebody else’s legacy to build.

    Udall would later remark that this was the lowest moment of his life.

    In the days that followed, the President slowly disseminated the news of his diagnosis on a need to know basis. He began with Stew, his brother, and still his closest political advisor, if only in an unofficial capacity. He then called his children, including his son, Mark. Due to his workaholic nature, the President had never been overly close with his kids. He and Mark talked for over an hour, the President finally breaking down into tears in the Oval Office. He apologized for not being there more for Mark, for his siblings.

    “There’s still time, Dad.” Mark said.

    That stuck with Mo. He told Mark he loved him and they hung up for the night.

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    Half-heartedly, the president met with his official advisors, Chief of Staff Sorensen, Senate Majority Leader Russell B. Long (D - LA) and House Speaker Tip O’Neill (D - MA). He told them the truth, and, though he knew what they would say, sought their advice on the most important decision he would ever make: could he still run for a second term? Further, if he could, should he?

    Stunned to silence by the news, the gathered men and women largely stared at their feet until, at length, Senator Long cleared his throat.

    “Mr. President,” Long’s jowls often quivered as he spoke. Not this time. “I know loss. My daddy was gunned down for trying to help the people of our state. I was sixteen when that happened. I can’t speak for your children, or the first lady, but speaking for myself… I think we all owe it to you to tell you square: you need to do what's right for you and your family.”

    Udall nodded. Others began to chime in. Or pile on. Mo thought, a little bemused.

    Even if the president’s health remained strong throughout his second term, a huge gamble in itself, there was the question of political liability. Washington was a town where everybody talked. After the J. Edgar Hoover Affair, the days of covering up dirty laundry in politics were not exactly over, but it was a much more difficult proposition. Sooner or later, word would leak to the press. The nation would know that there was, in essence, a ticking time bomb in the head of their commander in chief. Even if Udall did all the right things, went public first, got out ahead of it, he would eventually be pinned with having to give answers to tough questions that the American people would not want to hear. He would have to tell them that there was no way of knowing for certain when his mind would start to decline. Republicans would pillory him for that, even if they did so respectfully. Reagan would keep his hands clean, but would his attack dogs? Would they really let this opportunity pass them by, to unseat a popular incumbent? The attack ads wrote themselves.

    “We want a President who can still think!”

    Udall thought of Ella. He’d never been a very good husband to her, he realized. She loved his wit and his kindness, not his career choice. She wanted nothing more than to retire with him, so that they could live a happy, private life together. He realized that she’d been growing increasingly depressed since moving into the White House. For her sake, for his kids, and for the good of the nation, there was really only one decision he could make.

    Morris K. Udall, 38th President of the United States, would not seek a second term.


    True to their word, no one in the president’s inner circle or advisors leaked the news to the press. They handled the issue with sensitivity and decorum. The White House Communications team arranged for Udall to deliver a primetime address on the issue to the entire nation from the Oval Office. This would happen on Friday, June 28th, 1979. The address would be carried on all three networks, and would preempt regularly scheduled programming. Folks tuning in to catch Tales of the Unexpected or The Dukes of Hazzard would instead see the president, seated at the Resolute Desk. Just after 8pm eastern, he began to speak.

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    “Ladies and gentlemen, my fellow Americans,

    I speak to you tonight with a message from the heart, a message that is both bittersweet and important. It's a message that I want to deliver with the same candor you've come to expect from me these past few years. In this, I will do my best.

    Earlier this month, I was diagnosed by my personal physician, Rear Admiral William Lukash, with Parkinson's disease. Now, I know that this disease might be unfamiliar to you, so let me break it down for you in plain language. Parkinson's is a condition that affects the way the brain controls our movements. Sometimes, it causes tremors, stiffness, and a bit of trouble with balance. Presently, I have not experienced any symptoms more advanced than this. My doctors tell me that - presently - they consider me to be in tip top shape, all things considered.

    Folks, I want you to know that this diagnosis will not keep me from fulfilling my duties as your President. I've got a fantastic medical team, and they assure me that I can still serve out the remainder of my term effectively. I may have to slow down a bit on the basketball court, but my commitment to this great nation and to all of you remains as strong as ever.

    Unfortunately, however, this news does force me to ask myself a lot of big questions. I’m sure you know where this is heading.

    After a lot of thought, reflection, and conversations with my family, I have decided not to seek re-election to the Presidency in 1980. It wasn't an easy decision, believe me. I've had the privilege of serving this wonderful country. I love this job. But sometimes, we have to make choices that prioritize what's most important to us.

    My family has always been near and dear to my heart. They've supported me through thick and thin, and it's high time that I return that love and support in kind. I want to spend more time with them, to cherish every moment, and make memories together that they can cherish after I’m gone, whenever that may be.

    So, my fellow Americans, I'm going to be here, working for you, for the remainder of my term. We've got important work to do together, and I'm committed to seeing it through. I'll do it with the same optimism and dedication that I've always brought to this office.

    Thank you for your trust, your support, and your smiles. It's been an incredible honor to serve as your President, and I'll cherish the memories we've made together. Let's keep forming that ‘more perfect union’, hand in hand, as we always have.

    God bless you all, and God bless the United States of America.”



    The president’s announcement rattled the nation to its core.

    It wasn’t unheard of for the President of the United States to suffer from health issues. Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy struggled with polio and Addison’s Disease respectively, and still managed to successfully lead their country through difficult times. In the past, however, details, including the true extent of the commander in chief’s maladies, were always carefully concealed from the public. Udall’s candor about his diagnosis was virtually unheard of in politics, American or otherwise. In the years following the end of his term, Udall would be praised by historians and pundits alike for his decision, and for handling it in the way that he did.

    At the time, however, his address prompted a great deal of uncertainty.

    For one thing, Udall was broadly popular in the summer of 1979. His approval rating held steady at about 52%. Though conservatives loathed his policies and moderates were increasingly put off by his more progressive attitude, the average, apolitical American liked their folksy, western “cowboy in chief”. They liked his broad smile, his tall frame, and his legendary wit. At a time when relations with the Soviets and the People’s Republic of China were still uncertain, at a time when the economy was only just barely beginning to show the first, sputtering signs of recovery, their leader was being forced to step away after 1980.

    Hundreds of thousands of letters poured into the White House from across the nation. Well-wishers. People of all political affiliations felt sympathy for the president and his family. Americans affected by Parkinson’s called Mo’s speech “heroic”, and pressed him to become an advocate for public awareness and for increased research into the disease, how to diagnose it, and most importantly, how to treat it. The role of MRI in Udall’s diagnosis also became a hot topic, especially in the medical and scientific communities. If anyone had been doubtful about MRI’s potential utility before, those doubts were swiftly banished.

    Of course, there were darker reactions as well. On the far right, paleoconservative provocateurs, former John Birchers, and other conspiracy-minded folks celebrated the downfall of their perceived “enemy”, the pinko “fake cowboy” from Arizona. Jerry Falwell, the “political preacher” from Virginia, provoked outrage and controversy when he declared that “the president’s infirmity is a scourge from God, a sign of his divine wrath at the policies of a non-believer.”

    Obviously, this story went far beyond just Mo and his family. It became part of the stage-setting for perhaps the most consequential election in a generation.

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    Though no one would say it openly, at least, not immediately, the president’s diagnosis and subsequent decision not to seek re-election also held massive political ramifications.

    The Democrats, who felt confident of their ability to rally around Mo for four more years, were suddenly thrown into disarray. Who would they nominate to carry the banner for them in 1980? Could they still count on “incumbent’s advantage” when they no longer had an incumbent?

    To some, Vice President Lloyd Bentsen seemed the obvious answer. If the incumbent president cannot run again, then isn’t his number two the next best thing? Bentsen did have a number of things going for him, from the outset. As the incumbent VP, he was intimately tied to the administration in the eyes of the public. Even if many of Udall’s accomplishments had been “too liberal” for moderate Bentsen, he could keep quiet on his prior opposition to them and simply ride the wave of their popularity. Though he waited a few months before forming an exploratory committee, out of respect for his boss, the vice president did indeed intend to run. He’d meant to do so in 1984, after all. What was four years earlier?

    NlZdNJ-8e9JR7VHE8sygPtb4Pzcvqv5OkOTqpJXsjo-au44jJnuWFhz22LKzwLojFxoRypsk_gnIKo0DZf-Ul0FCprJnu_WkbaGzO4McMxdbC73ebdF4FLowlp0DUWE_CtzO8GqUkAruNzYKlOqaW8w

    But Bentsen immediately had more than his share of detractors as well.

    For one thing, Bentsen, though well-spoken and skilled at debate, was not particularly charismatic. With Former Vice President Ronald Reagan’s nomination by the Republicans all but certain to many, a potential Reagan-Bentsen match-up seemed dubious, at best. Bentsen had beaten Reagan on the debate stage four years prior. “You’re no Harry Truman” was still a household line in politics. But one debate did not and would not win an entire campaign. Simply put, Bentsen did not excite people the way that Udall did, or the way that many Democrats feared Reagan would.

    This presented a conundrum: if not Bentsen, then who?

    Alternatives presented themselves largely depending on which wing of the Democratic Party one consulted. Communitarians throughout the south immediately pitched Senator Jimmy Carter of Georgia. Carter, then a former governor, had only narrowly decided against a bid in 1976. With his own folksy charm, 1980 really felt like it could be his year. There was New York Governor Hugh Carey, the former Congressman from Brooklyn, widely hailed across the country as “the man who saved New York” for his efforts at resolving NYC’s budgetary crisis. Carey held a certain panache for the more Old School, New Deal liberals in the party, though it wasn’t clear he even wanted the job. A widower, Carey seemed content to continue to govern his home state in Albany. Then there was Jerry Brown, “Governor Moonbeam” of California, who had taken over from James Roosevelt after his retirement in 1974. Brown was eccentric, and youthful, only 42 in 1980, but his caustic personality and unpredictable nature made him an unlikely pick.

    yrIAQgNH4l3O-QCIxmG--fZkTQzhsSf-Ug1Q2ph1pZnMll3uEAUsPc0sIkTyVGiKvOXiGB4tcfklwLqBw8BB8olCBFKnZe9WeUlazTZdd09UJldM_Lh7ShK81pmuZcV9atVpeFo7pr_XqWpcVhkSbic
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    Other names: Arkansas Senator Dale Bumpers (“every northerner’s favorite southerner”); Florida Governor Reubin Askew; floated around for a while. Several of these would ultimately make a bid for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1980. They were joined by one more name. The big one. The heavy hitter. The one who everyone in America waited to hear from, the moment that the clamor from President Udall’s announcement died down.

    Senator Robert F. Kennedy, of New York.

    HWo-fB8Zmf9M7bNm-wVf1_bxUpopUT3ZuxFpcSTFU7E88lFl-6E-2R2MthhScC87lSzHcbgs6STepyHktNBxdyJhjisRU08P4ZiQ_ky7FYeIOjBQP5KnX9q4jIsifXeAtbR1N27aY9Yc6PD512sC7Sk

    Fifty-four years old in 1979, Bobby had been a Senator from New York for the past nine years. Of course, before that, he had famously worked in his brother’s White House for all eight years of his administration, first as Attorney General, then later as Secretary of Defense. Jack Kennedy’s chief advisor, closest confidant, and his little brother, Bobby Kennedy was, despite his relative youth, arguably the “elder statesman” for his generation of Democratic politicians.

    Passionate, ruthless, and absolutely tough-as-nails, “the first Irish Puritan” had been forced to stand aside in 1976 due to the lingering fallout from the Hoover Affair. Kennedy’s reputation had taken a hit, especially within the Black community, for his prior authorization of wiretaps on Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Stokley Carmichael, and other civil rights leaders. In the years since, Senator Kennedy had apologized for this decision, calling it, “the greatest mistake” of his career. He’d also worked tirelessly to restore his connections with African-Americans, Hispanic-Americans, and other minority communities, championing their causes in the Senate, in the streets, and on television screens and radio airwaves.

    On a personal level, Kennedy had all but given up his presidential aspirations after 1976. Mo Udall championed many of the same causes he did. Thus, RFK was happy to support him from the sidelines, as Mo had once supported Jack. But Udall’s decision to step down sparked a fire in Bobby’s stomach. He recalled the conversation he’d had with Jack in the Oval Office, all those years before.

    “One day, it’ll be you here, Bobby. It’ll be your call.”

    Shortly after Udall’s announcement of his diagnosis, Senator Kennedy called the president to wish him the best, and to express his sympathy. About a month later, he spoke to his beloved wife, Ethel, about the prospect of him running in 1980. She gave him her blessing, as did an ailing Jack.

    “It’s your time now.” The former President Kennedy said, simply, from his wheelchair. “Give ‘em Hell.”

    Bobby hugged his brother and promised that he would.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: More Foreign Affairs!

    ...

    Author's Note: So... I know that I have some explaining to do.

    I know that up to this point, pretty much all of the foreshadowing pointed toward President Udall running for a second term. I even started this "Act" of the story with a quote, supposedly from Udall's second nomination acceptance speech at the 1980 convention. I want to take a moment to apologize if you feel that you've been hoodwinked. This was not always my plan. But after much careful consideration, and writing two versions of this chapter, I eventually deleted the other and decided to go with this one.

    IOTL, Mo was diagnosed with Parkinson's in 1979 as well. Part of his rationale for not running for president again in 1984 was because his disease had progressed, even by that time. He continued to serve in Congress until 1991, by which time his condition had deteriorated and he no longer felt he was able to serve. Given this information, I initially planned to have Mo announce his condition to the public, and forge on, hoping to explain how his diagnosis did not prevent him from being an effective commander in chief. However, the more I thought about getting to this point in the Timeline, the more I began to have second thoughts.

    For one thing, serving as President of the United States is orders of magnitude more demanding than serving as a member of the House of Representatives. Even if Udall's campaign schedule could be lightened at all, he would still be subjected to the a gauntlet of seemingly endless policy meetings, tense negotiations over policy both domestic and foreign, and security briefings. Should there be some kind of military crisis, he would need to be physically fit and sound of mind for hours, potentially days on end, running on very little sleep. As mentioned in the chapter, there are also the political considerations.

    Would it be possible for Udall to explain his condition to the public? To make them see that, for the time being, he is still more than capable of serving as their president? Possibly. He is charismatic. The people generally like him. But then again, even if he could, it would expend a great deal of his political capital just getting them to believe in him. To have faith that the disease won't progress too rapidly. I know that both IOTL and ITTL, Udall was a very career-focused person. He often prioritized his time in office over time with his wives and kids. IOTL, Ella Udall tragically died by suicide in the late 1980s, a decision that was possibly made in part because she did chafe against the limelight of political campaigns. ITTL, with the white hot media spotlight on them, I could see Udall deciding that the right thing, the honorable thing to do, would be to stand aside and find another path for his public advocacy.

    I will cover all of this in more detail moving forward. As per OTL, Mo Udall will live into the 1990s. I plan on having him become a very public advocate not just for Parkinson's awareness, but for all neurodegenerative disorders, raising money and campaigning for a cure.

    I hope you all will still enjoy this TL despite this change in direction. I repeat that this decision was made after long, careful consideration.

    As always, thanks for reading. :)

    - President_Lincoln
     
    Chapter 127
  • Chapter 127: I’ve Got to Be Free - (Some) Foreign Affairs at the Turn of the 1980s
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    Above: One of the infamous “Mischkaffe” (Mixed Coffee) packets, produced in East Germany during the “Coffee Crisis” of the 1970s (left); A bustling street corner in Hamburg, West Germany in the 1970s (right).

    “Hey, hey, hey don't you wanna see
    I'm not your stepping stone
    Hey, hey, hey I've got to be free
    So leave my life alone
    You're in love with success
    You're spilling my wine
    Don't follow my tracks, babe
    You ways are not mine
    Your main god is money
    You're wasting my life
    I'm not your Bugs Bunny
    And you're not my wife”
    - “I’ve Got to Be Free” by the Scorpions

    The biggest room in the world is the room for improvement.” - West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt

    Perhaps nowhere in the world did the Cold War creep into the everyday reality of life quite so much and so often as it did in the divided nation of Germany. Originally split by the Allies after World War II, the country had, since 1949, been divided into two separate nations, a capitalist West Germany and a communist East. Indeed, Germany had since come to be considered, in a sense, the epicenter of the great Twilight Struggle of the 20th century. Split along ideological lines by outside powers, the “Two Germanys” both shaped and were shaped by the times.

    In the East, the “German Democratic Republic” originally tried to establish its own unique, separate identity, crawling out of the shadow cast by Nazism. Because of Karl Marx's dislike of Prussia, the ruling Socialist Party (SED) repudiated continuity between Prussia and the GDR. The SED destroyed the manor houses of the “Junkers” (the Prussian nobility), wrecked the Berlin city palace, and removed the equestrian statue of Frederick the Great from East Berlin. In their place, the SED chose to focus on the progressive heritage of German history, including Thomas Müntzer's role in the German Peasants' War and the role played by the heroes of the “class struggle” during Prussia's industrialization.

    As a result of the Ninth Party Congress in May of 1976, however, East Germany after 1976–77 considered its own history to be the “essence” of German history, in which West Germany was only an episode, soon to be a footnote. Its new cultural history laid claim to reformers such as Karl Freiherr vom Stein, Karl August von Hardenberg, and Wilhelm von Humboldt. The statue of Frederick the Great was, meanwhile, restored to prominence in East Berlin. East German General Secretary and de facto dictator Erich Honecker began to make references to the former Prussian King in his speeches. These references reflected East Germany's new official policy of “revisionism” toward Prussia, which also included Bismarck and the resistance group, Red Band. East Germany also laid claim to the formerly maligned Martin Luther and to the organizers of the Spartacus League, Karl Liebknecht, and Rosa Luxemburg.

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    Despite the ongoing détente between the Superpowers, Honecker’s regime remained committed to Soviet-style socialism, continued a strict policy of containing dissent and harshly punishing dissidents, and rebuked any attempt, or even hint, at German reunification. Against the East German government’s wishes, many East German poets, academics, and other members of the intelligentsia took to smuggling their attacks on the government into West Germany, so that they could be published via Der Spiegel and other outlets. Though Honecker was able to maintain his iron grip on power, the economy of East Germany began to severely lag behind its capitalist counterpart.

    Nothing more vividly illustrated the structural economic and financial problems of East Germany better than the so-called “Coffee Crisis” of 1976-79. Germans have a long, well-documented, and powerful tradition for drinking coffee. Thus, coffee was and remains, one of the country’s most critical imports. Consumers often considered it second in importance, only to fuel. Unfortunately, in the mid 1970s, a temporary global shortage in coffee beans led to a sharp increase in prices. By 1976, the price of importing coffee beans had nearly quadrupled from prices in 1972. This posed a massive problem for East Germany, whose government was known for a near permanent shortage in hard currency, with which to pay for imports.

    As a result, by 1977, the Politburo withdrew most affordable coffee brands from sale. They also set strict limits on coffee’s use in restaurants, and, in effect, banned its use in public offices and state-run enterprises. In a country where the state controlled a large swath of industries, this made coffee very difficult for the average East German citizen to obtain. When complaints started streaming into East Berlin, Honecker’s government tried a different tact. They introduced so-called Mischkaffee (“Mixed Coffee”), which was, in fact, 51% coffee, and about 49% fillers. (A mixture of fillers were employed for this purpose, including: chicory; rye; and even sugar beet). In a turn of events that shocked approximately no one, the coffee tasted awful. East German citizens despised it, and began to clamor for a return to their old coffee. Though a solution to the crisis was eventually reached in 1978, with East Germany working out a trade deal with the Republic of Vietnam to purchase coffee from them in the future, the entire episode shook the SED’s confidence in Honecker’s rule. Reformers, such as Chairman of the State Planning Commission Gerhard Schürer, slowly began to rise in influence. They kept quiet, but began to scheme for the right moment to bring about change in East Berlin.

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    West Germany, meanwhile, continued to prosper under the skillful Chancellorship of Helmut Schmidt. A former finance minister in the Brandt Chancellery, Schmidt surprised political commentators by largely ignoring domestic policy to focus on foreign affairs. A strong proponent of the atlantic alliance and increased European integration, Schmidt advocated for, and won, deployment of the American MGM-31 Pershing missiles into West Germany during his tenure, believing that they could make for an effective counterweight against the USSR and its allies, who had been developing and deploying their own mid-range missiles since Yuri Andropov’s takeover in the Kremlin, back in 1968. Though this move was controversial in his own country, and would wind up costing Schmidt his coalition government in 1982 when the liberal FDP pulled out of its coalition with Schmidt’s SDP, Schmidt never regretted making the decision he did. “NATO needed to be able to respond to any nuclear threat, in order for MAD to work.” Schmidt later explained.

    Thanks to the Brandt/Schmidt years and the “West German economic miracle”, West Germany enjoyed comparatively low rates of inflation throughout the 1970s. As manufacturing recovered from its demolition during the Second World War, it built a solid foundation for the West German economy moving forward. Nuclear reactors were built and maintained, providing an alternative to the coal plants which presently provided much of West Germany's electrical output. West Germany also continued the great German tradition of being a center for learning and the arts, as well. New art movements, called Neo-expressionism and conceptualism flourished. West German cities produced films, tv dramas (especially the beloved “Tatort”, a procedural Police drama), and increasingly internationally recognized music. As the 1970s pushed into the 1980s, West Germany was forming, without the need for planned directives from Bonn, a rich culture for itself. The nation was building a case for itself to be the true standard bearer for the German nation in the future.

    Eventually, Schmidt’s coalition did fall apart. He was succeeded in 1982 by Helmut Kohl and his Christian Democratic Union (CDU).

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    The Third Republic of the Philippines had undergone a tremendous transformation since achieving its true independence from the United States of America in 1946, following the Second World War. Though plagued at times by corruption and other domestic issues, as well as its uncertain place in the Cold War world, the nation had undergone modernization and was beginning to find its place in the world throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s.

    Especially transformative was the Presidency of Diosdado Macapagal.

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    1696248330653.png

    Born on September 28, 1910, in Lubao, Pampanga, Macapagal was the third of five children in a poor family. His father was Urbano Macapagal y Romero (c. 1887 – 1946), a poet who wrote in the local Pampangan language, and his mother was Romana Pangan Macapagal, daughter of Atanacio Miguel Pangan (a former cabeza de barangay of Gutad, Floridablanca, Pampanga) and Lorenza Suing Antiveros. Urbano's mother, Escolástica Romero Macapagal, was a midwife and schoolteacher who taught catechism. Diosdado's family earned extra income by raising pigs and taking in boarders to their house. Due to his roots in poverty, Macapagal would later become affectionately known as the "Poor Boy from Lubao" to his supporters. Diosdado was also a reputed poet in the Spanish language although his poetic work was eclipsed by his political career.

    An excellent student, Macapagal graduated as valedictorian from his elementary school, and salutatorian of his high school. At the University of the Philippines, he completed the school’s pre-law program, then immediately entered law school, working part-time as an accountant to finance his studies. In addition to his Master of Laws degree, he would later earn his PhD in economics. His dissertation was entitled, “Imperatives of Economic Development in the Philippines”, and his work on it would shape his policies as President.

    After passing the bar exam, Macapagal was invited to work at an American law firm, a unique honor for a Filipino man at that time. He would later serve as legal assistant to President Manuel L. Quezon, and even found time to star in Tagalog operettas that he and his childhood friend wrote and performed.

    Eventually, he married and started a family. He also began his career in politics. On the urging of local political leaders of Pampanga province, President of the Philippines Elpidio Quirino recalled Macapagal from his position in Washington to run for a seat in the House of Representatives representing the 1st district of Pampanga. He won his race. For the next seven years, he served in that position, consistently being voted “Most Outstanding Lawmaker” for his sharp mind and personal integrity.

    In May of 1957, the Liberal Party, a generally centrist to center-left party, drafted Macapagal to serve as their Vice Presidential candidate, and the running mate of Jose Y. Yulo. While Yulo would go on to be defeated by the Nacionalista candidate, Carlos P. Garcia, Macapagal was elected Vice President in an upset victory. As the first ever Philippine vice president to be elected from a different party than the president, Macapagal served out his four-year vice presidential term as a leader of the opposition. Simultaneously elected leader of the Liberal Party, Macapagal bided his time, and waited for his chance to make a real difference in office.

    He got his chance four years later, when he defeated Garcia in his bid for re-election, winning the 1961 presidential election. Promising an end to corruption, and appealing to the electorate as a common man from humble beginnings, Macapagal set out at once upon taking office on an ambitious platform.

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    The new president began with a sweep of economic liberalization. Under his predecessors, the central government had instituted exchange and import controls. Macapagal did away with these and returned the Philippine economy to a free-enterprise system. Though further attempts at economic reform were blocked by the Nacionalistas, who controlled the Senate and House of Representatives at the time, President Macapagal was nonetheless able to achieve steady economic progress. Annual GDP growth in the Philippines averaged at just under 6% from 1962-1965, roughly contiguous with Macapagal’s first term.

    Macapagal’s end goal for adopting liberalization was, first and foremost, to help the common man. Though he supported free-enterprise, Macapagal was by no means a laissez faire economist. He believed that the government had three jobs in developing the Philippines’ economy: first, to provide infrastructure (what he called “social overhead”) such as roads, ports, airports, etc.; second, to adopt fiscal and monetary policy that was supportive of domestic and foreign investment; and third (and most important), to promote and support basic and key industries, particularly those that require too much startup capital for businessmen and capitalists to put up themselves. The key industries he chose to develop as the “foundation” for the Philippines’ modern economy included: integrated steel manufacturing; fertilizers; wood pulp and paper; meat canning; and tourism. He also attempted to implement sweeping land reform (though this was also stymied by lack of support in the Senate), and moved the Philippines’ Independence Day holiday from July 4th to June 12th, celebrating the day that the Philippines gained its independence from Spain.

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    Above: A picture taken in the Oval Office of President Macapagal’s children and mother visiting American President John F. Kennedy in 1963. President Kennedy would return the favor in 1967, visiting the Filipino capital, Quezon City on a trip abroad.

    In Foreign Affairs, Macapagal forged a close alliance with the United States under President John F. Kennedy. Kennedy appreciated the kind of ethical, responsible governance that Macapagal represented. He also wanted the Philippines to act as a bulwark of liberal democracy against communist encroachment in Southeast Asia. Macapagal was happy to oblige this, encouraging American tourism and investment into his own nation. That said, he knew his nation also had other ambitions. Macapagal held on to Philippine claims in Northeast Borneo, much to the consternation of the then recently formed Federation of Malaysia. Continued tensions throughout Southeast Asia would plague Macapagal’s presidency, and continued for years afterward.

    Following gains for his Liberal Party in the 1963 midterms, Macapagal was narrowly re-elected to the presidency in the November 1965 election, becoming the first Philippine president to win a second term. He did this, defeating former ally Ferdinand E. Marcos, who had switched to the Nacionalista Party to oppose the president. Emmanuel Pelaez was elected vice president.

    Despite his re-election, Macapagal still had a myriad of issues to fight.

    National political will for his proposed land reforms was anemic at best. Though his Liberal Party had gained more seats, there were entrenched interests opposed to policies like a bill of economic rights for farmers, including a minimum wage.

    Both Macapagal and succeeding administrations would continue to develop the nation’s cities, following the outline of the “Master Plan of Manila” by architect Daniel Burnham. Paid for with reparations from the United States, and managed by the Department of Public Works and Highways, the plan provided for infrastructure development to create a better transportation network of roads and waterways. Other public works by the Macapagal administration (and its successors) included: creating numerous parks and recreational sites; building a new government center in Rizal Park (which was originally designed and proposed in the early 20th century); building new schools and universities; reviving the Philippine National railway system, adding stops in Antipolo, Batangas, Cavite, Cagayan, and Cordillera; constructing a better pier system in Manila Bay and throughout the country; and creating the National Capital Development Authority (NCDA), an agency tasked with developing the nation’s capital - Quezon City.

    Many of the landmarks and famous buildings of the Philippines’ cities which were destroyed during World War II were rebuilt and restored during the 1970s as well. Some examples of this included Intramuros and Escolta. Due to its unique mix of Spanish and American architecture, Manila during the American period was known as “the Paris of Asia”, a title that the government in Quezon City hoped to recapture. The beauty of Filipino cities became and would remain a point of national pride. It was preserved throughout the 1970s and into the 80s via the development of the Metro Manila Subway System. Together with infrastructure designed to accommodate mass public transit - trains, trams, busses, jeepneys, and taxis - traffic congestion was reduced, along with the country’s carbon footprint, as such things came to be known. Over time, cities like Manila and Quezon City would become popular tourist destinations the world over.

    Perhaps the most significant legacy of Macapagal’s second term was that it represented a strengthening of liberal, democratic norms within the country, and saw continued, strong economic growth throughout the 1960s. The Philippines saw the development of a strong democratic tradition over the next several decades, with the center-left Liberals and center-right Nacionalistas holding successive governments in balance between them. This party system, operating under the Constitution of 1935, remains largely unchanged to the present.

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    NRyllV0DATa3KnABqxC1jLp7cmy33hLf183wXldCu5ykMnE2MmMIkoOF0rJY_atZoGaVwPfye9y28vxe4Rkg_zTMAoguMawJG2dcAWC9poxioFElkMkBa4nDkz5X6XklEo94u8eUWi1J-YZ13atQNyc

    Above: Diosdado Macapagal (left) and his successor, President Jovito Salonga (right)​

    In 1969, frustrated with the Senate’s failure to fully enact his land reform, and term-limited by the constitution, President Macapagal quietly retired from public life, supporting his chosen successor, Senator Jovito Salonga, in the presidential election of 1969. Salonga, also called “Ka Jovy”, would win that election and go on to finally complete Macapagal’s reforms, as well as become a fine, popular president in his own right. Like his predecessor, Salonga won re-election in 1973, and retired following his second term’s end in 1977. Below is a list of presidents (and vice presidents) of the Philippines from the beginning of Macapagal’s term in 1961, through to the year 2001:

    9. Diosdado Macapagal (LP) - 1961 - 1969
    VP: Emmanuel Pelaez
    10. Jovito Salonga (LP) - 1969 - 1977
    VP: Lorenzo Tañada

    11. Jose Diokno (NP) - 1977 - 1985
    VP: Salvador Laurel

    12. Benigno Aquino, Jr. (LP) - 1985 - 1993
    VP: Geraldo Roxas

    13. Miriam Defensor-Santiago (NP) - 1993 - 2001
    VP: Ramon Magsaysay, Jr.


    The Philippines’ economy would go on to become one of the strongest in Asia, adding specializations in soft-drink bottling, and later, more service-based industries like education, healthcare, and tourism. This economy became the engine that powered a robust social safety net for the country, as well as a truly free, truly protected press, and a flourishing scene for arts, letters, and culture. The Manila Film Festival, founded in the mid 1980s, would become a point of national pride for the Philippines alongside its architecture, literature, visual arts, theater, and fashion.

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: (More) Foreign Affairs - Korea, the Vatican
     
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    Additional Details on the Philippines - From Uniquely Genius
  • If you’re going to ask me geniuses, I want this for Philippine Presidents and Vice Presidents ITTL. This is what would I call the best case scenario for the Philippines:

    Diosdado Macapagal & Emmanuel Pelaez (LP, 1961-1969)
    Jovito Salonga & Lorenzo Tañada (LP, 1969-1977)
    Jose Diokno & Salvador Laurel (NP, 1977-1985)
    Benigno Aquino, Jr. & Gerardo Roxas (LP, 1985-1993)
    Miriam Defensor-Santiago & Ramon Magsaysay, Jr. (NP, 1993-2001)
    Raul Roco & Edgardo Angara (LP, 2001-2009)
    Fernando Poe, Jr. & Loren Legarda (NP, 2009-2017)
    Loren Legarda and Pia Cayetano (NP, 2017-2025)

    Leni Robredo and Francis Pangilinan (LP, 2025-2033)

    Now this is what would happen in our country:
    1. Hope that President Macapagal and the succeeding administrations finally continue the Master Plan of Manila by Architect Daniel Burnham (in paying the reparations from the US Government that haven't fully completed paid after the Second World War and with the help or recreation, restoration, and rebuilding from our Department of Public Works and Highways) to have a better roadway and waterway system. Also building the government center in Rizal Park which was originally designed and proposed in the early 20th Century, creating parks and recreational activities; a university center, reviving the Philippine National Railway system to its Pre-WW2 era from Dagupan to Bicol, and other extensions like to Antipolo, Batangas, Cavite, Cagayan, and Cordillera. Also improved our pier system in Manila Bay and the rest of the country; a resort in Manila Bay, and extending Roxas Boulevard up to Cavite. The creation of the North Luzon Expressway (NLEX) and South Luzon Expressway (SLEX) would still continue just like IOTL even Marcos, Sr. didn't become president, but I think President Macapagal would start this idea of constructing an expressway in the late 60's to connect every part of Luzon even if they revived the old and extended PNR rail system from the Spanish and American Periods. Quezon City (which is still the capital city by 1962) would also either continue the Master Plan of Quezon City by Harry Frost and Juan Arellano which is originally planned in 1940, or return it to Manila by 1970s. If they remained the capital city in Quezon City, they will changed the name of MMDA (Metro Manila Development Authority IOTL) to what I proposed NCDA (National Capital Development Authority ITTL).

    2. Hope the government ITTL also restore and rebuild every landmarks and buildings across the country that were destroyed during the Second World War, including Intramuros (the walled city), and Escolta (the original business center). Manila during the American Period was called "The Paris of Asia" due to its mix of Spanish and American Architecture. They should also restore and revive Manila Tram System which was called "The Best In Asia" and extend it to every city in Metro Manila. The tram system were improved by MERALCO (the electric company) also during the American Period. Hope that MERALCO (now owned by the Lopez Family IOTL & ITTL) and the Department of Public Works and Highways to finally reconsider and rebuild it to its glory days because it was envied by Asia during the American Period. They should follow and build the original Metro Manila Subway System which was created by JICA in 1973. I just don't like the elevated railway system which was created by Marcos, Sr. IOTL because it ruined the beauty of Manila from 1980s onwards. Together with all of this and creating more mass transportation (with the help and cooperation of the Department of Transportation, Department of Public Works and Highways, and Department of Tourism ITTL) for busses, jeepneys, taxis, and trams; traffic would be less and we might be the most visited tourist destination in Asia and would boost our economy ITTL along with other famous cities in the Philippines.

    3. With Marcos, Sr. not becoming president, the government would be less corrupt ITTL. We would continue having political balance between the Nacionalistas and the Liberals up to Present Day ITTL. With the people having trust in the government, we won't be one of the corrupt governments in the world. Statesmen would still have honor, respect, credibility, and dignity in their positions. Politics would still be for the people who studied law, business, scholars, and other academicians alike. The 1935 Constitution would still used to this day as also the creation of The Third Philippine Republic since 1946 now that 1973 and 1987 Philippine Constitution wouldn't happen and create ITTL.

    4. All print and mass media ITTL would be one of the freest press in Asia and the world now that Marcos, Sr. will not be president and declaring Martial Law to closed and controlled media on 1972 IOTL. ABS-CBN Channel 2 & 4 (the first TV station to be aired since 1953 and media conglomerate) would still be merged and owned by the Lopez Family by 1967 just like IOTL, but still continues to reach every part of the country and one of the biggest and modernized TV station ITTL. They would still owned and continue Channels 2 & 4, all of their AM & FM radio stations up to present day ITTL. They would still create SkyCable just like IOTL, but somewhere in the early 80's to have different channels from around the world, including the ABS-CBN Channels like for news (DZAQ Teleradyo & DZXL Teleradyo ITTL, and ABS-CBN News Channel or ANC), movies and shows (Cinema One, Cinemo, and Jeepney TV), educational (Knowledge Channel), music (Myx) kids and teens (Hero and Yey), lifestyle (Lifestyle Channel), and sports (Studio 23). The Filipino Channel (an international channel created by the ABS-CBN) would probably happen in the 80's to reach their fellow Filipinos around the world, including music (Star Records), film (Star Cinema), publishing (ABS-CBN Publishing), foundation (ABS-CBN Foundation and Bantay Bata 163), news and documentaries (ABS-CBN News and Current Affairs), entertainment (ABS-CBN Entertainment, Dreamscape, Star Creatives, Star Magic), regional (ABS-CBN Regional Network), and their own website would come in the 90's. RBS Channel 7 (later renamed as GMA Channel 7) would still be owned and operate by Robert Stewart just like IOTL, I think he will step down in the 70's and pass the torch to the Duavit-Gozon-Jimenez Triumvirate and continue up to Present ITTL. ABC Channel 5 (known as TV 5 IOTL) would still be owned by the Roces Family and continuing their success up to present, along with their newspaper The Manila Times and their radio stations ITTL. I think the descendants of the Roces Family would continue leading the station up to present. MBC Channel 11 (known as RHTV IOTL) would still be owned by the Elizalde Family. They would not be closed IOTL and also continued their operation to this day along with their radio station DZRH (First Radio Station in the Philippines) ITTL. KBS Channel 9 (known as RPN & CNN Philippines IOTL) would still owned and continued by the Benedicto Family ITTL. They wouldn't be be controlled by the government IOTL, but the Benedicto Family will up to present. IBC Channel 13 would remained to the Soriano Family, who also owned San Miguel Corporation, Radio Mindanao Network, Magnolia, Royal Tru-Orange, and the bottling distribution of Coca-Cola. I think the government would revived their own TV station that they discontinued in 1962, they're still going to put them in Channel 10 and called PBS (Philippine Broadcasting Station). So ITTL, we have 8 TV Stations in our country who will have a friendly battle with ratings from 60's onwards. When it comes to the ratings, ABS-CBN would be first, ABC on the second, and RBS on the third. The Golden Age of Philippine Television would continue from the 60's, and I think up to the 90's. All of our famous newspapers, magazines, and other prints from the Post-WW2 era would continue and succeed up to present ITTL.

    5. The economy ITTL would continue to grow and prosper just like the Kennedy Administration. Our country would be one of the best and leading economies in Asia. The Lopez Family would still own much of their companies IOTL, but continue to thrive beyond the 70's as one of the richest, successful, and powerful family business ITTL with MERALCO, ABS-CBN, Manila Chronicle, and all of the Lopez Group of Companies. San Miguel Corporation (beer conglomerate) would still be owned to this day by the Soriano and Zobel de Ayala Family now that Marcos Sr. in not the president ITTL. They would still owned Magnolia, Royal Tru-Orange, IBC Channel 13, and Radio Mindanao Network (RMN). San Miguel would still create a joint venture of softdrink business company in the 80's with Coca-Cola Company because they still owned it and one of the first international bottlers during the American Period. They would also call it Coca-Cola Bottlers Philippines, Inc. just like IOTL. I don't know whether San Miguel would let Coca-Cola Company run its own business somewhere in the 2000's, but I can assume that they can hold their own success up to present ITTL. Ayala Corporation (business and real estate conglomerate) owned by the Ayala Family would just continue their OTL path by owning Bank of the Philippine Islands (BPI), and creating the Makati Business Center in Makati during the 60's, malls and property across the country by AyalaMalls and AyalaLand. I just hope that the Ayalas would preserved the property of the Makati Business Center because they destroyed the original structure and property in order to modernized the landscape of the city before the new millennium in 2000. Along with SM Corporation (shopping mall conglomerate) by also building malls across the country, and acquiring Banco de Oro in the 70's. Rustan (shopping mall company) owned by the Tantoco Family would still thrive in the 60's, but would face competition with SM, Ayala, and Robinson Malls in the 80's. Uniwide Sales, Inc. by the Gow Family would also thrive in the 70's and 80's. The businesses of the Aboitiz, Araneta, Tan, Goitanun, and Gokongwei Families would also thrive in the 60's and beyond. The Elizalde Family would still owned DZRH, MBC, Tanduay Distillers, Inc. and YCO Paints and Floor Wax. The 1 Dollar=2 Peso exchanged currency would still change IOTL, but will slowly rise up to present ITTL. Without Marcos, Sr. becoming president, all prices of food and other commodities would also slowly rise ITTL but you get all the details about the recession in the 70's. We would have sufficient supply of rice, fruits, vegetables, fish, chicken, pork, and meat by giving farmers all of modern equipments and methods of farming from the help of US and the Department of Agriculture ITTL. The banknotes and coinages from the English Series of Central Bank of the Philippines would continue throughout the 60's. The banknotes and coinages from the Pilipino Series would begin in the 70's due to patriotism and nationalism of Filipinos. The banknotes and coinages from the New Generation Currency Series would still happen in the 80's just like IOTL.

    6. Poverty, homelessness unemployment, uneducated, and crime would decreased ITTL. With that, there wouldn't be Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) now that everyone is educated and employed. Improved the education system (with the help of the Department of Education ITTL) so that we have academics, scholars, and experts to help end poverty and improve our country. With everyone having and creating more jobs, increased income per capita, and having better lives ITTL, there would be less crime. Hope that education in our country ITTL would be high in literacy, including Math, Science, English, Filipino, History, Arts, and Physical Education. We should have free scholarship to the students who are eager and hungry for knowledge. President Macapagal should copy the education plans made by President Kennedy. Prison reform and rehabilitation should happen ITTL by creating laws for giving prisoners a second chance through recreational activities, craftsmanship, and entrepreneurship (with the joint help and cooperation of the Department of Justice, Department of Trade and Industry, and the Department of Social Welfare and Development). With these laws, crime would drop dramatically. Hope for more housing projects to decrease homelessness and poverty.

    7. I think there would be modernization for the armed forces and national police in the 60's by giving weapons, equipments, and vehicles from the US in part of President Kennedy continuing their strong relations to prevent the spread of communism in Southeast Asia up to present ITTL so that we're well-prepared and well-trained whenever there's war. I think the US Military Bases in Subic and Clark should stay up to Present ITTL because the Philippine Senate IOTL rejected their extension and leave in 1992. If they continue their presence and improve their relationship with the US ITTL, China wouldn't claim and conquered Scarborough Shoal and Spratly Islands (Kalayaan Group of Islands) in West Philippine Sea. Without the spread of communism in Southeast Asia and preventing the Vietnam War, Mindanao wouldn't create rebel groups with the communist and islamic ideology and insurgency or terrorism. So ITTL, we would finally have a long-lasting peace, progress, and prosperity in the country.

    8. Arts and Letters in the Philippines would continue to thrive from the 60's and beyond with President Kennedy's support for the arts and letters in the US. With restoration and rebuilding of the famous architectures from prewar era, we would have extensive collection from visual arts, literature, architecture, theater, film, and fashion ITTL. I just hope Fernando Amorsolo, Carlos Francisco, and Guillermo Tolentino would lived to the 1980's to tell their stories, passed the torch to the new generation of artists by teaching their signature styles, and get more awards and recognitions by creating the National Artist Award and National Commission for Culture and Arts by early 1965. Film industries in the Philippines would still transition to television just like IOTL. But with modern technology and equipment of filmmaking ITTL, the country would be one of the fastest growing and one of the most advanced in the world. Hope that we could have the Manila International Film Festival ITTL to show that we could be as competitive as the rest of the world. We would have our own version of Hollywood ITTL. Original Pinoy Music (OPM) would still happen in the 70's just like IOTL, but our music will be recognized in the world and we will have impressive set of music ITTL.

    9. Philippine Airlines would still be owned by the government just like IOTL, but now with modernized aviation system and airport ITTL. I just wished that the original building of the Manila International Airport avoided the fire that destroyed in 1972 and continued to exist and expand from the original size of the airport. Hope that PLDT (Telephone Company) would try underground wiring, along with MERALCO to avoid every street to have electric posts, just lightposts. I think PLDT will still be owned to this day by the Cojuangco Family since 1967. National Waterworks and Sewerage System Authority (NAWASA) would not change its name up to present ITTL and continue to improve their water services and modernized their operations. Therefore, there wouldn't be water concession between Maynilad and Manila Water IOTL. Pasig River and other waterways in Metro Manila ITTL would finally be habitual to different kinds of fishes with the early action of cleaning and clearing the river. Using Pasig River as an advantage for water transportation and transportation terminals would decrease the traffic around Metro Manila. The government would still create Landbank (banks for farmers and fishermen) and Philippine Veterans Bank (banks for veterans who've been part in Armed Forces of the Philippines and veterans who've served in Second World War, Korean War, and Cambodian War). Hope that there's high pension and salary for senior citizens, veterans, and persons with disabilities.

    10. Hope that Philippine Sports would also continue to thrive ITTL with the Philippine Olympic Committee creating in 1963, Philippine Basketball Association creating in 1970, UAAP, and NCAA. With some of our greatest athletes like Robert Jaworski (Basketball), Paeng Nepomuceno (Bowling) Efren "Bata" Reyes (Billiard), Gabriel "Flash" Elorde (Boxing), and Lydia de Vega (Track and Field) will continue their success just like IOTL, but they also joined the Olympics ITTL to bring more recognition and pride in sports. Hope also that the government have more athletic pension and salary in order to sustain themselves or with their families when they retired or deceased.

    11. I think the Catholic Church in the Philippines would still be the biggest critic in the government with the rise of movements on abortion, divorce, same-sex marriage, and LGBT+ Community just like IOTL. Hope ITTL that we could finally have those laws and legalized by the government for finally accepting the equality they deserve because they've been discriminated for a long time. The Iglesia Ni Kristo (Church of Christ) would still continue up to present just like IOTL, but still depends with different social, political, and cultural impact ITTL. Islam would continue remain their peace and prosper in Mindanao just like ITTL now that communism and terrorism is out of the picture.

    12. With the early action towards environmental issues or climate change by President Kennedy in the 60's, we would also copy and continue the policy ITTL. Also creating the Department of Science and Technology, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, and Department of Energy just like IOTL, but earlier ITTL. We could have early renewable energy source like solar power plants and finally having nuclear power plants. We could finally make funds for the flood control and other disaster-related projects like earthquakes and volcanic eruptions because our country is at Pacific Ring of Fire. Prevent deforestation and other crimes against nature by having strict laws on environment by creating nature reservations. Science and Technology would be improved ITTL. We could finally follow the recycling method and have clean parks, forests, and preserved other landforms and waterforms. Hope for the modernization and building more of hospitals and health centers ITTL with the law for Universal Health Care so that it can be affordable and accessible for everyone. Computers would come to our country in the 80's or 90's so that we can catch up with technology of the world ITTL.

    13. Hope that every indigenous tribes in our country would still have a stronger law in protecting and preserving their tradition, arts, crafts, music, dance, poetry, and languages or dialects.

    14. Beauty pageants in our country would be more successful ITTL. Our contenders or representatives from Miss Universe, Miss World, Miss International, and Miss Earth would either be on Top 5 or Winner in different competitions.
    Perhaps I have to bring this one back to your creative table again genius. We've got a lot of revisions we need to fix and change it from your recent chapter on our country genius. If you could let me help to fix your recent chapter, we can complete everything and anything on what would happen to the Philippines ITTL from beginning to end.
     
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    Notes on the Developing Sixth Party System ITTL
  • Hey all! Just figured I'd hop in and throw a couple of my thoughts vis a vis American politics leading up to 1980 ITTL. Maybe this can help provide some context to the upcoming presidential election, and show you where some of the fault lines (and thus, battle lines) are being drawn. This will in no way be comprehensive. There is a lot more that can and will be said about American politics in subsequent updates. I plan to cover the election (both the primaries and the general) in detail soon. But for now, here's a little taste...

    s-l1200.webp

    The Democrats
    Essentially, the Democrats are working on solidifying an updated version of the New Deal Coalition that has formed the backbone of their party since 1932. Their coalition includes a number of distinct voting blocs, including:
    • Labor unions
    • Blue-collar workers
    • Racial and religious minorities (particularly Jews, Catholics, and African Americans)
    • Intellectuals & Academics
    • Rural white southerners
    That said, the New Deal Coalition came under intense fire during the tumult of the 1960s and 70s. In particular, JFK's insistence on passing significant civil rights legislation (along with voting rights, housing rights, etc.) threatened to, in then-Vice President Lyndon Johnson's words, "cost the Democrats the South for a generation". This did seem to come to pass in 1968, when George Wallace's candidacy for the American Conservative Party swung the election to George Romney and the Republicans. However, the work of LBJ and other southern leaders including Terry Sanford of North Carolina and Reubin Askew of Florida, has resulted in the creation of a "new southern machine". Though by no means perfect, this machine is attempting to push liberal and especially African American turnout in the South to support Democratic candidates, keeping parts of the South viable in national and state elections.

    Despite their best efforts, however, the party remains fairly big tent.

    On the left, you have the liberal, "New Frontier" wing. Progressives by nature, these Democrats are generally dovish on foreign policy, support liberal stances socially, and move toward government interventionism and even social democracy economically. Mo Udall came from this wing of the party, as does leading 1980 candidate Robert F. Kennedy. Though his elder brother originally ran as something of a moderate in 1960, the Kennedy family have come to epitomize the liberal wing of their party, and now largely wear that label with pride. RFK's big strategy for 1980 is to expand the New Frontier coalition, adding and doubling down on previously disenfranchised groups including:
    • The rural poor of Appalachia and the Deep South
    • African Americans
    • Hispanic Americans ("Viva Kennedy!" will be a popular cry throughout the Southwest)
    • First Americans (previously known as "Natives" or "American Indians")
    • Members of the LGBT+ community
    In a sense, RFK might be the perfect Democrat to do this. As despite his very liberal stances on most issues, his own personal devotion to Catholicism (he's intensely religious) and his personal moralism (there's a famous story about him insisting on two teenagers he caught smoking promising never to touch cigarettes again) make him somewhat palatable to more conservative, Christian voters. He can frame acceptance for previously ignored people through that lens, so long as he has a solid campaign behind him.

    Then, on the right, you have the "Communitarian" wing of the party. Though they believe in progressive, even Keynesian economics, then tend to be socially conservative (though firmly supportive of civil rights), pro-life, and/or hawkish on foreign policy. This is the wing of the party that has managed to make in-roads throughout the South, and keeps the region in play nationally. Candidates from this wing of the party, such as Jimmy Carter, will try to build a big base of evangelical Christians. Keep in mind, thanks to the failure of Jerry Falwell to go big nationally ITTL, not all evangelicals lean toward the GOP.

    Whomever the Democrats nominate in 1980, that person will need to try and placate both wings of the party, and convince the other side that they take their interests to heart. A possible running mate should, ideally, provide geographic as well as ideological balance.

    s-l400.jpg

    The Republicans
    TTL's Republican Party, though also somewhat big tent, is starting to move toward a more unified direction after the 1978 midterms. Though they remain divided on social issues (in some cases, such as abortion, rather bitterly), the party is trending in a pretty conservative direction economically. Their constituents largely consist of:
    • Suburbanites​
    • Middle, Upper-Middle, and Upper Class voters​
    • WASPS (White, Anglo-Saxon Protestants)​
    • The above is frequently also used to describe German, Dutch, and other White, Protestant voters​
    • White-collar workers and business owners​
    As you can see, the GOP find themselves in a bit of a bind when it comes to demographics. Though in 1980, the majority of Americans are still white and Protestant, the relative share of the population that those groups consist of diminishes bit by bit each year. Party leaders are well aware of this issue. George Romney won the White House in 1968 only because of the ACP and Wallace's candidacy. He didn't even win the popular vote. Then, George Bush only won a term of his own in '72, it is widely believed, thanks to a wave of public sympathy and a need for continuity after Romney's assassination by Arthur Bremer. As William F. Buckley and the other intellectual leaders of the GOP have been banging on about for years, there is a real need to find a new tact for building a workable coalition.

    While in 1978, the party was able to unify around inflation as their winning issue, they don't believe that they can run a single-issue campaign for president. Thus, they need to try and pick a group to appeal to. The big question for 1980 is... whom?

    Ronald Reagan, the frontrunner for the GOP nomination, wants to run a "bread and butter" campaign on "pocketbook" issues: inflation; taxes; wasteful government spending. Not only is this right up his very conservative alley, but he believes (perhaps correctly) that such a move could appeal to the Democrats' working class base. After all, Reagan reasons, who is more hurt by inflation and a high tax burden than the working class? If Reagan is the nominee, expect the Republican campaign to target labor unions and blue-collar workers, especially in the Midwest, which is especially feeling the pain of stagflation, and is rich in electoral votes. This ideology - "neoliberalism" - is fast becoming the GOP's primary unifying framework.

    Dole and most of the other candidates wish to adopt a similar strategy, as they felt it was successful in 1978. They all have their pet causes or issues, but most feel that they're essentially copying Reagan's homework.

    On the other hand... there is Richard Nixon.

    The former vice president and secretary of state is keenly aware that despite the years of progress on the issues of race relations, there is still a large swath of the country (particularly the rural South), where poor and working class Whites are deeply bitter and resentful to the Democratic Party for "betraying them" on civil rights and desegregation. Though it failed him in 1968, Nixon still believes that his "Southern Strategy" could be the key to splitting the Democratic coalition once and for all. He wants to run a "law and order"-themed campaign, attacking the "decay of moral authority" in America, to try and employ some Romney-esque rhetoric to help mask racial dog whistles.

    Ultimately, which appeal with unite the Republican Party in 1980? Neoliberalism or social conservatism?
     
    Chapter 128
  • Chapter 128 - Take the Long Way Home: More Foreign Affairs in the World of Blue Skies
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    LVFygLbR2WVOTcKz0Cp0boZejgx0IeptTY0D6RmMwVpTlQP8d5lxQLPwlws212vSvTd-1JeA_mxYKVJ9x3-Av3uGTfS5MuxT9iJXyeFzxZfgddecWaanDoyCndZAvcJi0rmBhh5As_WNeExkdFEJLn4
    kctXmubdEW4ViuRJAL_u2hGAdf77ttPum-gyvOMFCtW_M4N9bdjK-DhSU-mtoEnOSfOcg5A0AFdyXyzjds7X5ClKv-uPoNyV5lWeJl__iMtE7v7_-do_sLlIE9AdnAktm3GQayzxUeJGgqjv0-YfKlE
    Above: Kim Il Sung, General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea (left); Park Chung Hee, President and de facto dictator of South Korea from 1961 until 1979 (right).

    “When you're up on the stage, it's so unbelievable
    Oh, unforgettable, how they adore you
    But then your wife seems to think you're losing your sanity
    Oh, calamity, is there no way out?
    Does it feel that your life's become a catastrophe?
    Oh, it has to be, for you to grow, boy
    When you look through the years and see what you could have been
    Oh, what you might have been
    If you would have more time
    So when the day comes to settle down
    Who's to blame if you're not around?
    You took the long way home”
    - “Take the Long Way Home” by Supertramp

    “Peace secured by slavish submission is not peace.” - Kim Il Sung

    “All of North Korea is a jail. We must be different. We must be better.” - Kim Young-sam, in a speech about the state of politics in South Korea

    Since the end of the Korean War established the de facto reality of North and South Korea as separate political entities, one communist, the other capitalist, the two states spent the next several decades solidifying their hold on power.

    With the end of the war, despite the failure to unify the peninsula under his rule, Kim Il Sung proclaimed the war a victory in the sense that he had remained in power in the north. However, the three-year war left North Korea devastated, and Kim immediately embarked on a large reconstruction effort. He launched a five-year national economic plan (akin to the Soviet Union's five-year plans) to establish a command economy, with all industry owned by the state and all agriculture collectivized. The economy was focused on heavy industry and arms production. By the 1960s, North Korea enjoyed a standard of living higher than the South, which was fraught with political instability and economic crises. Hoping to remain an independent communist leader in the world, Kim pioneered the development of the ideology that would come to be known as Juche. Highly nationalistic, his regime vowed that it would, “under no circumstances” allow itself to become a puppet or satellite state of either China or the Soviet Union. Achieving such a lofty aim for his country, however, would, in Kim’s mind, require harsh repression.

    He created the songbun caste system, which divided North Korean society into three segments: core; wavering; and hostile. Citizens were placed into castes based on their political, social, and economic background. This system would decide all aspects of a person’s existence in society: access to education; housing; employment; food rationing; ability to join the ruling party; and even where a person was allowed to live. Alongside this, Kim also created a cult of personality around himself as the rightful, indispensable leader of the nation. He wanted his name to be held in equal or greater reverence to those of Marx, Lenin, Mao, and Stalin, and he instituted a system of strict punishments for those who disobeyed, or who questioned any aspect of his rule.

    For the time being, however, Kim could largely get away with this. As previously stated, the standard of living in the north was much higher than that in the south throughout the 1960s.

    Meanwhile, South Korea suffered immensely from a series of economic crises and political instability. Harsh, authoritarian rule was enacted as one “Republic” after another struggled and ultimately failed to establish itself and attain a sense of legitimacy. From 1961, when he gained power through a military coup, until 1979, when he was assassinated by Kim Jae-gyu, his close friend and director of the KCIA (South Korea’s equivalent of the CIA), Park Chung Hee, South Korea’s Third President, ruled as an authoritarian dictator, frequently amending the constitution as he saw fit to ensure his own grasp on power remained strong. His assassination, and the subsequent political crisis that followed, set the tone for what South Korea was to become: its rise, not as an authoritarian, western puppet regime, but as a beacon of liberal democracy in East Asia.

    F5N6VGO_2vDhTxmRqMS7f--uNVsjUWdaoCDWrcBvvAuLeTpvpEGKAgyamTYrZulgBKWL8014QF22ldWfcgz07UY3jdRPl8j1qxfy7pAHvjea36VEmxkcB0VDYq1dd3ZlaWfVDVzeDEXg8XCJ7IXWLrQ
    oNZwaaXQBs01nBdgSz-2C0pATK2xvLz7DihiJu_RpSFCAm0BLVLQqGAf21KjBEtgMm3T77veThqB4_jAI3v-nCsDTRMeZ7pHDX2Wg7HkU-t973ZdFwMDIVZoWSr_EqmktNhNUUutQBC_hK_ggL2sqmY
    Above: Kim Jae-gyu, director of the KCIA and mastermind of the 1979 assassination of President Park Chung Hee (left); Choi Kyu-hah, Prime Minister of South Korea in 1979, he succeeded Park to the presidency after the latter’s assassination (right).

    Immediately following the assassination of President Park on October 26th, 1979, then-Prime Minister Choi Kyu-hah, in accordance with the Yushin Constitution, became acting President of South Korea. Due to the unrest in his country that had resulted from his predecessor’s heavy-handed and much despised rule, Choi promised free, open elections. Under Park, “elections” always held wide public perception as being rigged, making genuinely contested elections one of the student protest movement’s top demands. Additionally, Choi promised a new constitution, one which limited the previously barely-checked powers of the president, and would create a more robust system of checks and balances. In the meantime, on December 7th, the National Conference for Unification convened and elected Choi to a term as president in his own right. He officially became the fourth President of South Korea.

    But Choi’s grasp on power was tenuous at best.

    Despite his promises to the protesters and liberals, Choi was largely seen by these groups as a toady for the late President Park. They trusted him about as far as they could throw him. Meanwhile, the military stood behind him and listened to Choi talk about opening the political sphere, about allowing free elections, and decreasing the power of the presidency. They balked.

    PZJmTO58Nef1iKzSBT7TwMTp9-FGgVwu_e2hd960Tz3_gM9ksBqANeqThByB6vnjrIjz-DlBSe0VYq7p9XRakdj5j8ECNgTI6d_AHBtpjdumw9Vwpyn8O6HlOi_WKrJcxySqpK5lVmvGXcSXfTHoldU

    In particular, Chun Doo-hwan, a major general in the South Korean army, who had been appointed to replace Kim Jae-gyu as head of the KCIA, believed that Choi was a spineless coward, ceding ground to the “rabble” in the streets. In Chun’s mind, reform was just a pretext for the beginnings of revolution. If South Korea was to eventually win the ideological “long war” with the north, they needed order, not the chaos of democracy. As head of “Hanahoe”, a secret military club which had enjoyed patronage under Park, Chun began to scheme about Choi’s removal from office basically from the moment he became acting president.

    Three days after Choi’s election, on December 12th, Chun ordered the arrest of Army Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa on charges of conspiring with Kim Jae-kyu to assassinate the President. This order was made without authorization from President Choi. On the night of Jeong's capture, 29th Regiment, 9th Division, along with the 1st and 3rd Airborne Brigades, invaded downtown Seoul to support the 30th and 33rd Security Group loyal to Chun, then a series of conflicts broke out in the capital. Jang Tae-wan, commander of the Capital Garrison Command, and Jeong Byeong Ju, commander of the special forces, were also arrested by the rebel troops. Major Kim Oh-rang, aide-de-camp of General Jeong Byeong-ju, was killed during the gunfight. By the next morning, the Ministry of Defense and Army HQ were both occupied. With them in hand, Chun was in firm control of the military. For all intents and purposes, he was now the de facto leader of the country. He then immediately set to work cementing his power, and laying the foundation for how he would legitimize his new rule. Protests flared up across the country once more. Riots broke out. The military squashed them forcefully, killing nearly 1,000 unarmed civilians. For all intents and purposes, it looked to the world like South Korea was about to have another of its military dictatorships.

    This time, however, there was opposition.



    DhLLhDt86STMZKCp9W3Z1nvUhWnkbanuQ8eykoOGdBB1bmfDsR2tmDF1NMMeqlkVBWDuFS8KOHH8Yo1y3nXPwYo5XuOSFo96oMvjW1l04IV4RFAO-iB9w3cV6JNfruIV-OfTtY2aoM69m6kIPH7sz08

    Kim Dae-jung was, among other things, a talented orator, a champion of democracy, and the unofficial leader of the South Korean opposition. For many years, he had been seen as “public enemy number one” by the Park regime. Kim Dae-jung had, after all, dared to run against Park in numerous presidential elections throughout the 1970s, questioning the legitimacy of the obviously bogus results, and publishing manifestos that not only challenged the government, but encouraged civil disobedience on the part of the citizenry. In 1973, Park had Kim kidnapped by the KCIA. He was put under house arrest and barred from politics. Then, in 1976, he was arrested and jailed for continuing to speak out against Park’s regime, though this was later commuted back to house arrest in 1978. This has led to Kim being labeled by some, “South Korea’s Nelson Mandela”. At about this same time, he was designated a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International.

    Though Kim had his political rights restored on December 10th, 1979 by recently elected President Choi, this decision was overturned shortly thereafter, following General Chun’s military coup. As popular protests erupted in Gwangju, Kim’s home province and political base, the developing Choi regime attempted to blame Kim. Rumors were started by the KCIA and swiftly spread. The government issued a warrant for his arrest. This time, however, Kim had been ready.


    5Qg8_HfaJodoYjRkXMdH2LRnfr7ieANc66zL83mjntRTGgNIRIaBoLog-ovpHO1oKSeMJeJ7ARjDrJwjMRczH4lmnNsnXK2b3J3bZVFWagtufI_FY7haVMraoSNII7jQbIVUR5KSN3Gdzl7XmzaNmpM
    4SCFP6xQzrx8b37vbrCM7BgCcw5tT0Z0lHmGQrmR7mZspisR0IFcaH2JWuNhP8wqG3Cfd7eengHRhbHGg7DkG40X1biZP3rAO4AJoKi6lXKquW4mXAARQ1INUMz3ZmTmtvB7J5emWmaVqeQgzHmbRrs

    General John A. Wickam, US Armed Forces in Korea, had been made aware of the Chun regime’s intentions vis a vis Kim. They intended to arrest him, perform a show trial for the public, and swiftly execute him, to remove him as a possible political enemy. Wickam passed this information onto Stansfield Turner, Director of Central Intelligence back in Langley, Virginia, USA. Finally, the lead made its way to the Oval Office, where Turner reported on the situation to President Udall. The president was horrified. An ardent defender of democracy and human rights throughout the world, Udall would not stand for Chun’s scheme. He ordered Secretary of State George Ball to arrange for asylum for Kim, which was achieved swiftly, before Chun could truly cement his own power with a second coup, in May 1980. Despite Kim’s reluctance to leave his country, Udall, Turner, and Wickam managed to convince him that, for the time being, it was not only his best hope for survival, but also the best hope for eventually lighting the flame of democracy in South Korea. Kim eventually relented.

    Under cover of darkness, he was picked up by a covert operations team and delivered to Osan Air Base. From there, he was flown overnight to Hawaii, setting down in Hawaii in the early hours of May 15th, 1980. Two days later, Chun orchestrated the predicted second coup. Upon discovering that Kim had fled the country, Chun was furious. Now “elected” South Korea’s fifth president in his own right, Chun phoned President Udall to demand Kim’s return to Seoul. Udall refused. For the rest of the year, the situation, and Kim’s status, remained in limbo. In Rome, Pope Stanislaus intervened on Kim’s behalf. He wrote to President Chun, asking that Kim be granted clemency, given his status as a Catholic. It also became a political issue on the campaign trail of the 1980 presidential election.

    “What is your stance on Kim Dae-jung’s status? Should he continue to be granted asylum in the United States? And what should be done to repair America’s relationship with South Korea, one of our closest military allies?”

    For the time being, the limbo persisted. And South Korea’s future, though bright, still seemed hidden behind towering storm clouds.


    clePscetNom7xHXnthK8Jp0F9box9w8Hvz-tGvKDSspQDl4UvIqzQsoCFMxfYBgtK-1qkSPHencv8z5AKNmCyFtHBUYtx4FbWMcwGi1LGMG0h3Mf5Gv8fMeJO9zwp2GoK1KKmKc7EcBiqRT_NFdOCWo
    wvr97yhbirK8SVgH06sfOADFDfqRMxoVmxbrC_l9okD51aijcW9IWtDpCYn4uvDlvLD_FjM3qZvf433dOQo7GugkIrr5pkETnPv406hLM4vRYDwJ6Xx_1aTGebM-rZCS2KbJ9rSCZa5fFLBBUh_mAdk

    Above: Pope Stanislaus, during a visit to Paris, France in the spring of 1980​

    Born Karol Józef Wojtyła on May 18th, 1920, in Wadowice, Poland, the man would eventually become the Bishop of Rome in 1978, the first non-Italian pope since the 16th century, who had lived quite an eventful life to reach the pontificate.

    In his youth, Wojtyła dabbled in stage acting, a skill which would later serve him well. In time, he would come to be known as one of the most well-spoken and eloquent popes in modern history. He also possessed a flair for presentation and body language, which made him appear always genuine and kind to those who saw him.

    He graduated with excellent grades from an all-boys high school in Wadowice, Poland in 1938, shortly before the start of World War II. During the war, to avoid being kidnapped and sent off to a German slave labor camp, he signed up for work in harsh conditions in a quarry. Wojtyła eventually returned to acting, developing a love for the profession and participating at a local theater. Linguistically skilled as well, Wojtyła wanted to study Polish at university. Encouraged by a conversation with Adam Stefan Sapieha, he decided to study theology and become a priest, instead. Eventually, Wojtyła rose to the position of Archbishop of Kraków and then a cardinal, both positions held by his mentor.

    Wojtyła, once elected, became at 58, one of the youngest popes in history. He immediately set out to improve the Catholic Church's relations with Judaism, Islam, and the Eastern Orthodox Church in the spirit of ecumenism, holding atheism as the greatest threat to the world’s Abrahamic religions. He maintained the Church's previous positions on such matters as abortion, artificial contraception, the ordination of women, and a celibate clergy, and although he supported the reforms of the Second Vatican Council, he was seen as generally conservative in their interpretation. Despite this, Pope Stanislaus also put emphasis on the centrality of family and identity, while questioning consumerism, hedonism and the pursuit of wealth. He criticized authoritarianism of all stripes throughout the world, and made it the official position of his pontificate to support democracy anywhere that it could. In time, Lech Wałęsa would describe Stanislaus, “giving courage to Poland to stand up for their freedom” against Soviet domination. Though in 1979, that remained very much a work in progress.

    1EyPVhlNv9FSW3qGmUJlgahZkk23vJF3ckMmKjlompGIP1G8GZB5W8UIsxoCPVCwDrDW8kMw2JHXPshGtFI1qfC5z9-4-cbThCy2LEEvPApglQlkX-TwH8nxl5Orh2f_i4x4Vnx4fzqE6mDjni00Hss

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Conflicts Around the World in the 1970s
     
    Chapter 129
  • Chapter 129: Life During Wartime - Conflicts Around the World in the 1970s
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    RM6Cf81rLB6Zt77MZ1eTKdBBt3lfyJHR1EiAP6__IEh-hNaqiZqJufWio_L0Hfgth9lRgjVKPOxsjuudwrq5RzinDq7yg3r8zrmM1B793ZNI-_jZ-Apov5Ldp3D6FeD2E1DAWyxSsRc7YNhm5H64fec
    Above: Vietnamese soldiers attempting to hold a position during the Sino-Vietnamese Border Conflict of 1979 (left); the FMLN, a faction of the Salvadoran Civil War (right).

    “Heard of a van that's loaded with weapons
    Packed up and ready to go
    Heard of some gravesites, out by the highway
    A place where nobody knows
    The sound of gunfire, off in the distance
    I'm getting used to it now
    Lived in a brownstone, lived in a ghetto
    I've lived all over this town
    This ain't no party, this ain't no disco
    This ain't no fooling around
    No time for dancing, or lovey-dovey
    I ain't got time for that now”
    - “Life During Wartime” by the Talking Heads

    The geopolitics of Southeast Asia in the late 1970s were, in a word, complicated.

    Beginning with de-escalation of US and Soviet involvement in Vietnam under President John F. Kennedy and First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev in 1965, the region was, at least initially, enjoying a local version of the broader global trend of detente. Though Cambodia eventually descended into a right-wing dictatorship under Lon Nol, then civil war between Nol’s regime and the communist Khmer Rouge of Pol Pot, Vietnam managed to peacefully reunite in 1973, following a referendum that allowed for power sharing between the communists in Hanoi and the capitalists in Saigon. Most commentators in the west held peaceful Vietnamese reunification to be a vindication of Kennedy’s foreign policy. Meanwhile, the quagmire in Cambodia, which eventually held more than 250,000 pairs of American boots on the ground, and claimed more than 20,000 American lives before finally ending in 1975, was seen as a failure by the Romney and Bush administrations. Indeed, many believe that the unpopular war helped prevent Bush from winning reelection in 1976.

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    FwUIJendyM_YQDfN2-oEepaVgsRrUYA2aeK6B6jpBm5i5nNB5O-LA6UzZwvcV6SlUpSNOG-r1eF30OAJcYXZpAiPxBM3urIxCxAmngSWvh9vj7yTveHWgnlU40ZbVF3i3csXZULxmPV0k_26z_k9pb4
    Above: Nguyễn Văn Linh, the first self-avowed “communist” to be elected president of the reunified “Republic of Vietnam”. Despite his membership in the Communist Party, he was really more of a reform socialist.

    Following the surprise election of Nguyễn Văn Linh, a member of the Communist Party to the presidency of Vietnam in 1977, the Vietnamese Army announced that it would no longer “prop up” Lon Nol’s regime in Cambodia. Though it would remain “along the border regions” to prevent the “murder of Vietnamese civilians” until the civil war ended, Lon Nol lost his biggest remaining foreign supporter. At the same time, the atrocities being committed by Pol Pot and his communist insurgents did not exactly endear him to Linh, or anyone, really. To the north, the People’s Republic of China, first under Chairman Zhou Enlai until his passing in 1976, then under his successor, Hu Yaobang, sought to distance itself from Pol Pot and his increasingly “insane” regime. The PRC sought to moderate both its image and its governance around this time and could not “in conscience” support what Pol Pot was doing. In Moscow, Yuri Andorpov held Pol Pot at even greater distance, though he did seek closer relations with the now communist-led Vietnam, a violation of the Khrushchev-era policy of non-intervention in the region, and a signal that the Cold War was indeed heating up once again.

    See what I mean? Complicated.

    In the end, the Cambodian Civil War carried on for three more grueling, bloody years after the Vietnamese withdrawal. It finally ended in the summer of 1980, when Pol Pot was betrayed and killed in a coup by several of his top generals and military advisors. In Phnom Penh, the capital, Lon Nol celebrated. His victory would also be short lived, however. After almost a decade under Lon Nol’s authoritarian rule, both the common people and the elite of the “Khmer Republic” had also had enough. Popular revolution, backed by collaborators in the government, captured the president and toppled his oppressive regime in March of 1981. Seeking to reorganize the country from the wreckage of decades of colonial rule, followed by bloody civil war, the opposition needed an apolitical, symbolic figure for the Cambodian people to rally behind. It was time for the return of the King.

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    Above: King Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia (left); Flag of the reformed Kingdom of Cambodia (right).​

    After years living in exile in places like Paris and New York, King Norodom Sihanouk, at the invitation of the provisional government that took power after Lon Nol’s ouster, was finally able to return to his homeland and resume his reign. In doing so, he became a powerful symbol for hope and resistance to political extremism, both to his people and the world at large. The new constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia would be parliamentary, based upon the British model. The king also insisted that he be a purely ceremonial figure, and that the Kingdom pursue a neutral, non-interventionist foreign policy, as he’d originally wished. Finally, it seemed, there would be peace in Southeast Asia.

    Except.

    As détente began to fade following the Pakistani-Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1974, and the Cold War heated up again, so too did the Sino-Soviet split continue to deepen under Hu Yaobang. Though Hu was not interested in the least in ideological bickering with Moscow, he was interested in closer ties with the west, especially the United States, who had finally agreed to recognize the People’s Republic under President Bush, who made his famous visit to Beijing in 1974, where he shook hands with Chairman Zhou Enlai. Though Andropov was not as much of a hardliner as some in the USSR’s politburo, he could not hope to hold onto power if he did not answer this perceived slight. So, he increased his support for Nguyễn Văn Linh’s Vietnam, who held numerous political squabbles with the PRC. These squabbles, specifically over the exact location of the border between the PRC and Vietnam, as well as several islands in the South China Sea, eventually led to the Sino-Vietnamese Conflict of 1979.

    On February 17th, 1979, a People's Liberation Army (PLA) force of about 200,000 troops supported by 200 Type 59, Type 62, and Type 63 tanks entered northern Vietnam in the PLA's first major combat operation since the end of the Korean War in 1953. The Vietnamese Army swiftly mobilized to try and counter the invasion, but immediately found themselves outnumbered and outgunned. Though the AVRN, the former South Vietnamese army had been gifted weapons and training for years by the United States, and the former North Vietnamese network of official army and militias were some of the finest guerrilla fighters in the world, reunification presented a myriad of challenges for the now combined Vietnamese military. For one thing, inconsistent strategy and doctrine meant that field commanders, and even top brass, disagreed on how best to respond to the Chinese invasion. For another, equipment and logistical matters were still being standardized across the entire nation. The result? Poorly equipped, poorly trained troops, led by officers who bickered and argued over not just strategy, but even tactics mid-battle. In short, the Vietnamese military response was disorganized as best, downright chaotic at worst. The PLA swiftly captured several small cities in the north. Saigon reached out to Moscow for assistance.

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    Above: Chairman Hu Yaobang of the People’s Republic of China (left); First Secretary Yuri Andorpov of the Soviet Union (right).​

    In response, the Soviet Union, although it did not take direct military action, provided intelligence and equipment support for Vietnam. An airlift was established by the Soviets to help redeploy Vietnamese soldiers to the front. Moscow also provided a total of 400 tanks and armored personnel carriers (APCs), 500 mortar artillery and air defense artillery, 50 BM-21 rocket launchers, 400 portable surface-to-air missiles, 800 anti-tank missiles and 20 jet fighters. About 5,000 to 8,000 Soviet military advisers were present in Vietnam in 1979 to train Vietnamese soldiers, a move that had been condemned by President Mo Udall of the United States as “deliberately provocative” and “tramples on the mutually agreed-upon detente of 1965”. Udall’s calls for Soviet withdrawal went unheeded.

    For the duration of the war, the Soviets also deployed troops to the Sino-Soviet border, and Mongolian-Chinese border as an act of showing support to Vietnam, as well as tying up PLA forces with the mere threat of invasion. However, Chairman Hu predicted, correctly, as it turns out, that this was a bluff on Andropov’s part. The Soviets could not, and would not take direct action to help their erstwhile ally. Realistically, the only way for them to do so would be to reignite the Sino-Soviet border conflict. This could quickly spiral out of control and lead to full-scale war between two of the world’s thermonuclear powers. That was something that no one, not in Moscow, Beijing, or Washington, for that matter, wanted. In the end, all that Andropov was able to get out of Chairman Hu was a promise not to use the Chinese navy or air force during the war with Vietnam, limiting operations to the land invasion.

    The Sino-Vietnamese Conflict of 1979 ended less than three months after it began. President Nguyễn Văn Linh negotiated for the return of most occupied Vietnamese territory (though - controversially - not the islands in the South China Sea). China gained a new “economic zone of interest” along the northern border, which forced Saigon to relocate tens of thousands of Hoa people and other indigenous groups away from the Chinese border. The war also killed Linh’s popularity. He was defeated in a landslide while seeking a second term in 1981, losing out to Nationalist Party leader Bùi Diễm, who sought to reorganize the Republic of Vietnam, and forge it into a regional power that could better defend its interests against China.

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    Above: Bùi Diễm, third president of the unified Republic of Vietnam. Center-right in his political ideology, Diễm favored “national unity” and “reorganization of the armed forces”.

    Meanwhile, in Beijing, the war helped to solidify both Chairman Hu’s grip on power, as well as his personal popularity. Indeed, many western commentators would later posit that Hu may well have started the war in the first place to legitimize his rule, and “keep the army busy” while he appointed loyalists to the politburo. This was critical to his plans for China. Hu’s real pet-project was a series of liberalization reforms for the Chinese economy, aimed at finally introducing the world’s largest nation to the global market, though this would, of course, take many, many years to come to fruition. Hu also wanted to (eventually) pursue political reforms, though he kept silent on this for now.


    Meanwhile, the Sino-Vietnamese Conflict marked the beginning of the end of Yuri Andropov’s reign as First Secretary in Moscow. Having risen to power in 1968 by ousting Nikita Khrushchev's successor, Alexei Kosygin, when the former was declared “weak” and “vacillating” by the other members of the politburo, Andropov now faced similar accusations. For failing to “adequately defend” the USSR’s Vietnamese ally against “Chinese revisionism”, some in the politburo began to whisper, “Comrade Andropov has embarrassed the Motherland upon the world stage.” He has also “robbed the Soviet Union of a potential communist ally in Vietnam”, which drifted rightward after the invasion. Andropov tried to rally his supporters, as Khrushchev had done successfully in 1964. He pointed out that minor reforms had had some success. The Soviet space and electronics programs, in particular, had flourished under his rule. Indeed, Soviet computers were seen as some of the best in the world by 1979, superseded only by the United States.

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    Moreover, Andropov had a long-term strategy.

    He knew that corruption and stagnation in the Soviet economy was a ticking time bomb, the likes of which, if detonated, could easily lead to the end of the USSR. Reforms - serious ones, not the mere “tinkering” of Kosygin a decade prior - needed to be undertaken, though he knew it had to be done quietly, at first. Andropov, now nearing his 75th birthday, also understood that the time had come at last for the next generation of Soviet citizens to take over leadership. He began to groom his chosen successor.

    That man was 48-year old Mikhail Gorbachev.

    The youngest member of the Politburo in 1979, Gorbachev was Andropov’s closest and most-trusted ally. He was also a dedicated reformer. Under his careful stewardship, the Stavropol region saw new investment in irrigation and other systems of infrastructure throughout the 1970s. Agricultural production skyrocketed, and Gorbachev, despite his relative youth, rapidly rose to the upper echelons of party politics in Moscow. Secretly, Gorbachev had taken to reading texts written by banned Western Marxists, which blamed Soviet economic failures on excessive centralization and careerism in Moscow. Falling under the sway of these reformist ideas, Gorbachev made it his mission to one day save his country from its own ideological backwardness. Andropov approved. He hoped to remain in power until the early 80s, when he felt Gorbachev had acquired enough support, then retire to allow power to transfer peacefully. The Sino-Vietnamese Conflict threw a wrench into these plans.

    Sensing that a coup of some form or another was coming in the summer of 1979, Andropov encouraged Gorbachev to “save his reputation” while he still had a chance. He told his protege to be the first member of the politburo to call for his ouster, and indeed, to support his likely successor, Second Secretary Mikhail Suslov, from the get-go. Gorbachev was reluctant, but understood that this was likely the only way to avoid his own removal, as he was seen as “overly close” to Andropov.

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    Thus, on August 1st, 1979, Gorbachev introduced a motion to remove Andropov as First Secretary. During the meeting, Andropov acted distraught and enraged at the “betrayal”. Gorbachev gave an impassioned speech, calling for unity, and for the transition in leadership to occur swiftly and smoothly so as not to “further embarrass the Union”. Suslov, the eldest member of the Politburo at 77, seconded the motion, which then swiftly passed. Andropov was removed from public life and “exiled” back to Stavropol, where he lived until his death from kidney failure on February 9th, 1984.

    A firm hardliner, Suslov was probably the most “orthodox” man in the party. He was also, however, an opponent of one-man rule. That is, he believed in collective leadership. As a result, he formed another three-man “troika” which would lead the Soviet Union now that Andropov was gone, with himself at the head of course. Joining him would be defense minister Dmitry Ustinov and Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko. Over the next few years, Soviet policy took a hard lurch to the right, as the country towed a harder and harder line against the west. This too, would prove a political issue throughout much of the world, especially in the United States.

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    OJwMedanqeoxPQwW32mBR_eU12XCr0KZ2S_2kLn49bQJZyZqQP5YB79GHS_ziYfVYcVwSdBs1Pg-aBfhOayWix0rtaFqlPCaU3FVWhVseJrfWJt2IgNf9Rg_tqxF9OHGVlvBDXAEoCBFErlKdc5DwAU
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    Above: The new “troika” which took power in Moscow in August 1979: First Secretary Mikhail Suslov (left); Defense Minister Dmitry Ustinov (center); and Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko (right). Suslov badly wanted to be a “first among equals”.

    Meanwhile, Andropov’s gambit appeared to pay off. Gorbachev remained on the Politburo. And while Suslov and the other hardliners began to groom Grigori Romanov to serve as “their” second generation successor, Gorbachev now had the breathing room he needed to begin to accrue allies. He started with Valentina Tereshkova, face of the “new Soviet woman”, and a noted reformer. He also went to work on Gromyko, who, as a member of the troika, would be essential to his own eventual rise to power…

    Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: A Visit to Latin America
     
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    Foreign Policy of a Prospective Robert F. Kennedy Administration
  • That's good to know. As for foreign policy, considering the current "hardline" Soviet leadership, in your opinion, Mr. President @President_Lincoln , how would hypothetically RFK handle the "Ewol Commies"? Will he be as belligerent as Reagan or Scoop Jackson? Will he increase defense spending, including plans for a 700-ship Navy?
    I could see RFK putting human rights as a cornerstone of his foreign policy similar to Carter IOTL. I doubt he would go as far as Reagan did to fund the Contras in Nicaragua if that even happens. I also doubt RFK would authorise any regime changes. Depending on who his Defence Secretary is maybe the Pentagon would get an increase but not to the levels Reagan gave
    Excellent questions. Without giving too much away here, let's take a glimpse into RFK's potential foreign policy.

    Bobby Kennedy has had a long, complex journey to become the person he is on the eve of the 1980 presidential election. As a young attorney, freshly graduated from the University of Virginia Law School, Bobby was a fervent anti-Communist. He even worked alongside Roy Cohn under the infamous Joseph McCarthy (a family friend of the Kennedys) for a time in the early 1950s. Later, during the early years of his brother's presidency, Bobby continued his preference for an aggressive foreign policy. The Cuban Missile Crisis, however, represented a major turning point in Kennedy's thinking. As the world stepped right up to the brink of global thermonuclear war and the end of civilization as we know it, RFK learned a valuable lesson: cooler heads prevail. You have to be tough, of course. Bobby Kennedy's entire world view is pure moralistic Catholicism. He believes in an ethical universe. There is good and there is evil. "White hats" and "black hats", he calls them, just like in an old Western film. But sometimes, the people you like are not the "white hats". The world is more nuanced, more complex. You have to be honest with yourself. You have to be fair. As he has matured, he's gained experience, and through that, wisdom. He understands that careful judgement must be exercised when it comes to geopolitics, especially in this thermonuclear age.

    A dyed-in-the-wool liberal, Kennedy believes very deeply in individual freedom and autonomy, along with other human rights, like dignity and respect. His foreign policy, if elected, would be human rights-centric, for sure. It would also be tough and confrontational where it can be. The phrase "a fighter for peace" comes to mind. Some have called Bobby Kennedy "ruthless". So amend that to "a ruthless fighter for peace". Kennedy would neither back down from communist aggression, nor aggravate it with provocative geopolitical moves. Immediately, he would likely project strength to the hardliners who have just risen to power in Moscow (Suslov, Ustinov, and Gromyko) while still keeping open backchannel negotiations for renewed détente. Learning from the disastrous Bay of Pigs Invasion, and Romney and Bush's stumbles in Cambodia, Kennedy believes that "military adventurism" is a fool's errand. Kennedy would like to build on the work his brother did in limiting nuclear proliferation. A nuclear "freeze" and even arms-reduction treaties are certainly on the table, if the Soviets will play ball. As a Senator, Kennedy quietly supported President Bush's decision to travel to Beijing, shake hands with Chairman Zhou and recognize the People's Republic of China. Though he favors continued defense of Taiwan as a geopolitical reality, a "One China Policy" that does not recognize Beijing's control over the vast majority of China would be nonsensical.

    On a personal level, Bobby has decades of experience as an informal diplomat. First as a well-off Irish-American socialite, then as Secretary of Defense in the latter half of JFK's administration. While Jack was seen as cool and intellectual, "the first Irish-American Brahmin", Bobby is tough, no-nonsense, and morally righteous. "The first Irish-American Puritan".

    robert-kenenedy-gray-and-red-poster_jpg.webp

    Hope this helps!
     
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